Comrades Sibeko and Xaba
Kwandile Kondlo's inaugural lecture at the University of the Free State is
highly significant, including his choice of topic - 'At the Point of a Needle :
The SACP and the dilemma of the National Democratic Revolution in SA, 1994 to
date'.
Many local academics have chosen to treat the SACP with kid gloves. For Kondlo
to have launched the UFS's Centre of African Studies with this confrontational
approach is very significant. Traditional left academics have had an
overbearing hegemony over critical reflections of the struggle and the
evaluation of its advocates, and they have systematically sidelined anyone whom
they consider a threat by denying them senior posts and top jobs or even space
to do research in the institutions of higher learning that they control. It is
not just subliminal - it is intentional. I read that Baruch Hirson, a scholar
and African Resistance Movement leader, who lectured at Wits in the before
going into exile after serving a prison term, was ignored and denied a visiting
lectureship at his alma mater - Wits university - post 1994, when he came back
sick with cancer and needing to offer different struggle history perspectives
from that of the SACP. There was also the highly publicised saga of William
Makgoba and the 'esoteric enquiry' into his embellished curriculum vitae.
Knowledge is power - and they deny access to knowledge deliberately.
Truly, there is a dearth of political theorists to advance thought leadership
in the interpretation of modern issues. This affect all the liberation
movements. The SACP is worse off. Kondlo draws its weaknesses on its
formation and the blundered and confusion it went on to create to date. For
the SACP you could be a communist simply by wearing red socks, as Sam Shilowa
used to do aping Joe Slovo, and even ironically by donning the complete uniform
of the ZCC. For the SACP it has historically represented the interests of the
Soviets, and when their backers crumbled they shifted to pose as
representatives of the Beijing communists without rhyme or reason Their
current leadership are exposed as political demagogues and ideologically
bankrupt. That is why they have frequent clashes with the leadership of
COSATU on basic tactical matters. Their close association with the
conservative traditional leadership of JZ (Jeremy Cronin backed the excessive
commercialism of the e-tolls) spells out that the SACP is a spineless jelly
fish. Chris Hani did not hesitate to criticise Mandela on his unilateral
decisions, even though he was himself later tamed.
Kondlo highlights 'heteronomy' as a concentrated pragmatism in politics, less
on thinking and more on doing, within the parametres of liberal democracy. He
says this the political predicate of SA today. I venture to say the SACP
created that environment through 'sufficient consensus' and 'sunset clause'
concepts at the CODESA negotiating forums. To decode the heteronomy phrase, it
is the practise of neo-liberal politics fraught with self-interest, corruption
and revisionism - a betrayal of the common good. It has been imposed by the
conditionalities of the IMF and World Bank in emerging economies. A classic
case study would be the decline of ZANU(PF) after they agreed to implement the
loan agreements with the IMF. Leading ZANU(PF) members threw out any sense of
history, social morality, ethics, revolutionary ideology and justice. They
made whoopee with state resources for personal gain and self-enrichment, and
gave rise to the MDC. Watch a similar phenomenon unwittingly engineered by the
ANC government to give rise to the DA.
Jeremy Cronin, deputy SG of the SACP, drafted the national democratic struggle
concept for the UDF in the eighties. It worked and allowed for mass struggles
to coordinate towards the centre controlled by the charterists. It however did
not require the leadership to overcome the imposed mentality of waging a
struggle with colonial blinkers. All they needed to do is to remove apartheid
policies and have a good government. It did not address the national question
- the issue of returning land to the original owners and the reconstruction of
a new democratic nation. They jumped with glee for power sharing with the
colonial settlers. How is it possible to advance the two stage revolution when
the first one is built on quicksand? Kondlo addresses this point - the
National Democratic Revolution - as a falsehood poorly advocated by the SACP.
I suggest you study the document, Comrade Sibeko. Maybe at some point we
should invite Prof Kondlo to lead a discussion forum on these concepts and to
elaborate on his ideas regarding thought leadership in southern Africa, in the
context of a global phenomenon and a new world order.
Jaki
Date: Tue, 8 May 2012 21:56:25 +0200
Subject: Re: [PAYCO]
From: [email protected]
To: [email protected]
Dear Comrade
Dr. Khondlo is a real intellectual. He does not fear to kill holy cows. I think
he has captured crisis of SACP extremely well. I was fascinated by:His
practical definition of SACP as liberal party.
His attack of vanguard party concept. His criticism of two stage theory poor
definition of separation of stages and time-frame.Three element that will bring
about the revolution (similar to Iranian model).
I am keen on further reading on "organic approach" vs. "central planning or
commandist approach". I do not agree with pity falls presented on lecture.
On 4 May 2012 09:43, Mduduzi Sibeko <[email protected]> wrote:
Cde Seroke:
If you have time, lets analyze this document. I haven’t read it yet
kind regards
Mduduzi Sibeko
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