War Without Purpose

By Chris Hedges

July 20, 2009 "Truthdig" -- Al-Qaida could not care less what we do in 
Afghanistan. We can bomb Afghan villages, hunt the Taliban in Helmand province, 
build a 100,000-strong client Afghan army, stand by passively as Afghan 
warlords execute hundreds, maybe thousands, of Taliban prisoners, build huge, 
elaborate military bases and send drones to drop bombs on Pakistan. It will 
make no difference. The war will not halt the attacks of Islamic radicals.  
Terrorist and insurgent groups are not conventional forces. They do not play by 
the rules of warfare our commanders have drilled into them in war colleges and 
service academies. And these underground groups are protean, changing shape and 
color as they drift from one failed state to the next, plan a terrorist attack 
and then fade back into the shadows. We are fighting with the wrong tools. We 
are fighting the wrong people. We are on the wrong side of history. And we will 
be defeated in Afghanistan as we will
 be in Iraq. 
The cost of the Afghanistan war is rising. Tens of thousands of Afghan 
civilians have been killed or wounded. July has been the deadliest month in the 
war for NATO combatants, with at least 50 troops, including 26 Americans, 
killed. Roadside bomb attacks on coalition forces are swelling the number of 
wounded and killed. In June, the tally of incidents involving roadside bombs, 
also called improvised explosive devices (IEDs), hit 736, a record for the 
fourth straight month; the number had risen from 361 in March to 407 in April 
and to 465 in May. The decision by President Barack Obama to send 21,000 
additional U.S. troops to Afghanistan has increased our presence to 57,000 
American troops. The total is expected to rise to at least 68,000 by the end of 
2009. It will only mean more death, expanded fighting and greater futility.  
We have stumbled into a confusing mix of armed groups that include criminal 
gangs, drug traffickers, Pashtun and Tajik militias, kidnapping rings, death 
squads and mercenaries. We are embroiled in a civil war. The Pashtuns, who make 
up most of the Taliban and are the traditional rulers of Afghanistan, are 
battling the Tajiks and Uzbeks, who make up the Northern Alliance, which, with 
foreign help, won the civil war in 2001. The old Northern Alliance now 
dominates the corrupt and incompetent government. It is deeply hated. And it 
will fall with us. 
We are losing the war in Afghanistan. When we invaded the country eight years 
ago the Taliban controlled about 75 percent of Afghanistan. Today its reach has 
crept back to about half the country. The Taliban runs the poppy trade, which 
brings in an annual income of about $300 million a year. It brazenly carries 
out attacks in Kabul, the capital, and foreigners, fearing kidnapping, rarely 
walk the streets of most Afghan cities. It is life-threatening to go into the 
countryside, where 80 percent of all Afghanis live, unless escorted by NATO 
troops. And intrepid reporters can interview Taliban officials in downtown 
coffee shops in Kabul. Osama bin Laden has, to the amusement of much of the 
rest of the world, become the Where’s Waldo of the Middle East. Take away the 
bullets and the bombs and you have a Gilbert and Sullivan farce. 
No one seems to be able to articulate why we are in Afghanistan. Is it to hunt 
down bin Laden and al-Qaida? Is it to consolidate progress? Have we declared 
war on the Taliban? Are we building democracy? Are we fighting terrorists there 
so we do not have to fight them here? Are we “liberating” the women of 
Afghanistan? The absurdity of the questions, used as thought-terminating 
clichés, exposes the absurdity of the war. The confusion of purpose mirrors the 
confusion on the ground. We don’t know what we are doing.  
Gen. Stanley McChrystal, the new commander of U.S. and NATO-led troops in 
Afghanistan, announced recently that coalition forces must make a “cultural 
shift” in Afghanistan. He said they should move away from their normal combat 
orientation and toward protecting civilians. He understands that airstrikes, 
which have killed hundreds of civilians, are a potent recruiting tool for the 
Taliban. The goal is lofty but the reality of war defies its implementation. 
NATO forces will always call in close air support when they are under attack. 
This is what troops under fire do. They do not have the luxury of canvassing 
the local population first. They ask questions later. The May 4 aerial attack 
on Farah province, which killed dozens of civilians, violated standing orders 
about airstrikes. So did the air assault in Kandahar province last week in 
which four civilians were killed and 13 were wounded. The NATO strike targeted 
a village in the Shawalikot district.
 Wounded villagers at a hospital in the provincial capital told AP that attack 
helicopters started bombarding their homes at about 10:30 p.m. Wednesday. One 
man said his 3-year-old granddaughter was killed. Combat creates its own rules, 
and civilians are almost always the losers.
The offensive by NATO forces in Helmand province will follow the usual scenario 
laid out by military commanders, who know much about weapons systems and 
conventional armies and little about the nuances of irregular warfare. The 
Taliban will withdraw, probably to sanctuaries in Pakistan. We will declare the 
operation a success. Our force presence will be reduced. And the Taliban will 
creep back into the zones we will have “cleansed.” The roadside bombs will 
continue to exact their deadly toll. Soldiers and Marines, frustrated at trying 
to fight an elusive and often invisible enemy, will lash out with greater fury 
at phantoms and continue to increase the numbers of civilian dead. It is a game 
as old as insurgency itself, and yet each generation of warriors thinks it has 
finally found the magic key to victory.  
We have ensured that Iraq and Afghanistan are failed states. Next on our list 
appears to be Pakistan. Pakistan, like Iraq and Afghanistan, is also a bizarre 
construct of Western powers that drew arbitrary and artificial borders, ones 
the clans and ethnic groups divided by these lines ignore. As Pakistan has 
unraveled, its army has sought legitimacy in militant Islam. It was the 
Pakistani military that created the Taliban. The Pakistanis determined how the 
billions in U.S. aid to the resistance during the war against the Soviet 
occupation of Afghanistan was allocated. And nearly all of it went to the most 
extremist wings of the Afghan resistance movement. The Taliban, in Pakistan’s 
eyes, is not only an effective weapon to defeat foreign invaders, whether 
Russian or American, but is a bulwark against India. Muslim radicals in Kabul 
are never going to build an alliance with India against Pakistan. And India, 
not Afghanistan, is Pakistan’s primary
 concern. Pakistan, no matter how many billions we give to it, will always 
nurture and protect the Taliban, which it knows is going to inherit 
Afghanistan. And the government’s well-publicized battle with the Taliban in 
the Swat Valley of Pakistan, rather than a new beginning, is part of a 
choreographed charade that does nothing to break the unholy alliance.
The only way to defeat terrorist groups is to isolate them within their own 
societies. This requires wooing the population away from radicals. It is a 
political, economic and cultural war. The terrible algebra of military 
occupation and violence is always counterproductive to this kind of battle. It 
always creates more insurgents than it kills. It always legitimizes terrorism. 
And while we squander resources and lives, the real enemy, al-Qaida, has moved 
on to build networks in Indonesia, Pakistan, Somalia, Sudan and Morocco and 
depressed Muslim communities such as those in France’s Lyon and London’s 
Brixton area. There is no shortage of backwaters and broken patches of the 
Earth where al-Qaida can hide and operate. It does not need Afghanistan, and 
neither do we.
 
 
http://informationclearinghouse.info/article23104.htm





Satrio Arismunandar 
Executive Producer
News Division, Trans TV, Lantai 3
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