Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Harry Magdoff on market socialism

2000-07-17 Thread Rod Hay

In that case, the argument is meaningless. We can only know if alternatives to
markets can work if we try. Even then we can only know that that particular
experiment did not work, not that no institutional arrangement can work. If the
proposition is not general, it is merely an empirical hypothesis.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:



 Hayek had a deep insight, and, like many peop;le with such an insight, went
 overboard with it. We might take it for what it is worth, while correcting
 for its overstatement. However, his main point was not that _nothing_ could
 be planned, but that _not everything_ could be planned. He was in fact a lot
 less ferocious about markets than a lot of his followers, A big U of Chicago
 Law School libertarian, Richard Epstein, recently took him to task for that
 in a piece in the U Md. L. Rev. My poiint too is that planning cannot
 tiotally or largely displace markets, not that it cannot be used where
 experience shows it works. --jks

--
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Re: market socialism

2000-07-17 Thread Rod Hay

Calm down Justin. Hayek's critique is not theoretically deep. It is simply an 
empirical claim. But he has done not one empirical study to back it up.  It may be 
correct or it may not. Only experience will show. Pointing to past incidents of 
failure proves very little. As Michael and many others have pointed out it is easy to 
detail many occasions when markets have failed to work any where near their 
theoretical ideal. Shall we infer from that that markets never work? In fact, most of 
us are socialist because markets do such a miserable job at some very basic tasks. It 
is pointless to keep referring to the Soviet Union. I have at no time suggested, 
implied or meant that the Soviet Union should be a model for anything. And we would be 
poor socialists if that was the best we could dream up. All of my examples have been 
much more mundane and closer to home.

I have admitted several times that you are right about incentives. But you have given 
no evidence (other than applying superlative adjectives to Hayek) for your claim that 
only markets can provide that incentive. When I give an example of a non market 
institution that works better than the market, you grant it.

All right, now you say that non market institutions will work in individual 
industries, but not in all at once. Any critical percentage? A theoretically deep 
critique should have something to say about that. I propose that we design alternative 
institutions one good at time, and when we can't find something better than a market 
organization we will leave the market? On a practical level in the U.S. that would 
involve a vigourous protection of public education and the advocacy of a public health 
programme. In Canada, it would involve protection of those non market institutions and 
the creation of new ones in other areas. My favourites at the moment are housing, food 
and transportation.

Until now I have tried to ignore your implications that disagreeing with you proves my 
stupidity. I will grant that without you having to shout it continually. Lets stick to 
the debate.

Rod


[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 So the argument is meaningless if it does not estabalish a priori that markets are 
better than any kind of planning anywhere? Rubbish. Nonsense. That is a fast way of 
not having to try to answer a very strong, empirically supported, theoretically deep 
critique of a nonmarket economy. To see this, consider the answer: you say, the only 
way to see if nonmarket alternatives will work is to try. But try what? You say, 
planning. I say, look at the USSR. You say, but our planning will be democratic! I 
say, that wpn't help (see what I have argued above). At this point you say, that's 
meaningless, because otherwise planning would never work. No, say I, and Hayek: the 
problem is that planning won't work outside a market framework, to give us the 
information we need. An starting to feel like a proken record. I really do appreciate 
Jim Divine's contribution, whicha t least comes to grips with real issues and offers 
real arguments. --jks

 In a message dated Mon, 17 Jul 2000  8:15:23 AM Eastern Daylight Time, Rod Hay 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

  In that case, the argument is meaningless. We can only know if alternatives to
 markets can work if we try. Even then we can only know that that particular
 experiment did not work, not that no institutional arrangement can work. If the
 proposition is not general, it is merely an empirical hypothesis.

 Rod

 [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 
 
  Hayek had a deep insight, and, like many peop;le with such an insight, went
  overboard with it. We might take it for what it is worth, while correcting
  for its overstatement. However, his main point was not that _nothing_ could
  be planned, but that _not everything_ could be planned. He was in fact a lot
  less ferocious about markets than a lot of his followers, A big U of Chicago
  Law School libertarian, Richard Epstein, recently took him to task for that
  in a piece in the U Md. L. Rev. My poiint too is that planning cannot
  tiotally or largely displace markets, not that it cannot be used where
  experience shows it works. --jks

 --
 Rod Hay
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 The History of Economic Thought Archive
 http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/index.html
 Batoche Books
 http://Batoche.co-ltd.net/
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 Kitchener, Ontario
 N2G 3L1
 Canada

  

--
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Re: Re: Market socialism -- summing up?

2000-07-17 Thread Rod Hay

It appears Justin that you don't have time to read as well as to check your spelling. 
You claimed that Hayek had proven that only markets could provide incentives to obtain 
information. He hasn't proved anything of the kind, he claimed it. It was an empirical 
statement. An empirical statement requires proof. A theoretical statement requires a 
logical argument.

If he was making a logical argument, then what was it. If he was making an empirical 
statement his prove is inadequate, and one sided. He was making claims about something 
that he could not know. Which you or I could not know.

Perhaps it wasn't a theoretical statement or an empirical claim, but simply a article 
of faith.

You provided a lot of bluster about the Soviet Union. I am talking about something 
much simpler and more in my limited grasp. Real existing non market institutions, that 
seem to work perfectly well.

And it wasn't Rob. He has said very little on this. It was me.

Rod


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Re: Re: Re: Re: Market socialism -- summing up?

2000-07-17 Thread Rod Hay

Okay, Michael. I will, but a blatant misrepresentation of what I had said, added to 
several posts attacking my intelligence finally got to me.

I'm calm, really I am. Real calm. Maybe a good game of basketball would help me. And 
my next softball game isn't until thursday.

Rod

Michael Perelman wrote:

 Calm down plase.

 Rod Hay wrote:

 
  You provided a lot of bluster about the Soviet Union. I am talking about something 
much simpler and more in my limited grasp. Real existing non market institutions, 
that seem to work perfectly well.
 

 --
 Michael Perelman
 Economics Department
 California State University
 Chico, CA 95929

 Tel. 530-898-5321
 E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]

--
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[Fwd: New book about political economy (brief note)]

2000-07-17 Thread Rod Hay



Charles Andrews wrote:

 From Capitalism to Equality:
 An Inquiry into the Laws of Economic Change
 by Charles Andrews

 The book begins with the facts showing that work and life have
 gotten worse since 1973 for 80% of the people in the United
 States. The problem is to explain this persistent decline. After
 an exposition of the labor theory of value, the book uses it to
 give a unified analysis of why there is an accumulation cycle,
 what actually happens to the rate of profit, and what the powers
 and limits of monopoly capital are. The decades-long decline of
 conditions for working people turns out to be a sign of the
 approaching demise of capitalism. The last two chapters suggest
 the basic features of a socialist economy that takes over from
 advanced capitalism.

 I believe this book makes a contribution to disucssions of
 relations and forces of production, like the one in June on PEN-L
 when you responded to Proyect. You can also recommend it when
 someone asks you to suggest a solid, accessible introduction to
 Marxist economics.

 Please see http://www.laborrepublic.org for the table of contents
 and more information.

 Regards,

 Charles Andrews

--
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Harry Magdoff on market socialism

2000-07-16 Thread Rod Hay

If basic needs are supplied in a fair manner, I don't really care if the market
exists or not. But, how does Hayek's great insight explain why health care can be
planned and other goods can not. Why is there an incentive to get good
information in this case and not in others? Surely the proposition was general.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 Absolutely. In this debate, I have coined the slogan, Plan What You Can,
 Market What You Must. Experience shows that planned health care is superior
 on efficiency as well as ethical grounds to marketized health care. Health
 can be planned, and should be. There is no rational excuse for any sort of
 health care system that is not socialized. It does not follow that everything
 can be planned. --jks


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Re: The Rise and Future Demise of World-Systems A

2000-07-15 Thread Rod Hay

Thanks Justin. This does clarify what you were talking about. I am not sure that
I agree. It just extends the problem of designing incentives.

And I will despite Carrol's protestations continue to talk about designing
institutions. My political career such as it is has included, union organizing,
worker's cooperatives. housing coops, consumer's coops, intellectual work,
education. And in all of those areas, the designing and reform of institutions
has been crucial. Matching incentives and goals is main problem of all political
work.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:


 Of course they are different. Part of the problem is INCENTIVES to obtain
 ACCURATE INFORMATION. And other part of the problem is INCENTIVES to
 _produce_ accurate accurate information. Theese are not the same thing, but
 we will not have accurate information without these sets of incentiveds.
 Maybe you are confusing incentives TO WORK HARD with incentives TO GET
 ACCURATE INFORMATION. Sometimes in these contexts people tend to assume that
 the only economically relevant incentives are to work hard. They forget the
 other thind is no less important. That was Hayek's great insight. --jjks

--
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Re: Re: The Rise and Future Demise of World-Systems A

2000-07-15 Thread Rod Hay

In addition to my previous comment -- I think you are also including the idea of the 
market as an institution for rationing scarce goods, as problem of information. Again 
I would submit that while the market does fulfill this function, it is not the only 
institutional arrangement that can accomplish this. In fact for basic needs it does it 
in an "inefficient" manner. I.e., it tends to distribute in an uneven and unfair 
manner. Over supplying to some and under supplying to others.

If rationing is required, I think that we can design other institutions that do the 
job better than the market can. Hence my advocacy (and I think Jim's) of democratic 
control.

Rod



 [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

  No, we are not against democracy. But we have to recognize that not all its 
effects are wholly good in every context. In the context of planning, democarcy would 
make the calculation problem worse by amplifying the information distortions it 
involves. Democracy is not part of the solution to the calculation problem. That is 
not a reninciation of democracy. It is a criticism of a proposed solution to a 
problem with planning. Am I speaking Latin or something, why is this simple stuff so 
hard to understand? I thought you guys were economists. --jks
 

 --
 Rod Hay
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--
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Re: On Struggle

2000-07-15 Thread Rod Hay

It is impossible to give a detailed picture of some future society. But every
organizing effort has to have some goal. Every political party has a programme.
One cannot simply put forward mantras and faith as the road to socialism.

Rod

Michael Perelman wrote:

 Doug has been asking about how to organize.  You cannot organize masses of
 people now for socialism.  For to many, socialism is an extension of the
 Russian gulag.  My own LIMITED experience in organizing has taught me that
 you begin with small goals that can be reached.  I recall in my Berkeley
 days, Michael Lerner standing on Sproul Hall day after day -- we are
 talking about behavior not ideas here -- rallying the troops to get
 arrested, then showing up next week for an entirely different issue with no
 mention whatsoever of the cost of the last operation.  Continuity is
 essential.  You have to get as many people involved as possible --
 collecting information, setting up means of communication.

 You cannot be overly reliant on a single figure.  It has to be collective.
 This collectivity would be key if somehow the reins of government were to
 fall into the hands of the people.

 You cannot tell how everything will progress.  As a result, recipes are
 worse than useless.  But you must learn from the experience of other
 places.  Marx never touched on how socialism would be organized until the
 Paris Commune, which gave him the first clues about what could be --
 although he was critical of what they did.

 So right now the important thing is not to determine how the ministry of
 nuts and bolts will be organized, but to develop the practice of working
 together, struggling together 

 Jim Devine once told me that organizing anything on pen-l -- we were
 discussing the possibility of creating a textbook -- was like herding
 cats.  I would love to prove him wrong.
 --
 Michael Perelman
 Economics Department
 California State University
 Chico, CA 95929

 Tel. 530-898-5321
 E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]

--
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Re: market alternativesernatives

2000-07-15 Thread Rod Hay

The Second world war experience in Canada, the U.S. and Britain (probably
other places as well). are valuable lessons.

But let us compare something a little closer to most of our experience.
Compare the health care system in Canada (or Britain) and the U.S. Does the
market system provide better information, better allocation, etc. I won't deny
that the Canadian system has problems, and detractors. But it is extremely
popular with Canadian. Even the right wing lunatics don't dare attack it
directly. (Although they are doing their best to undermine it).

Is the service of the Seattle transit system less efficient than that of L.A.?
Does it provide poorer information?

Rod


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The Rise and Future Demise of World-Systems A

2000-07-14 Thread Rod Hay

I think, although I may be wrong, that democratic control can be as or
more effective than markets in providing information and a corrective to
the mistakes of planning. You seem to assume a centralized bureaucratic
planning a la the USSR. If adequate democratic controls are designed,
managers who systematically guess wrong can be more easily removed.

Providing proper incentives is a problem, but it is also a mistake to
assume that the market provides a suitable set of incentives. Where are
the incentives to provide adequate food, housing, medical care, or legal
assistance to everyone who needs it. A good part of the reason that I am
a socialist is that capitalism provides incentives that systematically
violate my sense of values. I think socialism can do better, although it
won't be easy.

Rod

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Wallerstein

2000-07-14 Thread Rod Hay

Ricardo

Could you please criticize Wallerstein without the personal attacks. His
arrogance is irrelevant. I have met him and had a reasonable and civil
conversation with him. He did not react with hostility to criticism and
disagreements that I put forward, and was quite willing to discuss his
differences with Marx and explain the theoretical and political reasons
for them.

My main criticism was that he takes one aspect of capitalism and
mistakes that for the whole. He admitted that, but put forward a
third-worldist politics that requires a theoretical base which he is
attempting to supply. For him the geographic contradictions of
capitalism are primary, overriding all others. He proposed that the
class conflict in the core countries is of no long term political
significance. Hence his divergence from Marx.

Rod





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Re: The Rise and Future Demise of World-Systems A

2000-07-14 Thread Rod Hay

Not Latin but gobbly gook. You keep conflating different problems. Information, 
Incentives. Hayek was talking about information and calculation. I said managing 
information was not a problem, but designing proper incentives was. You keep jumping 
around as if they were the same thing. With all your proficiency in analytic 
philosophy, or the ability to use a dictionary, it should be clear that they are 
different.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 No, we are not against democracy. But we have to recognize that not all its effects 
are wholly good in every context. In the context of planning, democarcy would make 
the calculation problem worse by amplifying the information distortions it involves. 
Democracy is not part of the solution to the calculation problem. That is not a 
reninciation of democracy. It is a criticism of a proposed solution to a problem with 
planning. Am I speaking Latin or something, why is this simple stuff so hard to 
understand? I thought you guys were economists. --jks


--
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Re: Re: The Upheavals of June, 2000

2000-07-13 Thread Rod Hay

I would agree with half of this post. The first half. But I don't see the
intellectual value of Wright's work.

Rod

Ricardo Duchesne wrote:

 Mine Aysen Doyran wrote:

  As a Marxist, of course, he is critical of *certain* brands of
  marxist theory-- the orthodox developmental model-- which dominates the
  sociology of development literature with varying degrees, and takes the
  *nation state* as the unit of analysis instead of the *world system*.

 I'll said it from the start, aside from the first two volumes of  *The
 Modern World-System*, Wallerstein has written little that is of
 much value. He repeatedly mistakes describing for explaining.
 People like Amin, Sweezy, Frank, and Wallerstein have had the
 fortune of finding a mass of admiring readers and commentators
 despite the low quality of their scholarly work, just because they
 published one initial great work. This is not the case with Marxists
 like John Roemer, E.O. Wright and Gerry Cohen. The scholarly
 output of these three has been impressive from the start, and has
 never faltered. Just a few years ago Wright published *Class
 Matters*, which may very well be the best work yet on class by a
 Marxist, though not mentioned once in this list! - which brings me
 to the cited passage above.

