http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/papuas-rage/486778

Papua's Rage

Wahyudi Soeriaatmadja - Straits Times Indonesia | December 24, 2011



 Papuan protesters during a demonstration in Jakarta earlier this month. Many 
indigenous Papuans continue to demand independence. (AFP Photo) 


Timika. Mimika's population is just 184,000 but it is one of the top three 
richest regencies in Indonesia. Millions in development funds from Jakarta have 
poured into it over the past decade. 

But as one drives into its capital Timika, a question comes to mind: Where did 
all the money go? The streets are punctured with potholes, while intersections 
do not have traffic lights. 

And where are the native Papuans? Shops and restaurants that line the main 
street are owned and operated by people from South Sulawesi, Java, West Sumatra 
and other parts of Indonesia. The indigenous Papuans, with their distinctive 
Melanesian features, are a rare sight in the town center. Most live in the 
rural areas. 

This divide, replicated in many cities and towns in this sprawling region, has 
added to the Papuans' sense of marginalization and resentment. 

Grievances are stoked by the emergence of a new elite made up largely of 
outsiders. 

Accusing fingers are pointed at local leaders by angry Papuans for putting the 
largesse from Jakarta to questionable use; none has come their way, they say. 

At the root of periodic bouts of unrest in this province is the view long held 
by sections of the Papuan community: They and their land are not part of 
Indonesia. Papua - which covers the western half of the world's second largest 
island and makes up over one-fifth of Indonesia's land mass - was once part of 
the Dutch East Indies. 

Caught in a messy post-independence tussle between the Dutch and the fledgling 
government in Jakarta, it only formally became part of Indonesia in 1969, and 
for a time was known as Irian Jaya. 

As the government opened up the resource-rich province for development, large 
numbers of immigrants from all across the archipelago moved over. 

The influx added to the unresolved problems associated with its integration 
with Indonesia: Native Papuans complained of being sidelined and discriminated 
against by the culturally and ethnically different newcomers. 

Tough action by security forces to stamp out separatist elements added fuel to 
the resistance. 

Precise figures on the toll of the decades-long insurgency are hard to come by, 
but a figure commonly cited by human rights groups is that some 100,000 Papuans 
have died as a result of repression and neglect since the 1960s. 

After the downfall of President Suharto in 1998, the province was renamed Papua 
and granted special autonomy status - referred to widely as otsus, short for 
Otonomi Khusus - in 2001 in a bid to accelerate its development while 
acknowledging its distinctiveness. 

The north-west portion of the province was further hived off to form West Papua 
province in 2003. 

But many among the approximately two-million indigenous Papuans - who now make 
up just over half the population in their homeland - have continued to agitate 
for independence. 

This sentiment was evident in the many celebrations held throughout Papua on 
Dec 1 to raise the banned Morning Star flag to mark the anniversary of what 
some refer to as Papua's "independence."

Why this sense of alienation, which reports in the Indonesian media suggest is 
growing? For many, like sweet potato grower Alex Ouwame, 35, of the Amungme 
tribe, continuing poverty is a key factor, and he pins the blame on Jakarta. 

"Otsus is not right. We want independence - out from Indonesia," he said 
shortly after a flag-hoisting incident in Timika Indah field on Dec 2, which 
prompted police to open fire on a crowd to bring down the two flags deemed 
separatist. 

There are no known fatalities, but Papuans and police have each claimed that 
five persons on their side were wounded. 

The poverty that Ouwame refers to is made even more apparent by the continuing 
influx of new arrivals, many of whom have settled in Papua as part of the 
central government's transmigration policy. 

Monsignor John Philip Saklil, head of the Catholic Church in Timika, the 
capital of Mimika regency, notes that these migrants compete directly with 
indigenous Papuans in trades and other jobs, and often, as they are more 
skilled, they do better. 

"This has created a wider gap in the distribution of income," Bishop Saklil 
said. 

Here, as in many cities in Papua, the more established businesses are run by 
Indonesian migrants who come from Java, Sumatra, South Sulawesi and East Nusa 
Tenggara, while many Papuans work as security officers, store keepers or sell 
betel nuts and fruit on the road side. 

The gap in earnings is evident. Recent disclosures of rampant corruption of 
development funds meant to help lift the lot of ordinary Papuans have only 
aggravated matters. 

