http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20040518.E02&irec=1

Failed generals will also be failed political leaders 
Ziad Salim, Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara
After a successful legislative election, the issue of ex-military men in politics 
suddenly became a hot topic, prompted, no doubt, by the emergence of two ex-generals 
as presidential candidates and the return of Golkar as the leading party in the new 
Legislature.

Many see this new development not only as a return to the bad old days under another 
general but a potential threat to Indonesian democracy. After all, Indonesia was under 
the two Gs (General and Golkar) for nearly 32 years, ending with a total economic and 
socio-political collapse of the country. 

However, worrying though it may be, there is no reason to exclude ex-militaries in 
politics. They are citizens and as such have the right to participate in politics. In 
fact, ex-militaries participate in politics regularly without any detriment to 
democracy (De Gaulle was a general; and so were George Washington and Eisenhower; and 
the next powerful man of Singapore will be a man with a nickname "B.G" or Brigadier 
General, Lee Hsien Loong). 

In Indonesia, the military people are all around us and many Indonesians have military 
men (alive or dead) as members of their immediate families. The whole history of 
Indonesia from Independence is written in the blood of the brave military men and 
women. It is no coincidence that Gen. Soeharto could rule unquestioned for nearly 32 
years. 

Indonesians love uniforms and handsome "men" in uniforms (from school children to the 
ubiquitous "satpams" or private security guards). Even Sukarno, who was not a military 
man, understood this political culture and psychology of his people and was almost 
always invariably seen in military uniform and a baton with all his medals dangling 
from his chest. 

So, the issue of ex-military men in politics, in general, is not whether they should 
enter politics but whether they can reform or reorient themselves to the civilian ways 
or rid themselves of their old habits (i.e., their authoritarian inclination and 
tendencies). 

As shown above, some certainly can, but the records of ex-militaries in politics in 
the Middle East, Spain and Latin America indicate that for many the old habits die 
hard. The records of ex-military men unable to respect the values of democracy, civil 
society and human rights of their people are legend and the list is long, stretching 
from Franco to Pinochet to Soeharto at home. 

In the case of the Indonesian ex-generals, specifically, given the Indonesian 
political culture (where military connection is deeply ingrained and cultural attitude 
towards the military is rather ambivalent), the issue against them is not 
(necessarily) because they are ex-generals but that they are failed generals, failed 
managers and failed leaders! 

The distinction is not hair splitting but crucial if the issue against them is going 
to be objective. As has been shown above, as ex-militaries, they have the right to 
enter politics and the political culture of Indonesia is such that scaring off the 
voters with this issue will not work. Only the records of their professional failures 
and incompetence will betray them because they are still fresh in peoples' collective 
memories and can be objectified and demonstrated as a matter of public records. 

Indeed, their failures have begun to be exposed recently (including in these pages) 
and the call for a systematic exposure of their records as part of the presidential 
campaigns has already been made. 

The exposure will reveal where they were, what they knew and what they did (or did not 
do) during the times when the Indonesia suffered the worst pains and indignities (the 
1998 Black May incidence and the subsequent turmoil; the national humiliation and the 
loss of East Timor along with the humanitarian disaster and human rights violations 
that followed; the resurgent separatism and inter-ethnic killings in many parts of the 
country; the imposition and the mismanagement of military emergencies in Aceh; and 
lest forgotten, the Bali and other bombings). 

All these occurred "on their watch", i.e., when the same ambitious ex-military men in 
question were in charge either jointly or separately. 

Their failures are not ordinary failures. They are what we call management failures 
committed by officials at high level of political power and authority (i.e., failure 
to anticipate, to prevent and to act). At this level, they cannot say they did not 
know or they were not informed or were misled or blame circumstances. At this level, 
it is their jobs to know, to be informed, to control and anticipate all circumstances. 
"Hands getting caught in the cookie jar" or having a witness are not the criteria for 
guilt at their levels. 

When things go wrong, at this level, it is their professional responsibility to take 
the blame, bow down and bow out. Especially that they were also part of the 
governments that created the problems from the beginning (as in the case of East Timor 
where the military was up, front and center), who were also given a chance to solve 
them as ministers. That they failed (not only in their jobs and in taking 
responsibilities but also as ministers because one was a fired ex-minister and the 
other jumped before being pushed), this kind of failures are not and should not be 
easily overlooked. 

The above should be enough to shame any man and that is why their very acts of coming 
around to try to seduce us to vote for them on the promise and premise of better 
leadership are especially galling. 

If they could not handle all those sad and dangerous events and crises when they were 
in charge and had the power and the tools of the state in their hands, what assurances 
do we have that they will know what to do next? 

They had their chances to govern but failed and now want a second chance. They are not 
motivated by pity and empathy for the sufferings of their fellow Indonesians but by 
big personal ambitions and dreams of redeeming themselves of their past failures and 
incompetence. 

But they have emerged publicly through a flawed internal party politics sanctioned by 
the Indonesian democracy itself, exactly as feared by Fareed Zakaria (International 
Editor of Newsweek) in his latest book, The Future of Freedom, where it is shown that 
democracy itself is fully capable of producing a man not beholden to democracy. Only 
their own personal ethics and sense of shame can stop them from re-imposing themselves 
on unsuspecting Indonesians. 

They themselves should have the pride and ethic to "just fade away" (to use the phrase 
made famous by the great American General, McArthur, who did just that and as 
practiced at home by the great Indonesian General, Nasution). 

The sad thing about the fate of Indonesian democracy after the recent election is that 
it has brought out two failed ex-generals and failed ex-ministers as presidential 
candidates and the party once behind the collapse of Indonesia as the number one party 
again, at great financial, material and emotional costs to the country. 

Sadder yet, the poor, struggling country, still not yet out of the lingering effects 
of their former mischiefs but having been seduced to believe and to have faith in 
democracy, will again be asked to vote for one of them under a collective grand 
illusion that ex-generals are tough and can reinstate the "good old days". 

The writer, who formerly worked with several international development organizations, 
can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED]

 


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