http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/as-the-flames-of-intolerance-flare-indonesians-are-reminded-of-their-nations-origins-in-diversity/409017

As the Flames of ?Intolerance Flare, Indonesians Are Reminded of ?Their 
Nation's Origins in Diversity
Nivell Rayda & Fitri | November 28, 2010



Indonesia. A hundred police officers armed with assault rifles and pistols were 
not enough to dissuade Tuti (not her real name) from walking barefoot for a 
kilometer, her 3-year-old son on her back, to the village of Gegerung in 
Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, on Friday. 

Once she arrived, the 25-year-old mother joined hundreds of people from her 
village in ransacking and demolishing dozens of houses belonging to members of 
the Ahmadiyah minority sect. 

"Infidels," she screamed as she pelted one of the homes with rocks. "Get out of 
our village." 

The mob destroyed 22 homes, with one burned to the ground after villagers 
emptied a canister of kerosene in it and lit it on fire. 

As Tuti watched the house burn, she and the other villagers thanked God for the 
suffering of those they deemed heretics. 

Need for a National Strategy 

The seemingly never-ending string of attacks on minority religious groups - at 
least a hundred against Ahmadiyah alone over the past decade, according to one 
activist - prompted the International Crisis Group in a recent report to call 
on Indonesia to adopt a comprehensive national strategy to promote religious 
tolerance and curb rising sectarian violence. 

"There needs to be a long-term vision and strategy. Local officials have been 
addressing the incidents on a case-by-case basis," said Jim Della-Giacomathe, 
the ICG Southeast Asia project director. 

"And most of the time, they surrender to those with the loudest voice. If this 
keeps happening, mob rule prevails." 

Della-Giacoma's statement highlights an important observation regarding the 
government's response so far to the apparent increase in religious intolerance 
in the country: that the core of the problem isn't being addressed. 

In Bekasi, which the ICG report says is a clear example of the tensions brought 
about by clashing fundamentalisms, 10 people have been arrested for an attack 
that saw one churchgoer hospitalized with a stab wound and a female reverend 
badly injured. 

Among those arrested was the local leader of the hard-line Islamic Defenders 
Front (FPI), a group that has led calls for Christians to leave the area. 

West Lombok Police operations head, Comr. Deky Subagio, has promised that his 
office will investigate the attack on the Ahmadiyah homes on Friday just like 
any other case. 

Despite local police promises such as these, attacks continue. 

Bonar Tigor Naipospos, vice president of the Setara Institute for Democracy and 
Peace, said if the core of the problem was not addressed soon, sectarian 
conflicts would be unavoidable. 

"There are elements within the minorities that are discontented with the 
government's inaction and are becoming fed up with continuously playing the 
victim," he said. "These elements may even have become radicalized themselves." 

Largely Local? 

Bonar notes that the areas prone to religious conflict often have weak law 
enforcement or government leaders who are easily pressured by majority 
religious groups. 

For instance, in Kuningan, West Java, where mainstream Muslims in July 
attempted to seal off an Ahmadiyah mosque, the local government has been 
reluctant to acknowledge marriages involving members of the minority sect. 

In West Nusa Tenggara, the local government has also refused to issue mandatory 
identification cards to followers of the sect, and last month raided homes 
belonging to Ahmadiyah members, urging them to move out of Gegerung village. 

The government announced plans to relocate the remaining members of the 
community to a remote island in the Sumba Strait, some 40 kilometers off the 
main island of Lombok, saying it was the will of other religious communities 
and residen ts. 

In Bekasi and Depok, where a string of attacks and forced closures of 
Protestant churches has taken place, local administrations have defended their 
position of siding with the demands of hard-line groups against minorities by 
saying they needed to keep the peace. 

"The political support of religious elites is essential even for political 
parties that are not based in Islam," Bonar said. 

"Religious elites need to expand their political influence; in return 
politicians enjoy great support from faithful followers of certain religious 
leaders." 