 The "orthodox development model" does not dominate sociology of
 development literature. Wallerstein may want you to think that - as
 if the issue was still between WS theory and modernization theory!
 - but the truth is there is a whole array of contesting theories.

--
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Re: The Rise and Future Demise of World-Systems Analysis

2000-07-13 Thread Rod Hay

Actually I think the Hayek-Mises critique of planning is quite easy to
answer. The problem is not information. The problem is designing
institutions which provide the incentives for technological
improvements.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] 07/13/00 03:11PM 
Lou says that market socialism is finished. If so, so is socialism,
since the Hayek-Mises critique of planning remains without a
credible answer on the left.

--
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Re: Re: Re: The Rise and Future Demise of World-Systems Analysis

2000-07-13 Thread Rod Hay

Justin You will have to explain what you mean in more detail. What system
provides incentives to respond to accurate information fast. In my way of seeing
things, large corporations respond slowly and in an imperfect way to market
signals. Those with more reserve resources can delay the respond for a longer
period. The world of perfect competition does not and can not exist. But given
the speed and capacity of modern computers there is no reason that a properly
designed plan could not provide information on consumer demand. I don't know how
to design the system of incentives.

The market has few positive signals. Consumers can only react to decisions made
by others. A socialist system could overcome that drawback.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 In a message dated 7/13/00 7:36:48 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
 [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

  Actually I think the Hayek-Mises critique of planning is quite easy to
  answer. The problem is not information. The problem is designing
  institutions which provide the incentives for technological
  improvements. 

 That is one problem. Creating incentives to get and respond to accurate
 information fast is another. If you think you have an answer, tell me. I have
 been waiting, literally, for 20 years. I am not being sarcastic. I really
 want an answer. --jks

--
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Re: Houston, we have a problem.

2000-07-07 Thread Rod Hay

From a political perspective, there are other areas of NAFTA that I am much more
concerned about.

In so far as oil and gas are concerned, my only worry is an environmental one. I can't
see it as politically advantageous to hoard natural resources on a national basis. It
might get me a cheaper price on my heating oil, but even that is doubtful.

I do think the government should extract as much rent as possible.

Now, if Mel Watkins (my graduate supervisor) saw that I would be in for an evening of
arguing.

Rod

Ken Hanly wrote:

 Thanks for the info. As I see it the fact that we are supplying now 13 percent of
 US  natural gas and are predicted to supply up to 17 percent explains the run-down
 in reserves. This run down in reserves surely accounts for some of the price
 increases. Of course Canadian energy corporations do not care nor does the Canadian
 governmen until it gets into political hot water.. The Canadian government passed
 NAFTA with the support of oil producers Canadian and US owned, so how do I let them
 off the hook? You fail to remark on the pricing aspects of NAFTA or the national
 treatment requirement. Is that of no significance. Do you deny that we are unable
 to charge a higher price for export than within Canada. Is that of no significance?
 My understanding of NAFTA is that it allows other members the same claims on our
 oil and gas resources as Canadians. Is that wrong? Maybe Paul Phillips has
 something to say, or Rod Hay.I think I know your views on left nationalism:)
   Cheers, Ken Hanly

 Bill Burgess wrote:

  Ken H. asked about foreign ownership of oil in Canada.
 
  According to StatsCan, foreign control of 'energy'  industries (I assume
  this covers oil, gas and hydro) in Canada was 19.8% by assets in 1997, down
  from 23.2% in 1989 when 'free' trade came into effect. (When measured by
  revenues foreign control is up slightly, from 32.4% to 33.7%.) The US
  accounts for about 70% of the foreign share.
 
  The most recent figures I have for the petroleum sector (upstream and
  downstream) are for 1988, when the foreign share of revenues was 59.6%; the
  foreign share of assets would be lower. In the 1970s foreign control of
  petroleum was over 90%.
 
  The government regulatory agency here in BC just approved an approximate
  25% increase in gas rates on top of another recent large increase,  blaming
  the rise in US prices. But I disagree with Ken H. that the gas hikes should
  be attributed to NAFTA as this lets Canadian corporations and governments
  and capitalism in general off the hook. Also, it is not quite true that
  'Canada' can't say 'no' to the US - energy export volumes to the US can be
  reduced each year by up to a certain percentage of the current year's
  exports (I seem to remember 15%, but that may be wrong).
 
  Bill Burgess
 

--
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Re: Re: Re: De Long on NonZero

2000-07-06 Thread Rod Hay

I think the effects of world war one are more complicated. It did shock people
into a disbelief in natural progress. And some people into a sense that humans
would have to take control of their own destiny. But if Arno Meyer is right, it
marked the final destruction of the old feudal order in Europe. And in the
course of the next century or so opened the possibilities which are still being
explored.

Social complexity. Technological improvement. Moral stagnation. So many ways to
progress not all of them the same.

Rod

Brad De Long wrote:

 Nice writing, Brad!

 Thanks. *Blush*

... high water mark of belief in Progress. By and large the past two
 centuries
 have seen the reaction, and confidence in human Progress -- technological,
 political, humanistic, and moral -- fell out of intellectual favor.
 
 I suspect an awful lot of that happened as a consequence of WW1, doncha
 reckon?

 Yup...

 

--
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Re: Re: class in the US

2000-07-06 Thread Rod Hay

Or perhaps they are right. The working class is seen as and is a class in the
middle between the capitalists and the underclass.

Rod

Carrol Cox wrote:

 Jim Devine wrote:

  (It reminds me of when Harry Braverman reports that polls indicate that
  most people consider themselves middle class -- and most people consider
  themselves working class, too.)

 Could this be interpreted that most people are both in touch with the reality
 of their lives (they are working class) but also have incorporated one of the
 core concepts of bourgeois ideology (the middle class) into their thinking.
 (This is not to deny that there is a demographically small but perhaps
 politically important class of petty producers, many of whom also consider
 themeselves both middle class and *workers*, if not "working class.")

 One source (or effect) of this omnipresent illusion of a "middle" class is the
 value judgments it sneaks in. There is an "upper" class and a "lower class" --
 and "lower-class" is a not infrequent sneer word.

 Carrol

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Re: Re: class in the US

2000-07-06 Thread Rod Hay

It really doesn't matter what you call it. It is there and has had many
names in the course of its history. And it is not racial or ethnically
defined in the U.S. There have always been the hicks, hillbillies, white
trash, etc.

Rod

Yoshie Furuhashi wrote:

 Yoshie Furuhashi wrote:
 
 Or perhaps they are right. The working class is seen as and is a
 class in the
 middle between the capitalists and the underclass.
 
 Rod
 
 What's the definition of the "underclass"?  Poor people of color?
 
 ...with loose morals and a propensity towards crime. The Atlantic
 has Nicholas Lemann's classic article on the topic at
 http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/poverty/origin2.htm. A concept
 not unrelated to "The 'dangerous class', the social scum, that
 passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old
 society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a
 proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it
 far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue." Or,
 "the lumpen proletariat, which in all big towns forms a mass sharply
 differentiated from the industrial proletariat, a recruiting ground
 for thieves and criminals of all kinds living on the crumbs of
 society, people without a definite trade, vagabonds, gens sans et
 sans aveu [men without hearth or home], varying according to the
 degree of civilization of the nation to which they belong, but never
 renouncing their lazzaroni character"
 
 Doug

 I hope the term "underclass" will get dropped at least from leftist
 discourse, if not from _The Atlantic Monthly_.  Luckily, not many
 people use the term "lumpen proletariat" any longer.

 Yoshie

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Re: Re: Re: = Nader

2000-07-03 Thread Rod Hay

Do the other minority parties like the Labor Party, etc., have presidential
candidates? And who are they?

Rod

Joel Blau wrote:

 Two points:

 1) I agree--I don't  think it would be wise to channel all political activity
 through one candidate. On the other hand, given the attenuated conception of
 politics that most Americans hold, electoral activity assumes an excessive
 prominence. From this persective, it is significant that in this
 election--unlike every other back to 1980 (Barry Commoner), someone who is
 anti-corporate is getting some media attention. In this setting, the American
 electoral system is both a barrier and facilitator. In a state where the vote
 is tight, a Nader
 vote would prompt much more hand-wringing. I live in New York, however, and if
 Gore doesn't win New York, Bush is a shoo-in any way. So for me, and for others
 in states with large Gore leads in the polls, it is a comparatively easy
 decision.

 2) And yes,  campaign reform is a much more profound structural issue than the
 Nader candidacy. The Nader candidacy will evaporate in four months, helping the
 Green party and maybe fostering some coalition building on the local level. But
 real campaign reform would have powerful long-term implications. I'd choose the
 second over the first in an instant.

 Joel Blau

 Chris Burford wrote:

  At 23:49 02/07/00 -0400, you wrote:
  Mark:
  
  Your argument is seriously marred by the notion of Nader as a political
  detour. The implication is that in his absence, the mass anger would
  assume a more acceptable form. I believe in critical support of Nader, but
  I reject both of your premises. At this time, at least in electoral
  politics, Nader is the most successful anti-corporate messenger we
  got--frightening enough to warrant a full denuciatory editorial in the New
  York Times. This may not speak well for the American left, but given its
  desultory state, what would you expect? For a reasonably large,
  nonsectarian movement, he is basically what there is to work with. And the
  notion that without him, workers would move left is as much a fantasy as
  the notion that trade unionists would act more militantly if they weren't
  held back by all those union bosses. The Nader campaign may be full of its
  own ambiguities, but one thing is certain: most people who vote for him do
  not have another more radical consciousness that they hold in secret and
  upon which they would act if he were not around.
  
  Joel Blau
 
  It is good that the internet provides opportunities to compare experience
  in many countries. From east of  the Atlantic it seems obvious that good
  people would want to support Nader and others would want to support Gore,
  (all with many qualifications). Rather than striving to discredit one or
  other position, perhaps the important thing is to debate *how* different
  candidates may be supported.
 
  Basically I suggest the position taken by different candidates should be
  seen as the result of the balance of forces, rather than the cause of
  future change. It is dogmatic to rule out any interest in an electoral
  result, but it is reformist to focus the main thrust of political activity
  around one candidate.
 
  A lot depends on the bourgeois electoral system. Livingstone was running
  for election in a PR political system that meant a protest vote for him,
  did not hand the London Assembly over to the Conservative Party.
 
  Third Party politics in the USA can punish the second most popular
  candidate, but whether it can really shift the balance of the debate over
  the next decade is more questionable.
 
  The funding of the system of electoral politics has been increasingly
  prominent in the USA and in other countries. Would not a campaign for
  reform of this be more fundamentally revolutionary in weakening the hold of
  capital over public debate?
 
  Chris Burford
 
  London

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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: [Fwd: Position in the World-SystemandNationalEmissions of](fwd)

2000-07-01 Thread Rod Hay

Producing grain and livestock on the same farm will introduce some problems. There
is land in the west that is suited to pasture but to no other agricultural use. If
you require that grain growing and pasture be together you are taking this land
out of agricultural use.

Rod

Carrol Cox wrote:

 Ken Hanly wrote:

  I don't get it. What would it be like not to separate livestock from grain?
  Have the livestock wandering through your grain fields? What system of
  agriculture ever suggested that. Maybe I am being flippant, but what you say
  makes absolutely no sense to me. Livestock are not separated from pasture
  usually except where there is no pasture. Are you seriously suggesting that
  there is some compelling reason to put livestock back in grain fields rather
  than feeding them hay, and grains grown in other fields and letting them
  pasture?

 Damn it, Ken, you are as bad as Lou and Doug in misreading or picking
 points out of context.

 Grain and livestock are united if they are produced on the same farm --
 the livestock owner also growing the grain. Are you being funny or opaque
 in talking about cattle in the grain field? This debate is absolutely
 solipsistic on all sides.

 Lou makes no effort to outline a route from present conditions to ideally
 desirable locations, and this blank in his arguments allows him to leap
 back and forth depending on what kind of criticism he is responding to.
 This mistake or dull joke of yours will probably make possible some other
 diversion by Lou, which in turn will make possible another irrelevant
 sneer by Doug . . .and so it goes. In any case no serious discussion either
 of desirable agricultural methods *or* of how we get from here to there
 will result.

 Carrol

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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: re: Tautology

2000-07-01 Thread Rod Hay

Yes Ken. I misread your post. Sorry. An inconvenient line break. And a too quick 
reading and provocation at your claim that my post was mostly wrong.

Your example is in fact the same example that Carnap uses in his Introduction to 
Symbolic Logic. And yes, most tautologies cannot be recognised
immediately. I used the simplest example of a tautology that I could think of. My 
point was that the statement that Charles made "all equations are
tautologies" and Carrol's agreement and extension that all syllogism are tautologies, 
was confusing the truth value of a statement with the concept
of a tautology. And except for the grammatical error that Charles pointed out, I don't 
see how what you wrote contradicts what I wrote. It merely
extends it.

Carnap: "Sentences which thus are true for all possible value-assignments of their 
constituent parts are said to be tautological sentences or
tautologies.



Ken Hanly wrote:

 My post does not claim that "It is raining" is a tautology. It claims that "It is 
raining or it is not raining" is a tautology. Of course "It is
 raining" is not  a tautology but dependent for its truth upon weather conditions. 
Reread my post. A tautology cannot be false but the "cannot" is
 a logical cannot. There may be some things that cannot be false because of the 
facts. Perhaps the comment about capitalism's ultimate demise is
 arguably of that sort. The distinction we are discussing here though is the subject 
of some philosophical debate. Authors such as Quine question
 the distinction. Anything can be made tautologous he claims.
 I think some leftists are experts at starting theoretical discussions that seem 
to turn on the facts but soon it is clear
 that the doctrines are part of a core theoretical stance that is not going to accept 
any facts as refuting. WHat seems to be contrary to the
 theory will turn out to be from ministrieses of misinformation, running dogs of 
ministries of misinformation and so on,.
 Cheers, Ken Hanly

 Rod Hay wrote:

  Ken. This is the same mistake that Carrol made in the first place. "It is raining" 
is not be a tautology. It can be true. Or it can be false.
  A tautology cannot be false. If you have another definition of a tautology, please 
give me a reference.
 
  Rod
 
  Ken Hanly wrote:
 
   This is all mixed up, mostly incorrect. Some types of tautology are true because 
of definitions. The types of tautologies recognised by
   philosophers such as Kant. "All bachelors are unmarried" As Kant puts it the 
predicate "unmarried" is included in the definition of
   "bachelor". One could say that these sorts of statements are in a sense true by 
definition. However a tautology such as "It is raining or
   it is not raining" is not true by definition in any straightforward way. It is 
true because of the manner in which the truth functional
   operators
   "not" and "or " work to form compound propositions. The fact that something you 
write down is a tautology (or a contradiction) does not
   relieve one of any burden of proof. Writing down "It is raining or it is not 
raining" does not prove it is a tautology and the fact that
   something is true does not show that it is a tautology. One has to prove that it 
is a tautology. For example by constructing a truth
   table. A tautuology is not simply true. It is necessarily true or true for 
formal reasons not because of empirical facts.
  Cheers, Ken Hanly
  
   Rod Hay wrote:
  
Yes, of course, Charles.
   
Rod
   
Charles Brown wrote:
   
  [EMAIL PROTECTED] 06/30/00 01:25PM 
 After thinking better of my sarcastic tone to Carrol's message. Let me
 explain.

 A tautology is a statement that is true by definition. That is, it is
 always true.

 A = A is a tautology.

