Once again:
>But without metaphors, people cannot think. That 
>is, without metaphors, life is the "blooming, 
>buzzing confusion" perceived by an infant.


On the surface of bourgeois society the wage of 
the labourer appears as the price of labour, a 
certain quantity of money that is paid for a 
certain quantity of labour. Thus people speak of 
the value of labour and call its expression in 
money its necessary or natural price. On the 
other hand they speak of the market-prices of 
labour, i.e., prices oscillating above or below its natural price.

[...]

That which comes directly face to face with the 
possessor of money on the market, is in fact not 
labour, but the labourer. What the latter sells 
is his labour-power. As soon as his labour 
actually begins, it has already ceased to belong 
to him; it can therefore no longer be sold by him.

Labour is the substance, and the immanent measure 
of value, but has itself no value. [5]

In the expression "value of labour", the idea of 
value is not only completely obliterated, but actually reversed.

It is an expression as imaginary as the value of the earth.

These imaginary expressions, arise, however, from 
the relations of production themselves.

They are categories for the phenomenal forms of essential relations.

That in their appearance things often represent 
themselves in inverted form is pretty well known 
in every science except Political Economy.

Classical Political Economy borrowed from 
every-day life the category "price of labour" 
without further criticism, and then simply asked 
the question, how is this price determined? It 
soon recognized that the change in the relations 
of demand and supply explained in regard to the 
price of labour, as of all other commodities, 
nothing except its changes i.e., the oscillations 
of the market-price above or below a certain 
mean. If demand and supply balance, the 
oscillation of prices ceases, all other 
conditions remaining the same. But then demand 
and supply also cease to explain anything. The 
price of labour, at the moment when demand and 
supply are in equilibrium, is its natural price, 
determined independently of the relation of 
demand and supply. And how this price is 
determined is just the question. Or a larger 
period of oscillations in the market-price is 
taken, e.g., a year, and they are found to cancel 
one the other, leaving a mean average quantity, a 
relatively constant magnitude. This had naturally 
to be determined otherwise than by its own 
compensating variations. This price which always 
finally predominates over the accidental 
market-prices of labour and regulates them, this 
"necessary price" (Physiocrats) or "natural 
price" of labour (Adam Smith) can, as with all 
other commodities, be nothing else than its value expressed in money.

In this way Political Economy expected to 
penetrate athwart the accidental prices of 
labour, to the value of labour. As with other 
commodities, this value was determined by the 
cost of production. But what is the cost of 
production-of the labourer, i.e., the cost of 
producing or reproducing the labourer himself? 
This question unconsciously substituted itself in 
Political Economy for the original one; for the 
search after the cost of production of labour as 
such turned in a circle and never left the spot. 
What economists therefore call value of labour, 
is in fact the value of labour-power, as it 
exists in the personality of the labourer, which 
is as different from its function, labour, as a 
machine is from the work it performs. Occupied 
with the difference between the market-price of 
labour and its so-called value, with the relation 
of this value to the rate of profit, and to the 
values of the commodities produced by means of 
labour, etc., they never discovered that the 
course of the analysis had led not only from the 
market-prices of labour to its presumed value, 
but had led to the resolution of this value of 
labour itself into the value of labour-power. 
Classical economy never arrived at a 
consciousness of the results of its own analysis; 
it accepted uncritically the categories "value of 
labour," "natural price of labour," etc., as 
final and as adequate expressions for the 
value-relation under consideration, and was thus 
led, as will be seen later, into inextricable 
confusion and contradiction, while it offered to 
the vulgar economists a secure basis of 
operations for their shallowness, which on principle worships appearances only.

[...]

We may understand the decisive importance of the 
transformation of value and price of labour-power 
into the form of wages, or into the value and 
price of labour itself. This phenomenal form, 
which makes the actual relation invisible, and, 
indeed, shows the direct opposite of that 
relation, forms the basis of all the juridical 
notions of both labourer and capitalist, of all 
the mystifications of the capitalistic mode of 
production, of all its illusions as to liberty, 
of all the apologetic shifts of the vulgar economists.

[...]

If history took a long time to get at the bottom 
of the mystery of wages, nothing, on the other 
hand, is more easy to understand than the 
necessity, the raison d'ĂȘtre, of this phenomenon.

[...]

For the rest, in respect to the phenomenal form, 
"value and price of labour," or "wages," as 
contrasted with the essential relation manifested 
therein, viz., the value and price of 
labour-power, the same difference holds that 
holds in respect to all phenomena and their 
hidden substratum. The former appear directly and 
spontaneously as current modes of thought; the 
latter must first be discovered by science. 
Classical Political Economy nearly touches the 
true relation of things, without, however, 
consciously formulating it. This it cannot, so 
long as it sticks in its bourgeois skin.

***
[5] "Labour the exclusive standard of value ... 
the creator of all wealth, no commodity." Thomas 
Hodgskin, "Popul. Polit. Econ.," p. 186.

full: Capital, vol. I, ch. 19.

--
At the entrance to science,
As at the entrance to hell,
The demand must be made:
All distrust must here be left,
All cowardice must here be dead.
(1859)




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