Decentralized, Disconnected 

Analysts trace part of the problem to decentralization. 

"Decentralization has brought more autonomy and self-government, but 
unfortunately the interpretation and implementation of religious freedom and 
tolerance, in practice, is also left with the local leaders, who sometimes have 
a narrow view on the subject," said Siti Zuhro, a political analyst from the 
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). 

Zuhro said that during the iron-fisted rule of former President Suharto there 
was no tolerance shown for religious frictions, and any statements that had the 
potential to stir up social, religious and racial tensions were greatly 
limited. 

"Today, the situation is different. Hate speech is protected by the citizens' 
constitutional rights of freedom of expression," she said. "But this is a 
slippery slope." 

Bonar said that although President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had made a number 
of speeches expressing support for religious freedom and the need to protect 
minority groups, his words had never been translated into definitive action by 
local governments. 

"There is a discrepancy between the central government's commitment and the 
policies and practices at the local level," he said. 

"Decentralization has left the central government to rely heavily on how local 
officials can translate its directives. 

"But while the central government claims that the job of protecting minorities 
rests with local governments, the local governments tell minority groups that 
they have to consult with the central government." 

Confusing Commands 

Even at the national level, Yudhoyono's statements on religious freedom 
sometimes stand in stark contrast to the words and actions of his ministers. 

Ulil Abshar Abdalla, a member of the president's Democratic Party, pointed out 
that Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali "has made comments that oppose 
religious freedom and have a dangerous potential to fuel further violence." 

The minister has repeatedly called for Ahmadiyah to disband, and has showed 
support for the 1965 law on blasphemy that many observers say has legitimized 
acts of violence against minority sects and groups. 

He also supports the 2006 joint ministerial decree on houses of worship, which 
requires the consent of the surrounding community for building churches, 
temples and mosques. Critics say the regulation is discriminatory. 

Rohadi Abdul Fatah, the director of Islam and Shariah law at the Ministry of 
Religious Affairs, denied that anyone had turned a blind eye to the problem of 
intolerance. 

"Our officials always work according to the law and official procedure," he 
said. "We never harm other groups, for example by prohibiting them from using 
public facilities or burning their places of worship. That is totally against 
human rights and the law." 

Regarding Ahmadiyah, he said the ministry did not tolerate the sect, but that 
did not mean the ministry was failing to provide members protection. 

"We keep trying to persuade Ahmadiyah through education and dialogue to return 
to the right path of Islam," he said. "We don't tolerate anyone who harms them 
even though their belief is not acceptable in Islam." 

Democratic Pitfall 

So what should a government that listens to its people do when a number of 
surveys indicate a worrying increase in religious intolerance among Muslims in 
the country? 

A survey released in September by the Center for the Study of Islam and Society 
found that among 1,200 adult Muslim men and women surveyed nationwide, 57.8 
percent said they were against the construction of churches and other 
non-Muslim places of worship - the highest rate the study center has recorded 
since 2001. 

More than a quarter, or 27.6 percent, said they minded if non-Muslims taught 
their children, up from 21.4 percent in 2008. 

"The government should not bow down to political pressure from a religious 
elite that voices intolerance," Ulil said. "The government should protect 
minorities and not only cater to the demands of the majority. 

"We should re-educate these opportunistic bureaucrats and political parties 
about 'Bhinneka Tunggal Ika' ['Unity in Diversity'], the principle taught by 
our founding fathers." 

Firdaus Mubarik, an Ahmadiyah activist, said he hoped the government would 
listen to minority voices as well. 

"The government should remain neutral on religious issues and bridge 
differences between religious groups," he said. 

"If the government continues turning a blind eye to the problem, hard-line 
Muslim groups will soon target other minorities."
An Ahmadiyah member holding a burned Koran in Ciampea, West Java, after a mob 
set fire to a mosque and houses belonging to members of the minority sect. 
Pluralism advocates are warning of the dangers posed by failing to sufficiently 
address rising intolerance.  Reuters Photo/Dadang Tri


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