 A = B is not a tautology. That is, it might be false.

 Similarly all true statements are not tautologies. I.e., A = B might be
 true.

 __

 CB: Sorry, couldn't help saying this since we are in a logical vein. You 
mean "not all true statements are tautologies" , I believe.

 I agree with your post, though.

 _

 If all statements were tautologies, math and logic would be very easy.
 Anything you write down would be true. No need to prove anything.

 --
   
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Re: Re: Game theory

2000-07-01 Thread Rod Hay

Relying on my admitted poor memory, game theory was considered something a
novelty until about 1980, when interest started to grow. It became somewhat
standard in graduate courses about 1990, and is now routinely taught at the
undergraduate level.  The reasons probably are both internal to game theory and
external. I.e., some break through in the theory combined with the failure of the
alternatives. But I don't know the details well enough to speculate. Did Mirowksi
have anything to say on the break out from RAND?

Rod

Michael Perelman wrote:

 I just attended a talk by Phil Mirowski.  He says that game theory did not
 exist except at RAND, where von Neuman convinced the boys that it would be
 useful for military strategies.

 Chris Burford wrote:

  Scanning the debate on game theory last month, I was not sure how much a
  historical materialist perspective came through. I mean by this, locating
  game theory in the current stage of development of the means of production.
 
  It seems to me that game theory is one of a number of theories which start
  from an individualist premise, and then lead inexorably to an examination
  of the overall social pattern produced by the interconnections between
  individuals. In the hands of more thoughtful people, it leads back to
  systems analysis and a questioning of its own reductionist assumptions.
 
  This mirrors the state of a global economy in which the circulation of
  individual commodities has never been more intense, but which is in urgent
  need of overall management and social foresight.
 
  Chris Burford
 
  London

 --

 Michael Perelman
 Economics Department
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re: Neo-classical gas

2000-06-30 Thread Rod Hay

Since it was me who wrote this I will respond. Max is right that in a
partial equilibrium model, the welfare of others can be included as a
variable in a utility function. But if it is done in a general
equilibrium model, the number of variables exceeds the number of
equations and there is no unique equilibrium. So we were talking about
different things.

Rod

Max wrote
Then there's the poop about micro theory not being
capable of modelling altruistic behavior, something
any putz -- including me -- who had cracked a public
finance text would know is wrong.

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Re: Tautologies, trivial non-trivial, was Re:[Fwd: Position

2000-06-30 Thread Rod Hay

Carrol: Go to the library get out an elementary algebra or logic text. Read the 
definition of a tautology.

Rod

Carrol Cox wrote:

 Charles is of course correct. I guess what I thought was a
 truism ("Everyone knows that there exist both trivial and
 non-trivial tautologies") is in fact false. If you check, you will
 find that careful writers very frequently specify whether a
 tautology they refer to is trivial or non-trivial. Roughly, a
 tautology is non-trivial if it brings out relationships which
 would otherwise go unnoted. The following tautology is
 anything but trivial:

 a+b=b+a

 Or

 IF a+b=b+a, THEN 1+2=2+1

 The tautology "Capitalism will collapse" is another way of
 saying "All sublunary existence is mutable." I forget the exact
 words of the cliche, but it is an old one. The problem with
 trivial tautologies is the illusion they create of profundity.
 And usually, unlike non-trivial tautologies, trivial tautologies
 conceal rather than emphasize their tautological nature. This
 can lead to real confusion (as it did in the present case)
 when someone tries to doubt the tautology (as in Doug sneering
 at the supposed originality of "Capitalism will collapse") Doug
 must have assumed that the tautology, "Capitalism will collapse"
 affirmed the non-tautology: "Socialism will triumph."

 Note that all syllogisms are tautological -- the conclusion merely
 restates what was already present in the premises.

 Carrol

 Carrol

 Charles Brown wrote:

  If you are implying that there are no non-trivial tautologies, isn't mathematics 
all about non-trivial tautologies ? All equations are tautologies, no ?
 
  CB
 
   [EMAIL PROTECTED] 06/29/00 07:02PM 
  Is this in contrast to non-trivial tautologies?
   Cheers, Ken Hanly
 
  Carrol Cox wrote:
 
   Doug Henwood wrote:
  
M A Jones wrote:
   
But capitalism will collapse anyway.
   
Right. Where have I heard that one before?
  
   Actually the prediction was made by many old guys millenia ago
   before capitalism was ever heard of. You know, the old stuff about
   the rise and fall of this or that. ONe doesn't have to be even remotely
   a marxist to know this. Now *dating* it -- that's something else.
  
   And of course it is also another quesion whether the collapse will
   be followed by socialism or barbarianism. But who can seriously
   object to the abstract proposition that "Capitalism will collapse."
   It seems a rather trivial tautology.
  
   Carrol

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re: Tautology

2000-06-30 Thread Rod Hay

After thinking better of my sarcastic tone to Carrol's message. Let me
explain.

A tautology is a statement that is true by definition. That is, it is
always true.

A = A is a tautology.

A = B is not a tautology. That is, it might be false.

Similarly all true statements are not tautologies. I.e., A = B might be
true.

If all statements were tautologies, math and logic would be very easy.
Anything you write down would be true. No need to prove anything.

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Re: re: Tautology

2000-06-30 Thread Rod Hay

Yes, of course, Charles.

Rod

Charles Brown wrote:

  [EMAIL PROTECTED] 06/30/00 01:25PM 
 After thinking better of my sarcastic tone to Carrol's message. Let me
 explain.

 A tautology is a statement that is true by definition. That is, it is
 always true.

 A = A is a tautology.

 A = B is not a tautology. That is, it might be false.

 Similarly all true statements are not tautologies. I.e., A = B might be
 true.

 __

 CB: Sorry, couldn't help saying this since we are in a logical vein. You mean "not 
all true statements are tautologies" , I believe.

 I agree with your post, though.

 _

 If all statements were tautologies, math and logic would be very easy.
 Anything you write down would be true. No need to prove anything.

 --

--
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Re: water water everywhere

2000-06-30 Thread Rod Hay

Now here I admit is a problem. Not so much in the quantity of water, but the
difficulties of transporting it. The distribution of population in the world does
not match the distribution of the fresh water. And or course moving the people to
Northern Canada will just exacerbate the energy situation. It gets cold up there.
Ask Ken, and he is not all the way up there.

In Ontario while there is lots of water, there is a problem keeping it clean. A
recent outbreak of E. coli bacteria, near me, is suspected to have begun when heavy
runoff from farmers' fields infected the town's water system.

If weather patterns are changing. It would require an immense adjustment to
accommodate.

Rod



Michael Perelman wrote:

 One of the problems with this debate is the certainty being bandied about.  I
 admit that I have not been able to read all the posts.

 Let me suggest that I suspect that the crisis in water will hit before the
 energy crisis.  For many, it already has.  My daughter tells me that even soggy
 Portland is worried about enough water.

 The water crisis may be even more intractable than the energy crisis -- I don't
 know.  The first step would be to develop forms of communication, which come
 before organizing.  Yelling at each other is exactly what not to do.  Tell me
 how I can talk to my father or my neighbor about such things in a way that they
 can understand.

 --

 Michael Perelman
 Economics Department
 California State University
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Chico, CA 95929
 530-898-5321
 fax 530-898-5901

--
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Re: [Fwd: Position in the World-System and National Emissions of]

2000-06-29 Thread Rod Hay

Eliminating the distinction between town and country side is a very
abstract though admirable goal. But what does it mean concretely. Better
planning of new housing space? More green space in the city? Better and
more efficient transportation systems? Or is there something more
drastic in mind?

Dwelling solely in the world of the abstract is dangerous. Soon all that
remains is the eternal dance of the categories or meaningless slogans.

Rod

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Re: Re: Re: [Fwd: Position in the World-System andNational Emissions of]

2000-06-29 Thread Rod Hay

Actually Lou. Although I have a good friend who works for Starbucks, I don't
drink coffee, and have never been in a Starbucks.

I know the history. I know the economic cost. But what is the programme. What
are the concrete steps that you propose? Move the cows back into Central Park?

There are any number of struggles going on the world concerning the split
between the town and the country, which ones are worth getting involved in?
which ones are not? Some of us do have political lives, that consist of more
than meaningless harangues. It is all fine and good to say that you don't want
to provide blueprints but political struggles are taking place every day in
every city in the world about what direction to take with respect to new
buildings, new roads, new parks. I like taking part in those discussion,
because that is what my neighbours and friends are interested in.

All I hear from the Leninists -- Join some Party of idiots who can't even talk
to their neighbours.

By the way. What is the CM demand?

Rod

Louis Proyect wrote:

 Rod wrote:
 Eliminating the distinction between town and country side is a very
 abstract though admirable goal. But what does it mean concretely. Better
 planning of new housing space? More green space in the city? Better and
 more efficient transportation systems? Or is there something more
 drastic in mind?

 You and Doug approach this as if we were talking about life-style. I can
 understand this. This is generally how people first react to the CM demand,
 as if they were being asked to give up Starbucks or something. It is not
 about this primarily. It is about addressing a fundamental problem in
 agriculture and ecology. The rise of the modern city was facilitated by the
 removal of the agrarian population. Then, the livestock was separated from
 the farm where crops were grown. This was made possible by modern
 transportation systems, sophisticated financing schemes, chemical
 fertilizer, mechanized plowing and reaping, etc. In the meantime, all of
 these 'advances' were made possible by the creation of modern urban
 industrial centers. With every "success" of the capitalist system, there
 was an environmental penalty. Marx wrote about this, as did Bebel,
 Bukharin, Kautsky and many other lesser known Marxists. Our problem is that
 most of the research into these questions is being done by by mainstream
 greens like Lester Brown's Worldwatch, while the militant opposition comes
 from fuzzy-minded anarchists or deep ecologists. And where are the
 self-declared Marxists? Mostly standing around with their thumbs up their
 asses worrying about whether they'll still be able to enjoy their morning
 Starbucks.

 Louis Proyect
 Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org/

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entropy

2000-06-29 Thread Rod Hay

The word/concept entropy is often used by the environmental movement but
seldom understood.

In physics it is used as measurement of the degradation or dispersement
of energy in a closed system. In every day speech it usually refers to
thermal energy, and measures the dissipation of energy that is not
available for conversion to human uses. The closed system we are talking
about is the solar system.

There are three sources of energy available to us. Solar, nuclear and
geo-thermal. Fossil fuel's are solar energy that has been stored in
hydrocarbon molecules. So the vast majority of the energy we use is
solar in origin.

For practical human purposes the amount existing of all three is
infinite. And the estimated time of dissipation of solar energy is in
the billions of years. No one, I hope, is expecting the imminent death
of the sun.

The question then becomes on of the ability of humans to capture, store
and use that energy as it dissipates. It is purely a technical question.
And it is here that the question of socialism, capitalism or some other
ism enters the picture. What set of property relations provides the most
incentive for human scientist and engineers to develop new ways of
capturing that energy.

Mark seems to be saying that it doesn't matter what system we have in
place, it simply is not technically possible. I disagree, so I will
continue to talk about incentives, market, political, etc. which I think
will improve the situation, and leave the hysterics to others.

Since the scientist, engineers, etc. disagree on the possibilities, I
don't see how we can resolve the issue.







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Re: Re: Re: Re: We used 10 times as much energy in the 20thcentury as in the 1,000

2000-06-28 Thread Rod Hay

London (1830)

Economic pundit X: If the economy continues to grow at its present rate, in
fifty years we will all be buried in ten feet of horse shit.

Rod

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Re: Re: We used 10 times as much energy in the20thcentury as in the 1,000

2000-06-28 Thread Rod Hay

Charles. The shortage will arise in one million years by which time there will be no 
human species as we know it. I say let them fend for themselves.

Rod

Charles Brown wrote:

 

 Rod had said:

 There is no shortage of energy!

 ))

 CB: Right now. But surely not all energies are infinite. How long will there be no 
shortage ?  Don't we have responsibility to think long term for our species ?  If the 
shortage will only arise in 100 or 200 years should we be indifferent to that ?

 ___

 
 Nor of any other resource.
 
 The environmental problem we have to solve is how to get rid of our
 garbage without fouling our environment to such an extent that it is
 inhospitable for human life.
 
 Rod
  [EMAIL PROTECTED] 06/27/00 06:31PM 
 I agree that waste management is an urgent problem, but the reason
 why there is "no shortage of energy nor of any other resources" is
 that the market rations their use.  Econ 101 says that any shortage
 can be cured by an appropriately higher price, so it seems there is
 no point in celebrating an absence of shortage.  The poor in poor
 countries have no access to electricity, clean water, reliable
 transportation, household appliances, and other goods that consume
 oil and other resources in their production, because they can't
 afford them.  If everyone in the world were to live according to the
 standards set by rich nations, wouldn't there be a problem (though
 capitalism does prevent this particular problem from ever arising,
 since the majority are doomed to poverty)?

 Yoshie

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Re: My looniness (fwd)

2000-06-28 Thread Rod Hay

Oh Carrol get with the programme. You are to organize all the True
Believers and take them off to Jonestown





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Re: Re: Re: Re: RE: My looniness

2000-06-28 Thread Rod Hay

Ken In addition, it might be useful to ban auto traffic in high density areas. It
would be difficult, but worth a debate in our major cities. My local paper this
morning predicts 60 to 70 extra deaths this summer (in a city of about half a
million) due to air pollution. Properly handled this should at least generate some
public discussion.

Rod

Ken Hanly wrote:

 If there really is an emergency and people are convinced of that I don't see
 why rationing
 would not work. While I agree that public transportation should be supported,
 as long as the
 rich don't use it they will use their influence and power to sabotage attempts
 to subsidize a system they do not use. You are right of course about the growth
 of grey  markets and black markets that still afford the well off superior
 treatment under rationing. THe same thing happens with our medicare system
 where doctors, and politicians jump queues or travel to the US but the system
 nevertheless works reasonably well--and would work much better if
 properly funded. If the rich are part of the rationing system then they have a
 stake in it and will be interested in seeing to it that it works. At least you
 show concern for the relative impact of policies on different income groups.
 Mark Jones apparently  thinks this is fiddling while Rome burns.

 Jim Devine wrote:

  At 09:41 PM 06/27/2000 -0500, you wrote:
   Although I appreciate Jim Devine's argument for higher gas prices
   there is a definite income bias involved. The relatively well off can
   continue to drive their SUV's etc. while the lower middle classes will be
   priced right out of the automobile market. This saves oil but in a
   totally unfair way. THe large group of drivers who now enjoy relatively
   cheap gas can hardly be blamed for opposing a more progressive energy
   pricing policy if it threatens to end or curtail their enjoyment of
   automobiles while those well off continue as before. Why not ration
   gasoline as was done in wartime? Rationing by the market is rationing for
   the rich.
 
  Rationing is only a defensive maneuver, one that eventually gets weak as
  the rich use their political connections and their ability to afford high
  illegal-market prices. Though it worked during WW 2 in the US, how long
  could it have lasted?
 
  Instead, the government should deal with the problem by increasing the
  amount and quality of public mass transit drastically, including getting
  many more of these natural-gas-driven wheelchair-friendly busses. Much of
  the expense can be covered by the gas tax. In general, the idea is to move
  toward the best W. European model.
 
  Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~JDevine

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energy

2000-06-28 Thread Rod Hay

Charles It is not a matter of faith. It is a simple calculation. Amount
of energy available minus amount used by humans in the course of their
history. The result if a very large positive number. We are not going to
run out of energy.

