http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/GB25Ae04.html


COMMENT
Indonesia's open door ushers in political Islam
By Eric Teo Chu Cheow

(Used by permission of Pacific Forum CSIS)

It has been two months since the tsunami disaster in Aceh claimed tens of 
thousands of lives, with the death toll continuing to rise. Many observers 
believe that this unfortunate incident has "opened" Aceh and perhaps even 
Indonesia as a whole to the West. Indeed, Aceh has been intermittently 
"closed" to international scrutiny and an international presence for the 
past 30 years as Acehnese secessionists battled Jakarta for an independent 
state.

Undoubtedly, the tsunami has physically opened Aceh to Western humanitarian 
relief, with the support of the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) that instead 
of battling Free Aceh Movement (GAM) secessionists are aiding Acehnese in 
tsunami disaster management. These two novelties could change the political 
situation in Aceh considerably as Jakarta seeks to win the hearts and minds 
of the Acehnese from the separatists and as peace talks between Jakarta and 
GAM continue after a "constructive" second round in Helsinki, Finland.

At the same time, however, the TNI has tried to restrict the movement of 
relief workers outside the provincial capital Banda Aceh and the Jakarta 
government has called for foreign troops to leave the province, a move that 
clearly dampened Western enthusiasm about Indonesia's reconciliation with 
the West, especially the United States and Australia. Despite this setback, 
the TNI is being progressively rehabilitated in the eyes of the US 
administration, Congress, and public opinion. But the TNI may also have 
strengthened its political influence within Indonesia, thanks to growing 
concerns about Western interference and rising nationalism in Indonesia.

What perhaps has been less noticeable is the rise of political Islam since 
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's October inauguration, which could be 
linked to domestic, regional and international events; this rise is 
concurrent with the stirring of Indonesian nationalism. So although Aceh may 
have been physically opened, there are doubts that the province and 
Indonesia as a whole have been psychologically opened to the West as well.

After Yudhoyono's election, two radical Muslim parties, Partai Keadilan 
Sejahtera (PKS) and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), seem to have gained a 
political foothold in Indonesia. Both PKS and PBB supported Yudhoyono's 
candidacy against the established secular political parties, Golkar and 
incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle 
(PDI-P). Today, the presidents of the PKS and PBB occupy the presidencies of 
the MPR (Consultative Assembly) and the State Secretariat respectively. As 
an indication of their political strength, these two parties opposed and 
delayed the appointment of two liberal-minded female ministers, who were 
deemed too close to the International Monetary Fund or too much in favor of 
liberalization. Although the election of Vice President Jusuf Kalla as 
chairman of Golkar may have lifted some "Islamist" pressure from Yudhoyono, 
the PKS has distinguished itself as the best-organized and most admired 
humanitarian relief organization in Aceh, rivaling both the TNI and Western 
aid agencies there.

Concerns have been expressed that the PKS and PBB could press for the 
introduction of Islamic Sharia laws in Indonesia; their growing influence in 
the president's immediate entourage could encourage radical Muslims and 
their activities in pesentrens (religious schools) across the archipelago. 
They may also embolden potential Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) radicals who support 
embattled cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, the alleged spiritual leader of the JI 
currently on trial for treason, as well as the Bali bombers, who have been 
sentenced but are appealing the trial decisions.

Political Islam in Indonesia may also be fanned by developments in southern 
Thailand. The violence there took on a political dimension when Thai Prime 
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra accused his country's Muslim neighbors of 
fomenting unrest in Thailand's three southern Malay-Muslim provinces. 
Thaksin accused Malaysia of holding training camps for Thai Muslims in the 
Malaysian jungle, despite strong denials from Malaysia, and blamed 
Indonesian extremists for supporting the separatist insurgency in Thailand. 
But by pointing the finger at Jakarta, Thaksin might encourage Indonesian 
Muslim radicals to aid their brethren in southern Thailand against Buddhist 
Bangkok, just as they morally support Filipino Muslims against Catholic 
Manila. Current Muslim problems in Southeast Asia could thus further 
radicalize Indonesian Muslims and encourage political Islam, especially 
after Thaksin's impressive election victory. His Thai Rak Thai party claimed 
75% of the seats in parliament, but lost soundly in the south, where voters 
overwhelming threw their support behind the opposition Democrats, 
maintaining the country's political divide.

Beyond the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations 
(ASEAN), Indonesians have been incensed by Australian moves - real or 
purported - ranging from media discussions in Canberra to acquire and deploy 
missiles that could be put in range of Indonesia, to the decision to create 
a 1,000-nautical-mile maritime surveillance zone, both of which are thought 
to encroach on Indonesian sovereignty. This fear has been heightened thanks 
to Canberra's close support for and collaboration with the US in its fight 
against international terror; Prime Minister John Howard is commonly 
perceived in Jakarta as President George W Bush's "deputy sheriff" in the 
region. Many have also never forgotten or forgiven Australia for having 
helped "liberate" East Timor, which is viewed as a profound humiliation for 
Indonesia. It is hoped therefore that Canberra would tread carefully in its 
approach to Aceh's relief operations, even though it has pledged a generous 
US$760 million in humanitarian relief, the majority of it going to 
Indonesia.

The rise of political Islam also has clear links to broader Muslim issues, 
as moderate Indonesian Muslims have become increasingly critical of 
Washington's policies in Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian quagmire. 
Yudhoyono's first overseas trip was to attend Palestinian leader Yasser 
Arafat's funeral in Cairo, a clear indication of Indonesia's Islamic 
priorities and convictions. On the other hand, Jakarta's rapprochement with 
Washington is moving forward discreetly and relations with the US are cool, 
even though the US supports Yudhoyono, especially in the fight against 
terrorism in Southeast Asia.

Yudhoyono cannot move fast, primarily because of the domestic Muslim lobby. 
Washington-Jakarta rapprochement could thus be held hostage to the rise of 
political Islam. Aceh may be a small opening that allows the TNI and the US 
military to cooperate and work together, and perhaps even permit 
rapprochement and the resumption of US military training to the TNI, but 
bilateral ties have not realized their full potential.

The rise of political Islam in Indonesia is a fundamental aspect of 
Yudhoyono's Indonesia. The tsunami relief operations may have opened Aceh, 
and even Indonesia, but the rise of both political Islam and Indonesian 
nationalism appears to have consolidated in tandem. Australia, the US and 
other Western governments must be aware of this parallel phenomenon and 
should not be lulled by the illusion of a seemingly pro-West Indonesia in 
the making. President Yudhoyono must continue to balance between a 
pro-Western business outlook and Indonesia's inherent Islamic and 
nationalistic inclinations.

Eric Teo Chu Cheow, a business consultant and strategist based in Singapore, 
is council secretary of the Singapore Institute for International Affairs 
(SIIA). He can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED]

(Used by permission of Pacific Forum CSIS)




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