Okay, I pulled Djilas' Conversations with Stalin and here are two
rather random quotes to lure the readers:

1.

"Until my visit to Leningrad I would not have believed that anything
could outdo the efforts of the natives of rebel regions and the
Partisans of Yugoslavia in sacrifice and heroism.   But Leningrad
surpassed the reality of the Yugoslav revolution, if not in heroism
then certainly in collective sacrifice.  In that city of millions, cut
off from the rear, without fuel or food, under the constant pounding
of heavy artillery and planes, about three hundred thousand people
died of hunger and cold during the winter of 1941-1942.  Men were
reduced to cannibalism, but there was no idea of surrendering.  Yet
that is only the general picture.  Only after we came into contact
with the realities -- with concrete cases of sacrifice and heroism and
with the living men who were involved or were their witness -- did we
feel the grandeur of the epic of Leningrad and the strength of what
human beings -- the Russian people -- are capable  of when the
foundations of their spiritual, political, and general existence are
endangered."

2.

"Stalin went on, without paying attention to Kardelj's opinion: 'If,
if!  No, they have no prospect of success at all.  What do you think,
that Great Britain and the United States -- the United States, the
most powerful state in the world -- will permit you to break their
line of communication in the Mediterranean Sea!  Nonsense.  And we
have no navy.  The uprising in Greece must be stopped, and as quickly
as possible.

"Someone mentioned the recent successes of the Chinese Communists.
But Stalin remained adamant: 'Yes, the Chinese comrades have
succeeded, but in Greece there is an entirely different situation.
The United States is directly engaged there -- the strongest state in
the world.  China is a different case, relations in the Far East are
different.  True, we, too, can make a mistake!  Here, when the war
with Japan ended, we invited the Chinese comrades to reach an
agreement as to how a modus vivendi with Chiang Kai-shek might be
found.  They agreed with us in word, but in deed they did it their own
way when they got home: they mustered their forces and struck.  It has
been shown that they were right, and not we.  But Greece is a
different case -- we should not hesitate, but let us put an end to the
Greek uprising.'

"Not even today am I clear on the motives that caused Stalin to be
against the uprising in Greece.  Perhaps he reasoned that the creation
in the Balkans of still another Communist state -- Greece -- in
circumstances when not even the others were reliable and subservient,
could hardly have been in his interest, not to speak of possible
international complications, which were assuming an increasingly
threatening shape and could, if not drag him into war, then endanger
his already-won positions.

"As far as the pacification of the Chinese revolution was concerned,
here he was undoubtedly led by opportunism in his foreign policy, nor
can it be excluded that he anticipated future danger to his own work
and to his own empire from the new Communist great power, especially
since there were no prospects of subordinating it internally.  At any
rate, he knew that every revolution, simply by virtue of being new,
also becomes a separate epicenter and shapes its own government and
state, and this was what he feared in the Chinese case, all the more
since the phenomenon was involved that was as significant and as
momentous as the October revolution."
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