Alternatives to internal combustion engines are technological infants,
but they are available and will soon be economic.

Rod

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re: energy

2000-06-28 Thread Rod Hay

Let's stop this thread. All we get from Jones is invective. Not one
thread of evidence, except some stupid post that shows what every high
school math student knows -- exponential functions get large very
quickly.

Rod

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re: energy

2000-06-28 Thread Rod Hay

Okay, Mark, please explain why no other energy technology is feasible.

Rod

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re: dialectical method

2000-06-27 Thread Rod Hay

Jim and Justin have been going back and forth on this. Jim has outlined
his conception of the dialectic method. And Justin has responded to what
he considers the vagueness of that method and prefers a more explicit
exposition and examination of propositions.

Part of the problem in my opinion, and the root of the disagreement,
stems from the fact that Jim has consistently left out one of the most
important components of a dialectical method. One must move constantly
from the abstract to the concrete. Jim has focussed on the abstract, but
the method becomes simply words unless one is constantly dealing with
the concrete as well.

For instance, Lou gave a quote from Marx last week which summed up
Marx's theory of historical change, and rightly pointed out that Cohen
interpretation of that quote dealt only with the abstract aspects.
(Cohen is not alone in this fault. It is common amongst many readers of
Marx. Others focus only on the concrete. Taking their clue from the
eleventh thesis on Feuerbach. Or on Marx's writings which emphasis class
struggle.) Focussing on only the abstract can soon lead one into absurd
interpretations and esoteric language which quickly becomes meaningless.

"At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces

of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production,

or what is but a legal expression for the same thing -- with the
property relations within which they have been at work hitherto."

Technological determinists interpretations of this quote (and others)
from Marx suffer from that fault. How do something so abstract as
"material productive forces of society" and "existing relations of
production" come into conflict? Only in the mind of an intellectual who
reifies that two abstractions. The conflict plays itself out on the
concrete level. When technology and property relations are in conflict,
people who have an interest in either the existing structure of property
rights fight it out with those who have an interest in the new
technology, and a new system of property rights is the result. In my
reading, Marx is proposing that in this particular dialectic the
material productive forces will be the strong moment.

To use Marx's theory productively however, I will reiterate my initial
point. To separate the abstract from the concrete (or vice versa) one is
soon lead to take absurd positions.

All this is poorly expressed, but I have my main point comes through.

Rod






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Re: Re: RE: RE:We used 10 times as much energy in the 20th century as in the 1,000 previousyears (fwd)

2000-06-27 Thread Rod Hay

Assumptions? Exponential growth?

On population. For most of human history populations have fairly stable. There
have been two periods of very rapid growth. The neolithic revolution and the
industrial revolution. In the rich industrial countries, population growth has
stabilized. Why should it not in other areas of the world.

On energy. Why do we have to assume a static energy technology? For practical
purposes, the amount of energy available is infinite.

The real ecological problem is what to do with our wastes.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 Why is population growth a non-issue?  Exponential population
 growth is no more sustainable than exponential energy
 consumption if only because, in the long run, exponential
 population growth means exponential energy consumption.

 Paul Phillips,
 Economics,
 University of Manitoba

 Population-growth
  is a red-herring issue;

  Mark Jones
  http://www.egroups.com/group/CrashList
 
 
   -Original Message-
   From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
   [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]On Behalf Of
   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
   Sent: 26 June 2000 22:55
   To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
   Subject: [PEN-L:20716] RE:"We used 10 times as much energy in the 20th
   century as in the 1,000 previousyears" (fwd)
 

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We used 10 times as muchenergy in the 20th century as in the 1,000

2000-06-27 Thread Rod Hay

Why is it that when ever the price of gasoline goes up a few cents, we
hear Chicken Little screaming "Energy Crisis"?

Gasoline is still the cheapest liquid you can buy. What is it in the US,
about $2.00 a gallon? Try to buy any other liquid for the same price.

There is no shortage of energy!

Nor of any other resource.

The environmental problem we have to solve is how to get rid of our
garbage without fouling our environment to such an extent that it is
inhospitable for human life.

Rod

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Re: RE: We used 10 times as much energy in the 20th century as in the 1,000 previous years

2000-06-26 Thread Rod Hay
still the corn to get ethanol.  So
 it turns out that in the conventional production of ethanol, the finished
 gallon of ethanol contains less energy than was used to produce it !  It's
 an energy loser!  The net energy of this "energy source" is negative!

 5)   The Clinton administration, in a "Draft Comprehensive National Energy
 Strategy" (February 1998)  talks about America's oil as being "abundant,"
 (pg. 4) and it advocates  "promoting increased domestic oil ... production"
 (pg. 2) to reverse this downward trend in U.S. oil production.  The peak of
 the Hubbert Curve of oil production in the U.S. was reached in 1970 and we
 are now well down the right side of the Curve.  The Draft Strategy calls for
 "stabilization of domestic oil production" (pg. 12) which is explained in
 "Strategy 1" (pg. 12) "By 2005, first stop and then reverse the decline in
 domestic oil production."   The Hubbert Curve rises and falls in a manner
 like that of a Gaussian Error Curve, and once one is over the peak, one can
 put bumps on the downhill side, but except for such "noise," the trend
 after the peak is always downhill.  A large national effort might reverse
 the decline in U.S. oil production for a year or two, but it hardly
 plausible to propose to "stabilize" domestic oil production for any extended
 period of time.  It almost seems as though the U.S. Department of Energy has
 not studied the works of Hubbert, Campbell  Laherrere, Ivanhoe, Edwards,
 Masters and other prominent petroleum geologists.

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Stages

2000-06-24 Thread Rod Hay

The status of stages theory in Marx's writing is ambiguous. Passages
from different writings lead to different conclusions. But I think the
general trend of his writings was against a theory of mechanistic or
organic progression through a predetermined series of stages. And there
does seem to be development in his thinking on the issue. Remember that
he was quite young when the Communist Manifesto was written and he spent
a lot of time reading and thinking after that. His later writings do not
contain a teleological or fatalistic theory of history.

If the term stage is applied to his later writings it has a descriptive
character. It is not a theory of stages but a periodization of history
or a convenient abstraction. The stage does not determine the relations
of social production, but the social relations and the relations of
labour to nature determine or give definition to the stage. There is
then no necessity that one stage follow another, and no necessity that
each area of the world go through the same series of stages.

That said, it is still necessary that there be a rough compatibility
between the development of the material forces of society and the
relations of production. -- or more concretely between technology and
property rights.

Rod

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Re: Stages fetters was Re: GA Cohen

2000-06-24 Thread Rod Hay

Making a distinction between transition from one stage to another and
transitions within a mode of production, is to make a distinction that cannot
be maintained, at least in the historical record. There is no sharp
distinction between modes of production. Both the relations of production and
the means of production evolve at an uneven rate, and interact with each
other. It is only in retrospect that we can describe a particular set of
arrangements a definite mode of production. And it is a definition made for
convenience and has no theoretical value. A mode of production is not a thing,
it is a convenient abstraction made by historians to describe a particular
society. To consider it a think is to engage in reification.

There is no transformation between modes of production in the historical
record, except where there was a catastrophic collapse of a society (and here
the result was usually not progressive). There are transformations only within
modes of production. When a sufficient number of these transformations occur
we can look back and say that that mode of production was different than some
other.

Rod


Timework Web wrote:

 I haven't read Cohen's work but I want to comment on Louis's quote from
 Marx. By itself, I agree that the passage is abstract, but it sums up an
 argument that Marx makes time and again and develops more fully
 elsewhere. That is, Marx *does* have a stage theory, but it can't be
 deduced from the famous passage. Nor should it be over-extended by
 analogy.

 As far as the transition from feudalism to capitalism or capitalism to
 socialism goes, Marx's theory is highly speculative. But it is *within*
 capitalism, namely between the factory system and modern industry, that
 Marx most explicitly develops a stage theory. The distinction between the
 two epochs rests, ultimately, in the difference between the formal and the
 real subsumption of labour under capital.

 Extending the stages by analogy runs the risk of economic determinism.
 If we allow that there is a *logic of capital*, it can only be manifest in
 a social system in which capital dominates. The transitions from feudalism
 to capitalism and from capitalism to socialism could thus not express such
 a logic and could consequently only be made by contingent human actions
 that aren't constrained by a logic of capital. Also, not everything that
 happens within a society dominated by capital obeys the logic of capital.

 In summary, the question of stage theories can't be resolved by the answer
 to the question of whether such is proper to Marx and Engels. My own view
 is that Marx tentatively projected a finite 'end of capital', which is to
 say, yes, Marx's analysis of Capital was apocalytic. To say that Marx's
 analysis was apocalyptic, however, is like saying he wrote prose.

 "In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations
 that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of
 production which correspond to a definite stage of their development of
 their material productive forces. The sum total of these relations of
 production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real
 foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to
 which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of
 production of their material life conditions the social, political and
 intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men
 that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that
 determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of their development,
 the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the
 existing relations of production, or -- what is but a legal expression for
 the same thing -- with the property relations within which they have been
 at work hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these
 relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social
 revolution. With the change of the economic foundations the entire immense
 superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed."

 tom Walker

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Re: Re: Re: Re: Gary Graham

2000-06-23 Thread Rod Hay

On the death penalty. Is it true that in the U.S. prospective jurors can be
excluded from juries because they oppose the death penalty in principle, thereby
stacking juries in favour of this penalty?

Rod



Chris Burford wrote:

 At 13:22 23/06/00 -0400, you wrote:

 Day when people are no longer condemned to death on basis of race 
 class will be day when no one is condemned to death at all.  Michael Hoover

 I feel Michael Hoover, who repeatedly wins the prize for content to volume
 ratio in his postings, touches here on the philsophical basis for
 opposition to the death penalty.

 People die for all sorts of reasons, some of them preventable, some of them
 accelerated by society. I doubt I could say in all circumstances that
 killing another human is wrong. In strict marxist terms I do not think one
 could support a purely moral opposition to the death penalty on purely
 idealistic moral grounds alone.

 But the idea that the murder rate in a society can be dealt with in such a
 mechanical way as the killing of the perpetrator is so crude as to infect
 the whole of civil society.

 It is the other side of the coin to the atomised bourgeois idea of human
 rights which in a class ridden society cannot but deliver class justice.

 At least the ritual argument for execution has some sort of socially
 complex argument to it.

 It is hard to make the connection between the death penalty and a internet
 list on political economy, but perhaps this extract helps from an article
 in today's copy of the UK paper, the Independent, entitled "Why do so many
 American support the death penalty?"

 It is by David Aaronovitch, son of the late marxist economist Sam
 Aaronovitch  -

 "An American friend suggested that what was going on was a negative
 self-identification: that in the death-row inmates American could recognise
 an alter ego, whose restless competitive striving had developed a dark form
 they wished to be obliterated."

 What better vehicle for this psychotic projection of capitalist
 competition, than a black man?

 Chris Burford

 London

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Re: Definition of Political Economy(fwd)

2000-06-22 Thread Rod Hay

Not my assessment, but Marx's. And he was referring to the Principles of
Political Economy, not to the works you list. I happen to like J.S. Mill although
I have an aversion to his father.

Rod

Brad De Long wrote:

 Marx's complain against J. S. Mill was that he was mediocre, and looked good
 simply because the competition was so dreadful. Mediocre because he confined
 himself to study surface phenomena, rather than to look at the real motor of
 history.
 
 Rod
 

 _The Subjection of Women_; _On Liberty_; and _Representative
 Government_ still stand up pretty well. The "Essay on Bentham" is a
 sensitive positive critique of utilitarianism.

 And it seems to me likely that Harriet Taylor had more fun than Jenny
 von Westphalen...

 Brad DeLong

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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Definition ofPolitical Economy (fwd)

2000-06-22 Thread Rod Hay

In one of his prefaces J.S. Mill thanks Harriet Taylor profusely and says
that because he discussed the material with her so thoroughly, she should be
considered a co-author. This has been taken by some and transferred into
statements similar to those that Jim repeated.

Rod

Jim Devine wrote:

 I wrote:
 and many people say that Harriet T. likely wrote _The Subjection of
 Women_ but thought that she couldn't get it published under her name.

 Brad queries:
 I hadn't known that. Sources? Now I'm curious enough that I'll spend the
 morning re-reading it...

 unfortunately, this is something I picked up in a philosophy class taken
 many years ago, while the prof. didn't mention the source.

 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~JDevine

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Re: Mine's just so smart!

2000-06-22 Thread Rod Hay

Don't be too hard on Mine. We all remember when we were in graduate school and
knew everything before we had read it. I just wish that the internet was
around when I was there. I could have gone on and bashed professors without
any fear of reprisals. Unfortunately I had to do it in the Graduate Student
Union, and worry about some rat fink carrying the word back to the department.

yours in jerkdom

Rod

Stephen E Philion wrote:

 Once again, all I can say before I get on a 20 some hour flight with long
 connections just to catch some jass in Montreal is, wow Mine, you're so
 smart you can talk to Justin Schwartz like he's so dumb...wish I were that
 smart...

 Mine wrote:

 I don't have time because I have sepent with this list more hours
 than I expected nowadays. why don't you "hit" the books dear Justin?

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Re: Altruism

2000-06-21 Thread Rod Hay

Strict neo-classical models can not handle "concern for others". If it is
included, (i.e., if utility functions are not independent) then there is no
unique equilibrium position. Not enough independent equations for the number of
variables.

Rod

Sam Pawlett wrote:



 Altruism can be, and presumably is, used in rat choice theory because
 you just have to enter "concern for others" into a utility function. It
 would seem hard to build a comprehensive economic model with altruism
 though. I guess you could argue that altruism is a preference, a
 preferred outcome that would influence someone's choice.


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Re: Re: GT

2000-06-21 Thread Rod Hay

At the risk of sounding somewhat Hegelian. The problem can be looked at like
this. Both the individual and the group exist with equal ontological status.
Methodological individual gives priority to the individual, while some forms of
sociology (including some varieties of of Marxism) give priority to the group.

Understanding the outcome of individual situation requires a careful empirical
analysis of the interaction. There is no a priori principle that can be applied.
The dominant moment of the interaction will change depending upon the situation.
Sometimes the group (social forces) will dominate. Other times the individual
will. The longer the time period under analysis, the more likely the group will
be the stronger moment.

Rod

Rob Schaap wrote:

 So I think Yoshie's onto something big, but still feel the thread is some
 way off neatly articulating the ontological solution to the confontation of
 the individual with the collective.


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Re: Re: Re: Re: Definition of Political Economy (fwd)

2000-06-21 Thread Rod Hay

Marx's complain against J. S. Mill was that he was mediocre, and looked good
simply because the competition was so dreadful. Mediocre because he confined
himself to study surface phenomena, rather than to look at the real motor of
history.

