me;
> "Except at low incomes, tax cuts are fiscally inefficient, i.e., they
> stimulate aggregate spending less per dollar of increased deficit than
> do increases in government purchases (on weapons, schools, etc.) Put a
> different way, they increase the deficit more per dollar of stimulus."

David Shemano wrote:
> Is your statement purely a logical result of theorems you accept, or are 
> there empirical studies you believe are compelling and conclusive?  And if 
> the latter, which studies?<

What I said is very standard Keynesian macroeconomics. For example,
Mark Zandi, a GOP economist and Keynesian, made this point using
empirical research. Krugman's introductory textbook reports his
results. I haven't seen the phrase "fiscally inefficient" anywhere,
but it makes sense as I define it. Most macroeconomists would use more
down-to-earth language, saying that tax cuts (except for those
benefiting lower-income folks) don't deliver as much "bang for the
buck" as does increases in government purchases.

What are the economic principle behind this commonplace statement?
It's because an increase in purchases creates demand for business
output _directly_ while cutting taxes only increases demand
_indirectly_. The beneficiaries of the tax cuts don't have to spend
every dollar that they receive (unless they're living paycheck to
paycheck as many less-wealthy people do). Because they can afford to
save more than lower-income people can, richer folks have a lower
marginal propensity to consume than do the lower-income ones (while
saving does not create markets for business). So handing them tax cuts
doesn't have a big effect on total spending on domestic products
(though it could increase the demand for ski vacations in Gstaad).
Corporate tax cuts have also been notoriously ineffective since the
early 1960s.They basically reward corporations for doing something
that they'd do anyway.

Since Monetarism went away, the main alternative to the Keynesian
perspective has been the Classical one. They assume that the economy
is always at full employment (so that 8% unemployment is due to
mismatches between the skills that workers have and the skill demands
of employers, etc. and not due to aggregate demand failure) and that
every ounce of saving is translated into real (tangible) investment.
If these assumptions were true, then the Keynesian discussion of the
previous paragraphs would be irrelevant. If the rich have a low
marginal propensity to consume, it doesn't matter, since whether the
rich consume or save their extra income. Either way, it would cause
demand to rise. However, since the economy is assumed to be at full
employment, this tax cut would encourage inflation, while spurring
interest rates to rise (since all else constant, the tax cut raises
the government's borrowing). If the government's deficit grows, it
"crowds out" private tangible investment and other private purchases.
The economy is stuck at full employment (potential output).

The so-called "supply-side" macroeconomics is a subset of Classical
macro embraced by a small but influential group of politicians and
journalists (but by few macroeconomists that I know of). This view in
essence sees any taxes on the rich and corporations (and any other
potential campaign contributors) as inefficient, i.e., interfering
with the purity of the (imaginary) free market. Getting rid of those
taxes therefore reduces inefficiency in the use of all resources
(including labor-power), allowing potential output to rise.  This
perspective has never done well empirically. It's usually a covert,
fiscally inefficient, and inequitable version of Keynesian stimulation
(raising deficits to raise demand). Both Reagan and #2 cut taxes for
the rich, raising demand and having little or more likely no effect on
the growth rate of potential (full employment) output.
-- 
Jim Devine / If you're going to support the lesser of two evils, at
least you should know the nature of that evil.
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