The otsus law stipulates annual transfers of funds to the Papua region for 
development and allows it to retain 70 per cent of its oil and gas revenues, a 
much higher retention rate than that allowed for other provinces. 

But well-intentioned as it is, the otsus efforts have created problems of their 
own. 

The latest random audit announced in late November by the Supreme Audit Agency 
found that hundreds of billions of rupiah of some 28 trillion rupiah ($3.08 
billion) of special autonomy funds channeled from Jakarta to Papua in the past 
decade have gone missing. 

In the last two years alone, as much as 566 billion rupiah worth of expenses by 
the local governments in the provinces of Papua and West Papua could not be 
properly accounted for, the audit found. 

Some travel expense claims, for example, were based on counterfeit airplane 
ticket receipts. 

The desire for independence would not have been as strong had native Papuans 
been better off economically, say analysts like Muridan Widjojo of the 
Indonesian Institute of Sciences. 

Muridan said: "Had otsus been running smoothly and had there been no state 
violence, the calls for independence would have been weakened, because they no 
longer had justification.

"Corruption would just strengthen the Papuans' distrust in the Indonesian 
government," he added. "They don't care whether the government officials are 
Papuans or not. In other words, the Papuan commoners would just blame Jakarta."

In a bid to address this widespread discontent, Jakarta established a special 
government body - the Special Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua 
and West Papua, or UP4B - in September. 

Its aim is to speed up development in Papua and get special autonomy back on 
track. 

The unit is headed by retired Lieutenant General Bambang Darmono, who played a 
key role in bringing about a peace agreement in Aceh in 2005. 

He has long argued that economic development without a political settlement is 
doomed to fail. 

The unit reports directly to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and is tasked 
with making sure there is enough food supply in Papua, that poor residents in 
remote areas get attention and that health care and education services are 
delivered to all. 

Its mandate is to coordinate all government activities and projects in Papua 
that will lead to the improvement of the well-being of the Papuan people, 
Vice-President Boediono told foreign correspondents at a forum this month. 

While Indonesia would reject all attempts to internationalize the issue of 
Papua, it would consider inviting foreign observers to the province to see the 
result of this new approach at a later date, Boediono added. 

In the meantime, the unit should be given time to do its work first, he 
stressed. 

On the ground, views remain divided. Elminus B. Mom, an Amungme highlander 
tribe warrior turned parliamentarian, believes independence for Papua is 
"non-negotiable."

"It is everyone's right. Papuans will someday be liberated. It's just a matter 
of time. If it's not during my lifetime, my children will definitely experience 
it. Deep in his heart, every Papuan would want independence," he said. 

But not everyone distrusts Jakarta. 

Said fisherman Herman Okoreyau, 46, of the coastal Kamoro tribe, who nets crab, 
fish and shrimp for a living: "The government has been nice these past years. 
They give away rice every three months. I got my boat engine free from them."

Asked whether Papua should be an independent state, he simply smiled. 

Over the past four decades, many Papuans have made inroads into top rungs of 
the bureaucracy in Jakarta. 

There have been ministers, top bureaucrats and senior military figures from the 
region, and many fly the country's flag in sports. 

Yet a significant number among their fellow Papuans back home feel cut off in 
the management of the resources of their land and in the returns to be gained 
from them. 

Papua has the world's biggest gold mine, operated by American mining giant 
Freeport-McMoRan, and a £100 billion ($156 billion) gas field - among the 
largest in the world - run by London-based oil company BP. 

Said Jakarta-based veteran politician Angkola Pandapotan Harahap: "It's human 
instinct to want to be free, to want independence. If you ask people in Riau, 
they would say they want independence because they have oil. People in South 
Sumatra would say the same and claim they have plenty of plantations. But do we 
all want to break up and be weakened?" 

U4BP has its work cut out for it in reaching a lasting deal in Papua. 

But there are glimmers of hope for those looking for a change in attitude, some 
to be found in unlikely places like the national football team where Papuans 
are the star players. 

Asked about Papua days after Indonesia's footballers won the silver at last 
month's South-East Asia Games, striker and rising star Patrich Steve Wanggai, 
23, told MetroTV: "We know there is lack of government attention on Papua, but 
there is no question, we are proud to play for Indonesia."

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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