Rod



[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 James Mill was indeed a classic Benthamite utilitarian, and a very close
 friend of Bentham's to boot. You are mistaken, though, if you think that John
 Stuart Mill, the son of James, was opposed to making pleasure the sole good.
 He just had a more nuanced conception of pleasure, or to use his word,
 happiness. Of course James M and Bentham extended the principle of utility to
 politics, education, economics, law, and education, not just individual
 conduct (which did not much interest them); not for nothing were they called
 the Philosophical Radicals. There was no debate bewteen James M and Marx,
 since James M was dead before Marx was up and running, but Marx's attack on
 James M is hardly what I would call approving. He was likewise dubiousabout
 son JS, the preeminant political economist of his age. (And later a market
 socialist, as we would say). --jks

 In a message dated 6/21/00 4:19:09 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
 [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

  This, I agree. _On James Mill_ (McL. _Selected Political Writings of
  Marx_), Marx refers somewhat "approvingly" to John's father. I have to
  read the text once again though, since my memory poorly serves me at the
  moment.. James Mill must belong to the tradition of utilitarianism,
  sharing a great deal of philosophical ideas with Bentham. Bentham's
  individualism was later criticized by John, the son who thought that
  pleasure maximizing principle should not be the sole concern of
  individualism. So John wanted to extend the scope of utility to areas
  other than individuals (public education, etc..). I have to open my exam
  notes for the distinction between James and John Mill to make sense of the
  debate between James and Marx. It does not seem terrribly
  clear to me at the moment, but I know Marx talks positively of James,
  if not very supportively.
   

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: GT (fwd)

2000-06-21 Thread Rod Hay

Marx in volume II shows that capitalist equilibrium with growth is possible,
but that it is unlikely because of the co-ordination problems between the
sectors of the economy.

Arrow and Debreu using neo-classical modeling techniques show something
similar. That static equilibrium is possible. But that the conditions are so
onerous as to be unlikely.

Leontiev was correct to connect his research with Marx. There is a continuous
development of the input-output model from Quesnay to Marx to Leontiev,
although each of them put it to a different use than the others. Leontiev was
familiar with the efforts in the Soviet Union during the 1920s to develop a
model of the economy that could be used for planning purposes, and those
planners drew their inspiration from Marx.

Rational choice models has a long pre-history, they go back possibly to John
Duns Scottus and certainly to Marcellus of Padua. The Bernoulli's were involved
and Condilliac should also be consulted. Smith's contribution was actually
quite small on this particular question.

Rod

Jim Devine wrote:


 I think that a market environment encourages individualism, but the
 application of rat choice came first with Smith, not Marx. And Marx, unlike
 the rat choice types, saw "preferences" as endogenous. He also clearly
 rejected methodological individualism, though he saw that something like it
 was the ordinary consciousness of many people within the system, shaped,
 constrained, and mystified by commodity fetishism and the illusions created
 by competition.


 Leontief was wrong to credit Marx with this. Marx's volume II is a
 non-equilibrium system, while the equilibrium interpretation has hobbled
 Marxian political economy (showing up in absurd ways in the "transformation
 problem" lit, seen for example in Sweezy's THEORY OF CAPITALIST
 DEVELOPMENT). Marx did present "equilibrium conditions" for the
 proportional relationship between sectors, but he did not think equilibrium
 could be achieved easily. To the extent that equilibrium was achieved, it
 was the result of crisis, which involved _forcible_ equilibration, which
 was often quite destructive (small businesses going broke, working people
 losing their livelihood, etc.) Instead of seeing the results of his
 reproduction schemes as continually met -- as in input-output analysis --
 Marx saw them as regularly being broken and then violently reestablished.
 An extreme crisis --- like the Great Depression -- might require an extreme
 solution -- like World War II, though of course the solution's rise is not
 predetermined.

 I'm afraid that Leontief wanted to link Marx to his own research, which
 helped create IO theory. Back then, being associated with Marx was
 prestigious, at least in some circles.

 I think we should eschew them because they weren't Marx's accomplishments.

 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~JDevine

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: Matt Rabin

2000-06-19 Thread Rod Hay

And Veblen knew it and said it 100 years ago. Check the Preconceptions of
Economic Science. Conveniently available at my web site.

http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/veblen/index.html

Rod

Jim Devine wrote:



 In an earlier incarnation, if I remember correctly, Herb Gintis showed that
 endogenous tastes undermines all of NC welfare economics.

 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]   http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine
 ["clawww" or "liberalarts" can replace "bellarmine"]

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Matt Rabin

2000-06-19 Thread Rod Hay

The value of game theory as with any other formal system of logic is that
it imposes a discipline on thinking. If one is competent, using the
system assures that the conclusions follow from the premises. The system
it self has no content.

Granted, there are those who practice what Schumpeter called the
Ricardian vice--a confusion of the model and reality.

I have seen many a piece of 'demotic prose' that was severely logically
flawed and no one seemed to notice. (Pick your favourite fashionable
French philosopher).

Using the language of game theory also has a secondary benefit. It has a
rhetorical aspect. Economists will read it. Whereas, the so-called
criticism of the discipline has no rhetorical value 'outside a small
circle of friends.'

Rod


Doug Henwood wrote:



 For this you need game theory and a formal model? Is there anything
 here that couldn't be conveyed in three or four sentences of demotic
 prose?

 Doug

--
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Re: Re: Re: Dawkins and anthropolgy

2000-06-19 Thread Rod Hay

I tend to agree with Michael H. on this one. I have never found much of use in
Dawkins. Even the strictly scientific stuff is shallow and wrong.

On the other hand, Rob has a point if he refers to genetics, rather than to
Dawkins. Genetics is part of what we are. So long as we remember that we share
97 per cent of our genes with chimpanzees.

And the maximum human variation amounts to 0.1 per cent.

Again I will tout Deacon's book -- The Symbolic Species.

Rod

Michael Hoover wrote:

  Will Dawkins move on to physics in response to his critics? Maybe he could
  develop the concept of econe energy, the physical form of possessive
  individualism.
  Didn't Dawkins develop the concept of the "meme," a unit of culture
  analogous to a gene?
  Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]   http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine

 In late 19th century, Spencer adopted Darwin's theory.  According to
 his social darwinism, Carnegies and Rockefellers were simply fittest
 survivors in world of ruthless competition over scarce resources.
 Dawkins is simply update, nothing more, nothing less, he gets
 sympathetic hearing because of current triumphalism of free-market
 economics.  Nature will back you up if you want its authority, blah,
 blah, blah...Michael Hoover

--
Rod Hay
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name calling

2000-06-18 Thread Rod Hay

Jim is now the third person that has been called a racist, by our new
champion name caller.

Mine wrote:
you are being *disgustingly racist*,

--
Rod Hay
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Re: name calling (fwd)

2000-06-18 Thread Rod Hay

Oh Mine, give it a break. This joke is growing stale quickly.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 *You* *definetly* ARE with your energetic support for socio-biology and
 praising people like Wilson who called Ruandan people barbaric creatures
 and genetically ill people!

 Mine

 Jim is now the third person that has been called a racist, by our new
 champion name caller.

 Mine wrote:
 you are being *disgustingly racist*,

 --
 Rod Hay
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 The History of Economic Thought Archive
 http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/index.html
 Batoche Books
 http://Batoche.co-ltd.net/
 52 Eby Street South
 Kitchener, Ontario
 N2G 3L1
 Canada

--
Rod Hay
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
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Re: Re: Re: Re: McArthur grantee

2000-06-17 Thread Rod Hay

I don't understand the antagonism to game theory. It is a logical technique--a
tool that can be used to focus the mind on strategic decisions. It has the
weakness that it can only practically discuss the interaction of two people,
but surely there is nothing inherent in it that would bring out this scorn.

Rod

Jim Devine wrote:

 Brad De Long wrote:
 He's [Matt Rabin is] brilliant, and very witty: good company. Lots of
 interesting ideas about how game theory should be developed...

 Doug writes:
 To what end? What's the point of game theory? What does it explain that
 things other than game theory don't?

 I hope that Rabin is leading the fight against cooperative game theory. But
 I'd like to hear what Rabin's contributions to this field have been.

 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~JDevine/AS

--
Rod Hay
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Re: GT [was: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: McArthur grantee

2000-06-17 Thread Rod Hay

I agree Jim. The evil is in the economist not in the technique.

Rod

Jim Devine wrote:

 At 03:11 PM 06/17/2000 -0400, you wrote:
 I don't understand the antagonism to game theory. It is a logical technique--a
 tool that can be used to focus the mind on strategic decisions. It has the
 weakness that it can only practically discuss the interaction of two people,
 but surely there is nothing inherent in it that would bring out this scorn.

 I'm not antagonistic toward game theory, _per se_. I even studied it in
 High School (back in 1967 or 1968) and thought it was pretty cool. The
 problem, as with all theory, is how it's used and whether the theory is
 reified or not. I've been convinced (partly by previous discussions on
 pen-l) that there's nothing inherent in game theory that says that John von
 Neumann would automatically apply it to call for a preemptive unilateral
 nuclear attack on the USSR. There's nothing inherent in game theory that
 says that up-and-coming young economists have to prove their cojones by
 using fancy techniques like game theory (GT). What I reject is the
 _reduction_ of economics to such formalisms as game theory (so that
 empirical research, a historical perspective, non-game theories,
 philosophy, etc. aren't necessary). Even worse is _cooperative_ game
 theory, which not only gets rid of the more interesting conclusions of the
 theory but represents a Panglossian "best of all possible worlds" approach.
 But we should also remember that other theories have been misused,
 including Marxian theory.

 Mine quotes Ronald Chilcote: Game theory and formal modeling have
 generated mathemetical explanations of strategies, especially for marketing
 and advertising in business firms. Game theory has had an impact on
 economics and it has been widely  used in political science analyses of
 international confrontations and electoral strategies. In fact, game theory
 has been extensively used  by political scientists in the testing and
 implementation of rational choice theory, which assumes that THE STRUCTURAL
 CONSTRAINTS OF SOCIETY DO NOT NECESSARILY DETERMINE THE ACTIONS OF
 INDIVIDUALS AND THAT INDIVIDUALS TEND TO CHOOSE ACTIONS THAT BRING THEM THE
 BEST RESULTS.

 I presume that the use of ALL CAPS indicates that you don't approve of
 these aspects of the theory.

 But the idea that people choose actions that bring them the best results is
 tautological and therefore unobjectionable as long as it's not reified.

 The idea that people actually choose -- i.e. are not necessarily determined
 by the structural constraints of society -- is pretty obvious. People
 choose to post stuff on pen-l. They're not totally determined by their
 societal environments. In any event, no-one has developed a theory of
 society that's so good that it can predict individual behavior 100% of the
 time. Even if such a theory could be developed, it would be a _behaviorist_
 theory (like that of BF Skinner). That's a road that leads "beyond freedom
 and dignity" into the realm of authoritarianism.

 I prefer Marx's view, i.e., that individuals create society (though hardly
 ever as intended) _and_ the society limits and shapes individual choices,
 personalities, and the results of their actions, as a unified and dynamic
 (dialectical) process.

 Game theory is only about how the results of individual actions are limited
 by the structure of (a very simple) society (and how individuals make
 choices within that structure). It ignores the rest of the picture, and
 thus presents a very one-sided vision (or less than one-sided vision) of
 the world. For example, basic GT discusses the "prisoners' dilemma" without
 discussing how the cops have the power to create such a dilemma (creating
 the rules of the "game"). Similarly, it ignores other police tactics, such
 as the "tough cop/nice cop" routine that does the mindf*ck to the prisoner.

  Cooperative and competitive relations in one's bargaining with allies and
 opponents are emphasized by the social scientists in a fashion modeled
 after the economist's attention to exchange, especially through competitive
 market system

 well, the real world has both cooperative and competitive situations, so
 that GT isn't irrelevant.

   In focusing on systemic forecasting, Jantsch (1972) identified a number
 of tendencies in other social sciences. For sociology, he alluded to ways
 of " guiding human thinking in systemic fashion" and he mentioned scenario
 writing, gaming, historical analogy, and other techniques. For the policy
 sciences, he referred to the "outcome-orinted framework for strategic
 planning" known as the PLANNING-PROGRAMMING- BUDGETING SYSTEM, WHICH IS
 USED BY THE US GOVERNMENT AND OTHER COUNTRIES AS WELL" 

 are you saying that if the government uses something, it's bad? so if
 President Clinton breathes oxygen, we should avoid it?

 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http

Re: GT

2000-06-17 Thread Rod Hay
especially for
 marketing
 and advertising in business firms. Game theory has had an impact on
 economics and it has been widely  used in political science analyses of
 international confrontations and electoral strategies. In fact, game
 theory
 has been extensively used  by political scientists in the testing and
 implementation of rational choice theory, which assumes that THE
 STRUCTURAL
 CONSTRAINTS OF SOCIETY DO NOT NECESSARILY DETERMINE THE ACTIONS OF
 INDIVIDUALS AND THAT INDIVIDUALS TEND TO CHOOSE ACTIONS THAT BRING
 THEM THE
 BEST RESULTS.
 
 I presume that the use of ALL CAPS indicates that you don't approve of
 these aspects of the theory.
 
 But the idea that people choose actions that bring them the best
 results is
 tautological and therefore unobjectionable as long as it's not reified.
 
 The idea that people actually choose -- i.e. are not necessarily
 determined
 by the structural constraints of society -- is pretty obvious. People
 choose to post stuff on pen-l. They're not totally determined by their
 societal environments. In any event, no-one has developed a theory of
 society that's so good that it can predict individual behavior 100%
 of the
 time. Even if such a theory could be developed, it would be a
 _behaviorist_
 theory (like that of BF Skinner). That's a road that leads "beyond
 freedom
 and dignity" into the realm of authoritarianism.
 
 I prefer Marx's view, i.e., that individuals create society (though
 hardly
 ever as intended) _and_ the society limits and shapes individual
 choices,
 personalities, and the results of their actions, as a unified and
 dynamic
 (dialectical) process.
 
 Game theory is only about how the results of individual actions are
 limited
 by the structure of (a very simple) society (and how individuals make
 choices within that structure). It ignores the rest of the picture, and
 thus presents a very one-sided vision (or less than one-sided vision) of
 the world. For example, basic GT discusses the "prisoners' dilemma"
 without
 discussing how the cops have the power to create such a dilemma
 (creating
 the rules of the "game"). Similarly, it ignores other police
 tactics, such
 as the "tough cop/nice cop" routine that does the mindf*ck to the
 prisoner.
 
  Cooperative and competitive relations in one's bargaining with
 allies and
 opponents are emphasized by the social scientists in a fashion modeled
 after the economist's attention to exchange, especially through
 competitive
 market system
 
 well, the real world has both cooperative and competitive situations, so
 that GT isn't irrelevant.
 
   In focusing on systemic forecasting, Jantsch (1972) identified a
 number
 of tendencies in other social sciences. For sociology, he alluded to
 ways
 of " guiding human thinking in systemic fashion" and he mentioned
 scenario
 writing, gaming, historical analogy, and other techniques. For the
 policy
 sciences, he referred to the "outcome-orinted framework for strategic
 planning" known as the PLANNING-PROGRAMMING- BUDGETING SYSTEM, WHICH IS
 USED BY THE US GOVERNMENT AND OTHER COUNTRIES AS WELL" 
 
 are you saying that if the government uses something, it's bad? so if
 President Clinton breathes oxygen, we should avoid it?
 
 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~JDevine/AS

--
Rod Hay
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
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http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/index.html
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N2G 3L1
Canada




Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: My Take on Competition

2000-06-13 Thread Rod Hay

No necessity to talk about the factory floor. The product of intellectual labour
(i.e., intellectual property) does have value. But it is the intellectual labour
which creates value not the intellectual property. Changes in intellectual property
enforcement change the incentives of the intellectual labourers, and the
intellectual labourer may become more productive. So as in the case of the
waterfall, there is both an increase in output and a redistribution of surplus.
(This result is no different in a neoclassical analysis)

When one talks about value it is instructive to distinguish between what is given
value in a capitalist system, and what has value according to a socialist system of
value. My objection to the argument so far is that no one has made that
distinction. Because the capitalist system values something, it does not
necessarily follow that it is good in some other system of values. The huge
expenditures on advertising may be socially necessary under the current state of
affairs.

