We should remember that state ownership of the means of production
(nationalization) forces us to ask the question "who controls the
state?" If the wrong group or class controls the state, a system of
nationalization can easily turn into something socialists don't like
at all. After all, the ancient Pharaoh's system involved state
ownership of the means of production.

Fred writes that
>>The use of government banks to pursue important public policy objectives, 
>>rather than profit maximization, would be a model for the rest of the 
>>economy.  More and more people might start to realize that an entire economy 
>>run according to democratically decided policy objectives would be preferable 
>>for the vast majority of Americans to our current economy run according to 
>>profit maximization, which produces great inequality and is also highly 
>>unstable and prone to crises which cause great suffering and hardship, like 
>>the present crisis.<<

This presumes that the state is run democratically. That seems a
really strong assumption. Under capitalism and other class systems,
whether or not the state is run democratically depends on whether or
not there is a mass movement of working people and their allies that
countervails the organized power of capital and its allies. With
strong socialist, social-democratic, and/or communist movements that
is organically linked to the working population (and don't fight with
each other), nationalized sectors are much more likely to serve that
population.

While the idea of nationalizing the banks is attractive on the
surface, it gets the cart before the horse: we need a mass movement
first, not second. Otherwise, the nationalized banks never get beyond
simply saving capitalism's bacon (making sure that its financial
system actually works as advertised). As mentioned, the banks would
soon be denationalized, while (as Carrol mentions) their various
problems when nationalized would be trumpeted as reasons to avoid any
kind of government "meddling" in the future. (Denationalization is
currently advertised as part of the program: hey, the
citizen-taxpayers may actually make a profit on the bail-out when the
preferred stock, etc. is sold once the crisis[*] is over.)

(This reminds me of something my good friend Howard Sherman once said,
back in the 1980s, I believe: he argued that the problems that arise
from price controls in a market economy simply open people's minds to
the idea of other government interventions (non-price rationing, as
during WW2), starting us down the road to socialism. Hogwash. Without
a mass popular movement pushing us down that road, what's more likely
is that the price controls are abolished, as with what actually
happened.)

Now don't get me wrong: evidence from Western Europe after World War
II (and the weaker case of the US welfare state during the same
period) suggests that social democracy runs capitalism better than the
capitalists do. State management of capitalism can play a major
positive role from a leftist perspective (even though capitalism
itself continues in place). But the relative success of that system
required that the political-economic basis be built first.

Also, there's a problem that's more important for other countries than
for the US: nationalizing a country's banks leaves the international
financial system in place, even if a lot of other countries do
likewise.

[*] Back in the 1970s & 1980s, when we radical political economists
were arguing about crisis theory, one question was about the meaning
of "crisis" (especially since the word was over-used). We may have
found its meaning in practice:

1. We're in a crisis when establishmentarian types (and not just
people on the fringe) use that word; or

2. with a nod to Claud Cockburn, we're in a crisis when
establishmentarian types repeatedly and vehemently deny we're in a
crisis.

-- 
Jim Devine / "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own
way and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.
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