NYT    
 
 
Why Machiavelli Still  Matters  
By JOHN T. SCOTT and ROBERT ZARETSKY
Published:  December 9, 2013

 
 
FIVE hundred years ago, on Dec. 10, 1513, Niccolò  Machiavelli sent a 
letter to his friend Francesco Vettori, describing his day  spent haggling with 
local farmers and setting bird traps for his evening meal. A  typical day for 
the atypical letter writer, who had changed from his  mud-splattered 
clothes to the robes he once wore as a high official in the  Florentine 
republic. 
 
Toward the end of the letter Machiavelli mentions for  the first time a “
little work” he was writing on politics. This little work was,  of course, “
The Prince.”  
One of the remarkable things about “The Prince” is not  just what 
Machiavelli wrote, but that he was able to write at all. Just 10  months 
earlier, he 
endured the “strappado”: Hands tied behind his back, he was  strung to a 
prison ceiling and repeatedly plunged to the floor.  
Having at the time just been given the task of  overseeing the foreign 
policy and defense of his native city, he was thrown out  of his office when 
the 
Medici family returned to power. The new rulers suspected  him of plotting 
against them and wanted to hear what he had to say. Machiavelli  prided 
himself on not uttering a word.  
He may well have saved his words for “The Prince,”  dedicated to a member 
of the family who ordered his torture: Lorenzo de Medici.  With the book, 
Machiavelli sought to persuade Lorenzo that he was a friend whose  experience 
in politics and knowledge of the ancients made him an invaluable  adviser.  
History does not tell us if Lorenzo bothered to read  the book. But if he 
did, he would have learned from his would-be friend that  there are, in fact, 
no friends in politics.  
“The Prince” is a manual for those who wish to win and  keep power. The 
Renaissance was awash in such how-to guides, but Machiavelli’s  was different. 
To be sure, he counsels a prince on how to act toward his  enemies, using 
force and fraud in war. But his true novelty resides in how we  should think 
about our friends. It is at the book’s heart, in the chapter  devoted to 
this issue, that Machiavelli proclaims his originality.  
Set aside what you would like to imagine about  politics, Machiavelli 
writes, and instead go straight to the truth of how things  really work, or 
what 
he calls the “effectual truth.” You will see that allies in  politics, 
whether at home or abroad, are not friends.  
Perhaps others had been deluded about the distinction  because the same 
word in Italian — “amici” — is used for both concepts. Whoever  imagines 
allies are friends, Machiavelli warns, ensures his ruin rather than his  
preservation.  
There may be no students more in need of this insight,  yet less likely to 
accept it, than contemporary Americans, both in and outside  the government. 
Like the political moralizers Machiavelli aims to subvert, we  still 
believe a leader should be virtuous: generous and merciful, honest and  
faithful.  
Yet Machiavelli teaches that in a world where so many  are not good, you 
must learn to be able to not be good. The virtues taught in  our secular and 
religious schools are incompatible with the virtues one must  practice to 
safeguard those same institutions. The power of the lion and the  cleverness of 
the fox: These are the qualities a leader must harness to preserve  the 
republic.  
For such a leader, allies are friends when it is in  their interest to be. 
(We can, with difficulty, accept this lesson when embodied  by a Charles de 
Gaulle; we have even greater difficulty when it is taught by,  say, Hamid 
Karzai.) What’s more, Machiavelli says, leaders must at times inspire  fear 
not only in their foes but even in their allies — and even in their own  
ministers.  
What would Machiavelli have thought when President  Obama apologized for 
the fiasco of his health care rollout? Far from earning  respect, he would 
say, all he received was contempt. As one of Machiavelli’s  favorite exemplars, 
Cesare Borgia, grasped, heads must sometimes roll. (Though  in Borgia’s 
case, he meant it quite literally, though he preferred slicing  bodies in half 
and leaving them in a public square.)  
Machiavelli has long been called a teacher of evil.  But the author of “The 
Prince” never urged evil for evil’s sake. The proper aim  of a leader is 
to maintain his state (and, not incidentally, his job). Politics  is an arena 
where following virtue often leads to the ruin of a state, whereas  
pursuing what appears to be vice results in security and well-being. In short,  
there are never easy choices, and prudence consists of knowing how to recognize 
 the qualities of the hard decisions you face and choosing the less bad as 
what  is the most good.  
Those of us who see the world, if not in Manichaean,  at least in 
Hollywoodian terms, will recoil at such claims. Perhaps we are right  to do so, 
but 
we would be wrong to dismiss them out of hand. If Machiavelli’s  teaching 
concerning friends and allies in politics is deeply disconcerting, it  is 
because it goes to the bone of our religious convictions and moral  
conventions. 
This explains why he remains as reviled, but also as revered, today  as he 
was in his own age. 

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