It also does not mean that the thing valued is technically necessary.

Whether or not, surplus value is subject to "some kind of conservation law" depends
upon the type of analysis we are doing. In a static economy, it is a requirement of
reproduction, not a law. In a dynamic system it is not necessary, and in fact not
likely unless growth is perfectly balanced, and we have constant returns to scale
in all industries.

The morale: Brad is partially right but for the wrong reason.

Rod

Brad De Long wrote:

 Brad, I am too dense to know when you are serious.  I don't even know who Will
 Robinson is.

 A pop culture reference to "Lost in Space": think of it as the
 modern-day equivalent of a gratuitous: "hic rhodus, hic salta!"

 
 I assume that you know that most people here know that "average market prices
 are *not* labor values" and that that fact does not invalidate what most
 people mean by the LTV.

 The argument being made was as follows: "Because changes in the
 regime of intellectual property enforcement do not affect what
 happens on the factory floor, they cannot affect the rate of
 exploitation. Hence changes in IP do not increase surplus value.
 Hence changes in IP *redistribute* profits, but do not change the
 economy-wide profit rate."

 If the LTV is true--if surplus-value is a kind of *stuff* that, once
 created, is subject to some kind of conservation law, and bears some
 relationship to profits--then this is a cogent, coherent, and correct
 argument.

 But it ain't: changes in IP can and do change the economy-wide profit
 rate (and wage rate as well). My point--that thinking in LTV terms
 gets you so tangled up in knots that you cannot think straight--is
 not a new one...

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: waterfalls and value

2000-06-11 Thread Rod Hay

Both labour and nature can produce things of value. But it is society that gives
a value to things. It assigns a value to things appropriated from nature and to
transformations made to those things by labour.

Marx claims that the value of a thing will be proportional to the labour socially
necessary for this appropriation and transformation.

Presumably, in the case of the waterfall, things are produced with less labour
than is socially necessary on average. The sellers of the things produced can
thus sell them for more than the labour cost of producing them. Thus the rate of
surplus value will be greater than the average. Surplus value has been
transferred to the sellers from the rest of the society. So there has been a
redistribution of the surplus.

At the same time, appropriating the energy of the waterfall, allows a given
quantity of total social labour to produce more things than before. And so long
as the waterfall users are in a unique position, the value of the things produced
will not change. (i.e., the socially necessary labour time will not change). But
the total value of output of the society will increase. And the total surplus
value will increase.

So both sides in the debate are correct.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 I think I am out of my depth in this. Five or six years ago I thought I had
 thought through a lot of this stuff (and maybe I had), and even published a
 bit on it, but I am running on hazy memories; it's not quite as bad as when I
 got down my old books on quantum theory and statistical mechanics and
 discovered I could not even understand the equations anymore--does anyone
 know Borges' poem on having learned and forgotten Latin, which I also have
 done?--but I definitely do not have enough of a grip on this stuff at the
 present to argue in a way that would make my participation worthwhile here. I
 need to go back and look over the material some more. maybe Iw ill start up
 again later whern I have done.

--
Rod Hay
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Re: My Take on Competition

2000-06-09 Thread Rod Hay

These is a dialectical relation, but there was something else going on in
the last thirty years. For instance, in the auto industry. The big three had
a oligopolistic situation in North America. The entrance of the Japanese
firms in the 1970s increased the competition. But now in the world auto
industry a new oligopolistic structure is emerging, because of a new round
of mergers and joint projects. Once the economy is truly global that dynamic
will stop. The entry costs are too high to establish new competition. The
only way the industry will experience a new round of competition is if some
new method of transportation is developed, in which new firms would have the
opportunity to enter.

Rod

Michael Perelman wrote:

 For the first of all, I want to thank Tom and Gene for starting this
 thread.  It's been a long time since we had any conversations about the
 economy here.  I was getting fairly frustrated with the content of this
 list.

 The forces tending to increase competition in the United States were
 deregulation, as Jim mentioned, and the pressure from imports.  The
 forces tending to diminish competition were intellectual property,
 mergers, and possibly government contracting.  In fact, as Jim seemed to
 suggest -- if he didn't, he should have -- the pressures from
 deregulation and imports have encouraged more mergers and acquisitions.
 Anthony specifically pointed to this dialectical relationship.

 I also believe that the degree of macroeconomic activity is a major
 determinant of the level of competition.  When the economy is booming,
 there is relatively little competitive pressure.  When the economy falls
 into a recession or depression, competitive pressures intensify.

 Jim also mentioned that wages are falling relative to labor
 productivity.  I associate this trend with intellectual property as
 well.  Labor productivity increases with the ability to mark goods up --
 Nike shoes are an excellent example, but the same holds for Microsoft
 software.

 --
 Michael Perelman
 Economics Department
 California State University
 Chico, CA 95929

 Tel. 530-898-5321
 E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]

--
Rod Hay
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Rushdie on Fiji

2000-06-08 Thread Rod Hay
atanic Verses and ``The
Ground Beneath Her Feet.''

--
Rod Hay
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Re: The Nader campaign, part 1

2000-06-03 Thread Rod Hay
are commendable. Of course, this does
 not quite distinguish him from other opponents like Pat Buchanan, whose
 rhetoric on these questions matches Nader's. Perhaps this affinity has led
 Reform Party leader Jim Mangia to open up discussions with the Nader camp
 about a possible bid on the Reform ticket. The May 26th NY Times reports:

 "Jim Mangia, the Reform Party's national secretary, has been talking to
 Green Party leaders about Mr. Nader's interest in running as the Reform
 candidate. Despite Mr. Nader's leftward leanings, his politics are not so
 different from the Reform platform on issues like campaign finance reform
 and permanent trading status for China."

 In a nutshell, Nader is attempting to connect the dotted lines between the
 social movements and trade unions of today with the anti-monopoly and
 populist traditions of the pre-1917 left. This is the left of small
 shopkeepers, farmers and "citizens" who need to restore the vision of
 Jeffersonian democracy. In his Concord Principles found at votenader.com,
 he states:

 "Control of our social institutions, our government, and our political
 system is presently in the hands of a self-serving, powerful few, known as
 an oligarchy, which too often has excluded citizens from the process.

 "Our political system has degenerated into a government of the power
 brokers, by the power brokers, and for the power brokers, and is far beyond
 the control or accountability of the citizens. It is an arrogant and
 distant caricature of Jeffersonian democracy."

 I personally am somewhat suspicious of appeals to "Jeffersonian democracy",
 particularly in light of his treatment of the American Indian.

 "...but this letter being unofficial and private, I may with safety give
 you a more extensive view of our policy respecting the Indians, that you
 may better comprehend the parts dealt to you in detail through the official
 channel, and observing the system of which they make a part, conduct
 yourself in unison with it in cases where you are obliged to act without
 instruction...When they withdraw themselves to the culture of a small piece
 of land, they will perceive how useless to them are their extensive
 forests, and will be willing to pare them off from time to time in exchange
 for necessaries for their farms and families... As to their fear, we
 presume that our strength and their weakness is now so visible that they
 must see we have only to shut our hand to crush them..."  (Classified
 Letter of President Thomas Jefferson to William Henry Harrison, Feb. 27,
 1803)

 Turning to more recent history, it is also disconcerting to note--based on
 an exhaustive search of Lexis-Nexis--that prior to his 1996 Presidential
 bid on the Green ticket, Nader has never spoken out publicly on the cutting
 edge issues of the day: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Iraq, abortion rights, gay
 rights, affirmative action, etc. One can only suppose that taking a stand
 on crash-resistant auto bumpers might be less risky.

 Sanford actually explores this "tunnel vision" approach to changing society
 in the final chapter of his "Ralph and Me." After a visit to Ghana, Nader
 aide James Fellows began to have doubts whether Nader's approach mattered
 much when people in Africa were suffering famine, epidemics and warfare.
 Nader reassured him that these problems were insuperable; there's nothing
 that can be done. On the other hand, Fellows told Sanford that in Nader's
 view, "[C]ar safety or something like that, there's a marginal improvement
 that he can make."

 In my final post, I will make the case that despite all this the Nader
 campaign might be a positive development. Prior to that, I will supply some
 background on the Green Party, the topic of my next post.

 Louis Proyect
 Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org/

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: The Nader campaign, part 1

2000-06-03 Thread Rod Hay

The political criticism of Nadar is valid, but the personal attack on him is
misguided and fundamentally irrelevant.

Rod

Louis Proyect wrote:

 Yes, but not that much further. My parents, who lived on my dad's middle
 class income of about $25,000 a year back in those days, bought a $100,000
 house in the NVA suburbs at the same time--it wasn't shabby, but it wasn't a
 mansion. You probbaly could have done better in the city in those days of
 white flight and before the city became fashoonable again.

 The main point is that it wasn't an $85 per month furnished room.

 be bought. If he stayed silent on no-fault, it was not because he was
 bribed,
 but because there are serious consumerist arguments against it. There are,

 The problem with Naderism is that we have to accept the honest motives of
 the leader pretty much as a given. It is in the nature of nonprofits,
 especially inside-the-beltway types like Public Citizen, to make decisions
 ON BEHALF of the public. It is inherently undemocratic. Even in the
 nickle-and-dime nonprofit I was president of the board of, there were
 constant complaints about the Executive Director making unilateral
 decisions--like starting a program in Africa, spending money on an
 ambitious direct mail program, etc. He once told me in private (I was the
 only person he ever really confided in) that he modeled the organization on
 the small businesses he ran in Utah, where he 'made everything go', even
 when it took big risks. We fired him in 1990 after he went totally
 overboard on certain financial matters. But with Nader you won't even get a
 board that has the gumption to challenge him. He is just too powerful for
 that. This, IMHO, sends the wrong kinds of signals to the left when the
 Greens nominate a guy like him. After accepting the nomination in 1996, he
 made a unilateral decision to lowkey the campaign. And today he is
 considering unilaterally whether to run as a Reform candidate, I'll betcha.

 Louis Proyect
 Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org/

--
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Dialectical materialism and ecology

2000-06-01 Thread Rod Hay

Perhaps it is the translator's fault, but I have always found Engels' piece
inpenetrable. Perhaps "interpenetration of opposites" does subsume "mutual
determination."

Rod

"J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:

 Rod,
  I would interpret "interpenetration of opposites" as
 subsuming "mutual determination."  So, yes.
 Barkley Rosser
 -

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Socialiam

2000-06-01 Thread Rod Hay

http://www.time.com/time/reports/v21/work/q_socialism.html

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[Fwd: 4th Int'l Conf. on May Day, Havana Cuba, April 20]

2000-05-31 Thread Rod Hay



"Seth M. Wigderson" wrote:

 --
 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON MAY DAY

 The Cuban Workers Confederation (CTC) and the Instituto de Historia de
 Cuba are pleased to invite researchers, scholars, journalists, trade
 unionists, information specialists, institutions, and organizations to
 participate at the Fourth International Scholar Conference on May Day, to
 be held in La Habana, on April 25, 26 and 27, 2001.

 The purpose of the conference will be to provide analyses and debates on
 workers' role, their past and challenges at present in this early century,
 full of enormous challenges and difficulties to overcome.

 This new conference will take place on the occasion of the 130 Anniversary
 of the proclamation of the Commune of Paris.  During 72 days, the French
 proletariat was the protagonist of events of heroism.  This fact was the
 inspiration for workers' struggles worldwide.  The remembrance and
 analysis of the happening in different countries on this event, therefore,
 will be a matter of attention at the present conference. Themes
   * Workers and changes in economic, political and
 social processes, and domestic events as well, which influenced in the
 dynamics of its formation, organization, and development.

   * International and domestic organizations and
 movements (trade union, political, recreation, sport, cultural,
 solidarity, and other sort) created by workers.

   * Struggles to remove discriminatory treatment against
 women, immigrants and child labor.

   * The role of labour class as historic subject of
 social changes; its structure and section distribution; evaluation of its
 living conditions; its psychology; its job; and its leisure time.

   * Echo of international events in internal affairs of
 countries, concerning political, ideological, and economic matters of
 workers.

   * Neoliberal globalization and its echo in the labour
 movement, in the whole labour world.  And its effects on unemployment,
 wages, working conditions, social welfare, night employment, lack of
 professional qualification, and others.

 Paper Presentations
 Participants should deliver their papers not later than late January 2001.
 Papers should be typed at double space.  If any audio-visual aid is
 required, please specify this.

 Papers should be no longer than fifteen pages.  Presentations should last
 not more than fifteen minutes, plus ten minutes for debate.

 The abstract should be no longer than 200 words, with the following
 structure: title, author full name, and institution of employment,
 business address, and brief curriculum vitae.

 The conference will be structured on the basis of panels, papers,
 conferences, communications, and posters.  The Organizing Committee will
 determine the structure of conferences and panels.  This Committee will
 also analyse proposals of the participants in advance.

 The Organizing Committee will feel grateful extremely grateful to any
 person, institution or mass media that discloses this call.

 REGISTRATION AND SUBSCRIPTION FEE
 The subscription fee will be $40.00 USD for visitors and $30.00 Cuban
 pesos for home participants.  This fee should be endorsed to the
 Organizing Committee.  Payment includes participation at work sessions,
 documentation, attendance certificate, and credentials.  Official
 languages will be English and Spanish.

 The Organizing Committee suggests lodging at:
 Inglaterra Hotel * Fax (537) 33-8254
 Deauville Hotel * Fax (537) 33-8148
 CTC Hotel * Tel: 62-3030

 These hotels are near the Instituto de Historia de Cuba, the venue of the
 conference.  It is also suggested to contact the nearest local travel
 agency.

 Co-Sponsors:
  Centro de Estudios Filosoficos, Politicos y Sociales "Vicente Lombardo
 Toledano" (Mexico)
  Centro de Investigaciones de Ciencias Sociales (Argentina)
  Programa de Investigacion sobre el movimiento de la sociedad argentina
 (Argentina)
  Centro de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales (Argentina)
  Instituto de Filosofia (Cuba)
  Escuela Nacional de Cuadros "Lazaro Pen~a" (Cuba)
 Museo Nacional de las Luchas Obreras (Cuba)

 Contact Information:
 Dr. Luis H. Serrano Perez
 Instituto de Historia de Cuba
 Palacio de Aldama
 Amistad No 510 e/Reina y Estrella
 Cuidad de La Habana, Cuba
 Fax: (537) 635019 y 613545
 Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

 Lic. Agustin Lopez
 Central de Trabajadores de Cuba
 San Carlos y Pen~alver
 Telefono: 70-3506
 Fax: (537) 335408

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Marx's life and theory (fwd)

2000-05-24 Thread Rod Hay

There are different meanings to the word "materialism" Please clearify what you
mean.

Rod

Louis Proyect wrote:

 Carrol Cox:
 with any precision in *Poverty of Philosophy*; and (b) most of what I
 would think of as historical materialism can be defended independently of
 any particular view (pro or con or neutral) of the "dialectics of nature."

 Actually Marx was fully involved with the editing of Engels' "Dialectics of
 Nature" and wrote a chapter himself, according to John Bellamy Foster in
 "Marx's Ecology". One of the things that this book will do is open up a
 discussion about the role of materialism in Marx's thought. In the
 introduction John explains that Lukacs played a major role in delinking the
 scientific investigations from the rest of Marx's thought in order to
 privilege the notion of a purely social based materialism keyed to praxis.
 The Frankfurt School developed this notion in a more extreme fashion. Not
 only did they drop the materialism, they dispensed with the praxis as well.
 The concern with ecological questions has sort of forced a re-examination
 of the role of materialism, with people like John and Paul Burkett making
 an effort to place it back into its proper context. Then you have people,
 many of whom contribute to CNS, who see things in a Lukacs or Frankfurt
 context. For example, only 4 years ago Joel Kovel wrote a lengthy piece in
 CNS that argued that Marxism is weak on ecological questions because it
 lacks a spiritual dimension.

 Louis Proyect

 (The Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org)

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Withering away of the state

2000-05-23 Thread Rod Hay

Jim: I agree that circumstances both internal and external had a great deal to
do with what happened in Russia. I don't blame it all on Lenin. Socialism in a
poor country is an extremely difficult proposition. But my point is that
whatever the reason, Russia did not socialise the means of production, and
should not be called socialist.

Rod

Jim Devine wrote:

 At 06:54 AM 05/23/2000 +1000, you wrote:
 Nice post, Rod!  And I tend to side with Barkley on the SR Constituent
 Assembly, too - which seems to me to have been a more promising midwife for
 the sort of transformations you discuss (especially in light of the
 resolutions they were passing in their last days) than the dictatorship of
 a vanguard - substitutionalist elite.

 I'm not sure that the Constituent Assembly would have dealt well with the
 issue of ending WW I the way Lenin did for Russia -- or with continuing to
 fight the war, the way Karensky wanted to do. Would it have dealt well with
 violent opposition or civil war or imperialist invasion? or the extreme
 poverty of Russia at the time? the division between the peasants and the
 workers -- and the difficulty of keeping peasants united once they've
 grabbed land for themselves?

 This is not to apologize for Lenin (since I'm no Leninist). But I think
 that the objective conditions of 1917-18 in Russia were such that nice
 social democrats were unlikely to take power (or stay there, if you
 consider Karensky to be a social democrat). I think that these conditions
 bred substitutionism more than it leapt full-grown from Lenin's head. (Many
 of the SR's were more substitutionist in that many believed in the
 "propaganda of the deed." Lenin was a moderate compared to the
 bomb-throwers among the anarchists, who were strong substitutionists.)
 Substitutionism takes hold when the working class is poorly organized and
 less than class conscious. (It can be seen in the form of various lobbyists
 and lawyers who are substituting for the US working class in most struggles
 these days.)

 It's important to notice how Lenin's ideas change with circumstances in
 Russia. After he initially flirted with Kautsky's top-down "workers can
 never be socialist" perspective in WHAT IS TO BE DONE?,[*] he became less
 "vanguardist" and less "substitutionist" as the Russian workers movement
 grew in number and depth. Then, after October 1917, once the popular
 revolution begins to fade, the grass roots being torn apart by civil war,
 urban/rural conflict, etc., his ideas veer toward top-downism.

 I guess my conclusion is the opposite of Leninism, in that I see Lenin as
 more of a dependent variable than an independent one. He, like Woodrow
 Wilson, may have seen history as being on his side (as Brad asserts), but
 he was wrong. Wilson maybe was right, since his flavor of hypocrisy seems
 to rule these days (bombing Serbia to "make the world safe for democracy").

 [*] Hal Draper's article reprinted in the recent HISTORICAL MATERIALISM
 makes a convincing case that it was Kautsky who developed the top-down
 (vanguardist) conception of the party, while Lenin never went all the way
 (contrary to the strange consensus among Stalinists and Cold Warriors, who
 all agreed that Lenin = Stalin).

 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://liberalarts.lmu.edu/~JDevine

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: Withering away of the state

2000-05-23 Thread Rod Hay

Then we are at an impasse. I think it is worth while to rescue the language of
socialism and Marxism from the Leninist distortions, but perhaps it is not.
Perhaps we have to invent a new political language.

Rod

"J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:

 Rod,
  I would prefer the kind of socialism that you
 describe.  But, like it or not, I would still maintain
 that what we saw in the USSR was a form of
 socialism.
 Barkley Rosser
 -Original Message-----
 From: Rod Hay [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Date: Monday, May 22, 2000 4:20 PM
 Subject: [PEN-L:19425] Re: Withering away of the state

 First, let's start with the word socialism and what it means. To me the
 minimum
 would be some socialisation of the means of production (I distinquish this
 from
 nationalisation). This entails the establishment of democratic institutions
 capable of managing that control. I take this to be what Marx meant by the
 withering away of the state. The state as a institution of a divided
 society
 would be replaced, as those divisions were resolved, by alternative
 democratic
 institutions (the division between the public and private sphere being one
 of
 the most important divisions, would thus be overcome).
 
 The Soviet Union did not attempt to construct these institution, (in fact,
 after
 the initial period of the soviets, they did everything in their power to
 destroy
 alternative centres of power.) Yugoslavia and Cuba did more in this and
 have a
 greater claim to being socialist.
 
 The Soviet Union was a society in which the division between capital and
 labour
 was still strong. Capital, was for the main part, controlled by the
 bureaucracy,
 but it still existed as an opposition to labour. Little was being done to
 overcome this division. The Soviet Union was one of the world's most
 developed
 welfare states but it was not socialist, it was most definitely a society
 in
 which capital still ruled.
 
 Rod
 
 "J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:
 
  Rod,
   In what way was it not?  The USSR followed most of the
  "planks" in the platform at the end of the Communist
  Manifesto.  It even, under Khrushchev, attempted to
  maintain greenbelts and carried out other policies
  motivated by the essentially utopian goal of eliminating
  the distinction between the city and the country.
What it was not was communist.  And neither it nor
  any other socialist state (that I am aware of, maybe Pol
  Pot made such claims) ever claimed so to be. The official
  line in the old USSR was that they were a socialist state
  "in transition" to a communist future that never arrived.
   BTW, to those who are getting upset that I have made
  some critical remarks about Marx, I say that I am a great
  admirer of Marx and fully agree that he was very perspicuitous
  about many matters, arguably the most brilliant economist
  of the nineteenth century, certainly one of the most.  But, he
  was not a god or a messiah or a prophet.  He was a human
  being subject to errors, no matter how brilliant or wise he was.
  Even if one wishes to designate him as "error-free," clearly
  his writings are open to many interpretations in many places,
  as we all well know.
  Barkley Rosser
  -Original Message-
  From: Rod Hay [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  Date: Thursday, May 18, 2000 7:49 PM
  Subject: [PEN-L:19253] : withering away of the state
 
  Perhaps Marx was utopian. But we will have to wait until we have a
  socialists
  society, in order to find out. The Soviet Union called itself socialist
 but
  it
  wasn't.
  
  "J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:
  
   Jim,
I did not mean that the vision was pathetic.  I
   meant that the actual outcome in light of the vision/
   (forecast) was pathetic.
   Barkley Rosser
   --
  
  --
  Rod Hay
  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  The History of Economic Thought Archive
  http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/index.html
  Batoche Books
  http://Batoche.co-ltd.net/
  52 Eby Street South
  Kitchener, Ontario
  N2G 3L1
  Canada
  
  
 
 --
 Rod Hay
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 The History of Economic Thought Archive
 http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/index.html
 Batoche Books
 http://Batoche.co-ltd.net/
 52 Eby Street South
 Kitchener, Ontario
 N2G 3L1
 Canada
 
 

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Withering away of the state

2000-05-22 Thread Rod Hay

First, let's start with the word socialism and what it means. To me the minimum
would be some socialisation of the means of production (I distinquish this from
nationalisation). This entails the establishment of democratic institutions
capable of managing that control. I take this to be what Marx meant by the
withering away of the state. The state as a institution of a divided society
would be replaced, as those divisions were resolved, by alternative democratic
institutions (the division between the public and private sphere being one of
the most important divisions, would thus be overcome).

The Soviet Union did not attempt to construct these institution, (in fact, after
the initial period of the soviets, they did everything in their power to destroy
alternative centres of power.) Yugoslavia and Cuba did more in this and have a
greater claim to being socialist.

The Soviet Union was a society in which the division between capital and labour
was still strong. Capital, was for the main part, controlled by the bureaucracy,
but it still existed as an opposition to labour. Little was being done to
overcome this division. The Soviet Union was one of the world's most developed
welfare states but it was not socialist, it was most definitely a society in
which capital still ruled.

Rod

"J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:

 Rod,
  In what way was it not?  The USSR followed most of the
 "planks" in the platform at the end of the Communist
 Manifesto.  It even, under Khrushchev, attempted to
 maintain greenbelts and carried out other policies
 motivated by the essentially utopian goal of eliminating
 the distinction between the city and the country.
   What it was not was communist.  And neither it nor
 any other socialist state (that I am aware of, maybe Pol
 Pot made such claims) ever claimed so to be. The official
 line in the old USSR was that they were a socialist state
 "in transition" to a communist future that never arrived.
  BTW, to those who are getting upset that I have made
 some critical remarks about Marx, I say that I am a great
 admirer of Marx and fully agree that he was very perspicuitous
 about many matters, arguably the most brilliant economist
 of the nineteenth century, certainly one of the most.  But, he
 was not a god or a messiah or a prophet.  He was a human
 being subject to errors, no matter how brilliant or wise he was.
 Even if one wishes to designate him as "error-free," clearly
 his writings are open to many interpretations in many places,
 as we all well know.
 Barkley Rosser
 -Original Message-
 From: Rod Hay [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Date: Thursday, May 18, 2000 7:49 PM
 Subject: [PEN-L:19253] : withering away of the state

 Perhaps Marx was utopian. But we will have to wait until we have a
 socialists
 society, in order to find out. The Soviet Union called itself socialist but
 it
 wasn't.
 
 "J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:
 
  Jim,
   I did not mean that the vision was pathetic.  I
  meant that the actual outcome in light of the vision/
  (forecast) was pathetic.
  Barkley Rosser
  --
 
 --
 Rod Hay
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 The History of Economic Thought Archive
 http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/index.html
 Batoche Books
 http://Batoche.co-ltd.net/
 52 Eby Street South
 Kitchener, Ontario
 N2G 3L1
 Canada
 
 

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: : withering away of the state (fwd)

2000-05-19 Thread Rod Hay

I have read everything.

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 What did you read about Soviet socialism?

 Mine

 Interesting musings Carrol, but words have meanings, and what most people
 mean by the word socialism is not what was seen in the USSR. You can call
 it what you want, but I don't call it socialism.

 Rod

 Carrol Cox wrote:

  Rod Hay wrote:
 
   Perhaps Marx was utopian. But we will have to wait until we have a socialists
   society, in order to find out. The Soviet Union called itself socialist but it
   wasn't.
 
  This I think is utopian. Socialism is a movement, not a platonic form against
  which you can measure any state and say it is or isn't "socialist." It would
  seem to me wrong to assume that there will not be many  more episodes
  in the socialist movement which will go greatly astray in one way or another,
  many more defeats. THe struggles of 6 billion people and their descendants
  to find their way out of capitalism will almost certainly contain episodes
  at least as unpleasant as the USSR at its worst. The struggle for socialism
  has to be essentially g self-justifying at each step, regardless of the
  (temporary) final outcomes of each struggle. If the only or even the
  chief reason to fight for socialism is the achievement of the socialism
  for our great-grandchildren, then socialism is a bust.
 
  This is *not* to disagree with Rosa Luxemburg that the final goal is
  everything, the struggle is nothing. The role of that final goal is the
  understanding we achieve through it of the present. Hence the
  struggle depends on the final goal *independently* of whether or
  not we ever achieve that final goal.
 
  Marx, as I understand him, did not propose the classless society and
  the withering away of the state as a prize to reward us at the end. He
  saw that just as feudalism could be understood from the perspective
  of capitalism, so capitalism could only be understood from the perspective
  of communism. We can only understand the capitalist state (and therefore
  organize our struggle against it) by seeing it from the perspective of
  the society in which the state has withered away.
 
  [I really think it would help if a larger proportion of marxists suffered
  from depression. That would help dampen the galloping optimism
  that blithely says the USSR was not socialist -- for the implication
  of that evaluation is that socialism of just the sort we want will be
  easily attainable if we just have the right ideas. Horse Feathers!]
 
  The evil at the heart of capitalism (or of any social order of which
  the market is the central institution) is that Reality becomes
  the Future, while the past and present become mere appearance.
  I began to see this by reading and re-reading Plato's *Republic*
  and attempting to explain it to undergraduates. In Plato's timarchy
  (in effect a landed aristocracy of some sort) the Past is the Real.
  The present is merely a recapitulation of the past and is emptied
  of reality. In what he called an oligarchy (a state ruled by those
  whose motive was the accumulation of wealth [=money?],
  the past was non-existent, and the present only the shadow of
  the future. Action becomes meaningless in itself, since it cannot
  exhibit ambition (which is the struggle to maintain what the past
  has given us) nor can it be its own end. Since anything resembling
  capitalism was still nearly 2000 years away, it was remarkable
  that even in the piddling financial manipulations of his day Plato
  could see this. The core capitalist metaphor, that of *investment*
  catches up this trivialization of the present by the future.
 
  The *demos* Plato discarded with contempt: they *chose* (he
  implies) to live only in the present, their lives dominated by a
  lowly lust for immediate satisfaction. (One of the many modern
  equivalents of this is the accusation that unwed mothers have
  babies in order to make money off of public aid.) There would
  have been no way to theorize this in Plato's world, for that
  depended on the development of wage labor under capitalism
  and its theorization in Marx's conceptions of surplus value
  and alienation. The working class, by definition, is that class
  which *must* live in the present (that being the main thrust
  of the assumption that labor power is purchased at is value).
 
  And it is this (unavoidable) attachment of the working to the
  present (which implicitly is also a valuation of the past such as
  the investor dare not allow him/herself) which makes the working
  class a *potentially* revolutionary class. Its revolutionary task
  is to free humanity from the tyranny of the future.
 
  Carrol

 --
 Rod Hay
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 The History of Economic Thought Archive
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 52 Eby Street South
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 N2G 3L1
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--
Rod Hay
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
The History of Economic Thought Ar

Re: Re: Marx Engels, was Re: Marx and Malleability

2000-05-19 Thread Rod Hay

The problem with the "Dialectics of Nature" is that Engels tries to turn
dialectics into a formal system, and thus destroys the meaning of the word.
This synthesis-antithesis-synthesis crap does not appear in Hegel or in Marx.

Rod

Rob Schaap wrote:

 G'day Charles,

 You say "Materialist dialectics was Engels' , and not Marx's."

 I rteckon we have to be very explicit and specific here.

 I thought, for instance, that you and I had come to agree that materialism
 is not the same as physicalism?  Social
 *relations* are material for Marx, and, indeed, the basis of what he called
 his materialist conception of history.  Freddy's *Anti-Duhring* has some
 beaut bits in it, but, as I've tried to show you elsewhere, is difficult to
 nail on exactly what is meant by 'dialectic'.  Stalin ended up with a view
 that finds support in Anti-Duhring, but so does, say, Fromm - and those two
 chaps would've agreed on bugger-all.

 Cheers,
 Rob.

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: : withering away of the state (fwd)

2000-05-19 Thread Rod Hay

No Barkeley just a silly answer to a silly question. But I have read enough,
that anything radically new would surprise me.

Rod

"J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:

 Rod,
   "Everything"?  Really?  Ponomaesh  Russki yazik?
 Barkley Rosser
 -Original Message-
 From: Rod Hay [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Date: Friday, May 19, 2000 7:11 AM
 Subject: [PEN-L:19273] Re: Re: Re: : withering away of the state (fwd)

 I have read everything.
 
 Rod
 
 [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 
  What did you read about Soviet socialism?
 
  Mine
 
  Interesting musings Carrol, but words have meanings, and what most
 people
  mean by the word socialism is not what was seen in the USSR. You can
 call
  it what you want, but I don't call it socialism.
 
  Rod
 
  Carrol Cox wrote:
 
   Rod Hay wrote:
  
Perhaps Marx was utopian. But we will have to wait until we have a
 socialists
society, in order to find out. The Soviet Union called itself
 socialist but it
wasn't.
  
   This I think is utopian. Socialism is a movement, not a platonic form
 against
   which you can measure any state and say it is or isn't "socialist." It
 would
   seem to me wrong to assume that there will not be many  more episodes
   in the socialist movement which will go greatly astray in one way or
 another,
   many more defeats. THe struggles of 6 billion people and their
 descendants
   to find their way out of capitalism will almost certainly contain
 episodes
   at least as unpleasant as the USSR at its worst. The struggle for
 socialism
   has to be essentially g self-justifying at each step, regardless of
 the
   (temporary) final outcomes of each struggle. If the only or even the
   chief reason to fight for socialism is the achievement of the socialism
   for our great-grandchildren, then socialism is a bust.
  
   This is *not* to disagree with Rosa Luxemburg that the final goal is
   everything, the struggle is nothing. The role of that final goal is the
   understanding we achieve through it of the present. Hence the
   struggle depends on the final goal *independently* of whether or
   not we ever achieve that final goal.
  
   Marx, as I understand him, did not propose the classless society and
   the withering away of the state as a prize to reward us at the end. He
   saw that just as feudalism could be understood from the perspective
   of capitalism, so capitalism could only be understood from the
 perspective
   of communism. We can only understand the capitalist state (and
 therefore
   organize our struggle against it) by seeing it from the perspective of
   the society in which the state has withered away.
  
   [I really think it would help if a larger proportion of marxists
 suffered
   from depression. That would help dampen the galloping optimism
   that blithely says the USSR was not socialist -- for the implication
   of that evaluation is that socialism of just the sort we want will be
   easily attainable if we just have the right ideas. Horse Feathers!]
  
   The evil at the heart of capitalism (or of any social order of which
   the market is the central institution) is that Reality becomes
   the Future, while the past and present become mere appearance.
   I began to see this by reading and re-reading Plato's *Republic*
   and attempting to explain it to undergraduates. In Plato's timarchy
   (in effect a landed aristocracy of some sort) the Past is the Real.
   The present is merely a recapitulation of the past and is emptied
   of reality. In what he called an oligarchy (a state ruled by those
   whose motive was the accumulation of wealth [=money?],
   the past was non-existent, and the present only the shadow of
   the future. Action becomes meaningless in itself, since it cannot
   exhibit ambition (which is the struggle to maintain what the past
   has given us) nor can it be its own end. Since anything resembling
   capitalism was still nearly 2000 years away, it was remarkable
   that even in the piddling financial manipulations of his day Plato
   could see this. The core capitalist metaphor, that of *investment*
   catches up this trivialization of the present by the future.
  
   The *demos* Plato discarded with contempt: they *chose* (he
   implies) to live only in the present, their lives dominated by a
   lowly lust for immediate satisfaction. (One of the many modern
   equivalents of this is the accusation that unwed mothers have
   babies in order to make money off of public aid.) There would
   have been no way to theorize this in Plato's world, for that
   depended on the development of wage labor under capitalism
   and its theorization in Marx's conceptions of surplus value
   and alienation. The working class, by definition, is that class
   which *must* live in the present (that being the main thrust
   of the assumption that labor power is purchased at is value).
  
   And it is this (unavoidable) attachment of the wo

Re: Re: Re: Re: Marx and Malleability

2000-05-18 Thread Rod Hay

I met her several times in the 1960s. Detroit being not so far from here. (I used to 
visit Fredy Perlman as well, another Detroit character). She was a wonderful woman, 
but totally obsessive on Hegel. She liked Lenin, but primarily the Philosophical 
Notebooks.

Rod

Michael Perelman wrote:

 Not only that, but she came to Chico to visit Ivan Svitak.  A lot happens up here in 
the big city.

 Charles Brown wrote:

  Yes, indeedy. Raya D. lived in Detroit for a while, and there is a 
Marxist-Humanist chapter here. I attended a number of their meetings a few years ago, 
and read a number of her books. Alas,  I soon observed what you said. Anti-Engelism 
is a key component of her theory. Lenin fairs a little better. She says Lenin stopped 
one paragraph short in Hegel, but otherwise he did pretty good. Nonetheless, I try to 
learn about Hegel from the Marxist-Humanists.
 

 --
 Michael Perelman
 Economics Department
 California State University
 Chico, CA 95929

 Tel. 530-898-5321
 E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]

--
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: withering away of the state

2000-05-18 Thread Rod Hay

Perhaps Marx was utopian. But we will have to wait until we have a socialists
society, in order to find out. The Soviet Union called itself socialist but it
wasn't.

"J. Barkley Rosser, Jr." wrote:

 Jim,
  I did not mean that the vision was pathetic.  I
 meant that the actual outcome in light of the vision/
 (forecast) was pathetic.
 Barkley Rosser
 --

--
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Re: Re: : withering away of the state

2000-05-18 Thread Rod Hay

Interesting musings Carrol, but words have meanings, and what most people mean by
the word socialism is not what was seen in the USSR. You can call it what you want,
but I don't call it socialism.

Rod

Carrol Cox wrote:

 Rod Hay wrote:

  Perhaps Marx was utopian. But we will have to wait until we have a socialists
  society, in order to find out. The Soviet Union called itself socialist but it
  wasn't.

 This I think is utopian. Socialism is a movement, not a platonic form against
 which you can measure any state and say it is or isn't "socialist." It would
 seem to me wrong to assume that there will not be many  more episodes
 in the socialist movement which will go greatly astray in one way or another,
 many more defeats. THe struggles of 6 billion people and their descendants
 to find their way out of capitalism will almost certainly contain episodes
 at least as unpleasant as the USSR at its worst. The struggle for socialism
 has to be essentially g self-justifying at each step, regardless of the
 (temporary) final outcomes of each struggle. If the only or even the
 chief reason to fight for socialism is the achievement of the socialism
 for our great-grandchildren, then socialism is a bust.

 This is *not* to disagree with Rosa Luxemburg that the final goal is
 everything, the struggle is nothing. The role of that final goal is the
 understanding we achieve through it of the present. Hence the
 struggle depends on the final goal *independently* of whether or
 not we ever achieve that final goal.

 Marx, as I understand him, did not propose the classless society and
 the withering away of the state as a prize to reward us at the end. He
 saw that just as feudalism could be understood from the perspective
 of capitalism, so capitalism could only be understood from the perspective
 of communism. We can only understand the capitalist state (and therefore
 organize our struggle against it) by seeing it from the perspective of
 the society in which the state has withered away.

 [I really think it would help if a larger proportion of marxists suffered
 from depression. That would help dampen the galloping optimism
 that blithely says the USSR was not socialist -- for the implication
 of that evaluation is that socialism of just the sort we want will be
 easily attainable if we just have the right ideas. Horse Feathers!]

 The evil at the heart of capitalism (or of any social order of which
 the market is the central institution) is that Reality becomes
 the Future, while the past and present become mere appearance.
 I began to see this by reading and re-reading Plato's *Republic*
 and attempting to explain it to undergraduates. In Plato's timarchy
 (in effect a landed aristocracy of some sort) the Past is the Real.
 The present is merely a recapitulation of the past and is emptied
 of reality. In what he called an oligarchy (a state ruled by those
 whose motive was the accumulation of wealth [=money?],
 the past was non-existent, and the present only the shadow of
 the future. Action becomes meaningless in itself, since it cannot
 exhibit ambition (which is the struggle to maintain what the past
 has given us) nor can it be its own end. Since anything resembling
 capitalism was still nearly 2000 years away, it was remarkable
 that even in the piddling financial manipulations of his day Plato
 could see this. The core capitalist metaphor, that of *investment*
 catches up this trivialization of the present by the future.

 The *demos* Plato discarded with contempt: they *chose* (he
 implies) to live only in the present, their lives dominated by a
 lowly lust for immediate satisfaction. (One of the many modern
 equivalents of this is the accusation that unwed mothers have
 babies in order to make money off of public aid.) There would
 have been no way to theorize this in Plato's world, for that
 depended on the development of wage labor under capitalism
 and its theorization in Marx's conceptions of surplus value
 and alienation. The working class, by definition, is that class
 which *must* live in the present (that being the main thrust
 of the assumption that labor power is purchased at is value).

 And it is this (unavoidable) attachment of the working to the
 present (which implicitly is also a valuation of the past such as
 the investor dare not allow him/herself) which makes the working
 class a *potentially* revolutionary class. Its revolutionary task
 is to free humanity from the tyranny of the future.

 Carrol

--
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Re: Re: Genderization

2000-05-17 Thread Rod Hay

Ricardo can you document any of this with citations from Marx, or is this more
undergraduate sociology.

Rod

Ricardo Duchesne wrote:

 On 16 May 00, at 17:30, Ted Winslow wrote:

  How about including as categories to be used in understanding these aspects
  of ourselves the categories of self-determination and of a capacity for full
  self-determination of thought, desire and action as the "idea" of humanity?

 Marx seems a lot closer to the social constructivism that
 dominates much of undergraduate sociology today than Hegel. The
 Kantian/Hegelian concept of self-determination was transformed in
 his hands into a  practical-laboring actitivity. He also thought that
 humans are constructed by a determinate set of social relations,
 and that humans can be re-constructed, which was taken to mean
 by many followers that those who know what is good for everyone
 else have the right to reconstruct the deceived "masses". Che
 called this reconstructed self  the "new man". But if Hegel was
 right, modern humans will never tolerate any such constructions
 except under terms which they have set for themselves (in a
 democratic setting).

--
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essentialism

2000-05-17 Thread Rod Hay

Carroll, Doug and Mine have all used the word "essentialism" in a sense
that I do not understand. At first, I thought it might be ignorance on
my part, so I checked the philosophical dictionaries that I have at
hand. And, found that although I had forgotten the subtleties, my
definition more or less matched with those.

I take it from the context that it is meant as a dismissive word.
Someone who is an "essentialist" is not worth further consideration, but
I cannot deduce the meaning intended.

Please enlighten

Rod

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Re: Marx and Malleability

2000-05-17 Thread Rod Hay

Ricardo wrote:

He {i.e, Marx]  also thought that humans are constructed by a determinate set of 
social relations, and that humans can be re-constructed,

To which Justin responded., so this protest is unfounded.

Rod



Ricardo Duchesne wrote:

 On 17 May 00, at 10:48, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

  I am surprised to find the canard popping up on thsi list that Marx thought people 
utterly malleable
 and therefore (!) supported undemocratic "re-education" to make them they way theu 
should be.

 I know I am the only one here under the strict surveillance of
 Michael lest I say anything that comes even half way what Mr JK,
 (or GQ, who knows) says here. All I can say to this is that I did not
 say that Marx said this; I said that some of his followers
 understood Marx to have said this, and even his followers have
 never really said "utterly malleable". But, of course, this is the kind
 of 'either or' language that simple radicals have always operated
 under.

 This is an old right-wing misunderstanding, but it has no basis in Marx's own 
writing.
 
  First, Marx did not think people were utterly malleable. His theory of alienation 
and free labor depends on the idea that it is human nature to want to exercise your 
creative powers in a productive way, and that you will be frustrated and unhappy in 
any society that denies that need.
 
  Second, the claim that forcing people to be free is OK does not follow from 
malleability, if if Marx held the malleability thesis.
 
  Third, the one dominant theme in Marx's ethics is freedom. In the Manifesto, the 
free develpment of each is the condition for the free development of all. In Capital, 
the transcendence of necesasry labor is the enrtryway to the realm of freedom. Nor 
does Marx hold a Rousseauan view about
 freedom being attained by "totalitarian" means (if R holds such a view,w hich I do 
not say). In the Manifesto, the first task of the proletarit is to win the battle of 
democracy. In the Rules of the First International, the fundamental prewmise is that 
the emancipation of the working class can
 only be accomplished by thew orking classes themselves. In the Civil War in France, 
Marx approves the Commune's removing a political functions from the police. Etc.
 
  So, I hope this silliness does not come back. It has not merit.
 
  Carroll, is that red enough for you?
 
  --jks
 
 
  In a message dated Wed, 17 May 2000  9:49:49 AM Eastern Daylight Time, "Ricardo 
Duchesne" [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
 
   On 16 May 00, at 17:30, Ted Winslow wrote:
 
   How about including as categories to be used in understanding these aspects
   of ourselves the categories of self-determination and of a capacity for full
   self-determination of thought, desire and action as the "idea" of humanity?
 
  Marx seems a lot closer to the social constructivism that
  dominates much of undergraduate sociology today than Hegel. The
  Kantian/Hegelian concept of self-determination was transformed in
  his hands into a  practical-laboring actitivity. He also thought that
  humans are constructed by a determinate set of social relations,
  and that humans can be re-constructed, which was taken to mean
  by many followers that those who know what is good for everyone
  else have the right to reconstruct the deceived "masses". Che
  called this reconstructed self  the "new man". But if Hegel was
  right, modern humans will never tolerate any such constructions
  except under terms which they have set for themselves (in a
  democratic setting).
 
   
 

--
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: RE: Genderization (fwd)

2000-05-17 Thread Rod Hay
any other arguments except a label.

 So far the score is Justin -1 + 0. Mine's score is -1 + 1. She
 wins, zero to minus 1.

 Carrol

 [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

  Maybe you better read some Marge Piercy and cure your ignorance of her work.
  She is one of the premier literary figures on the left, tio whose novels and
  poetry,a nd, yes, political writing, several generations of leftists owe a
  lot. I also get tired of line-drawing ("She's not an Marxist Feminist," so
  not on ythe left, so beyond the pale). It's one reason I gave up on labels of
  thsi sort. Does P hold the views you ascribe to her? I don't thonk so. Has
  she fought the good fight for almost 40 years? You better believe it. --jks
 
  In a message dated 5/16/00 5:18:18 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
  [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
 
   Marge Piercy is not a Marxist feminist. Thus, it is
   difficult for me to understand what her relevance to leftism is, because
   she evidently suffers from biological essentialism. Feminists like Marge
   Piercy belongs to what we know as radical feminist tradition. The big
   problem with her argument is that she assumes "gender inequality" stems
   from "biological inequality", the type of argument proposed by Schulamit
   Firestone in the 70s in the _Dialectics of Sex_. Since she sees the
   problem in the biology, but not in the gendered system, she offers
   "biological alteration" as a form of "cultural solution" to inequality
   problem--the problem which does not originate in biology to begin with
   (men and women may be biologically different but not unequal!!!). so she
   effectively perpetuates the sexist biological discourses.. Piercy is also
   naive to expect technology to liberate women or socialize men into
   feminine practices.
 
   We (socialist feminists) want MEN to feed babies not because they should
   be "biologically recreated" to do so (since the problem is NOT in the
   biology), but because it is "desirable" that men and women share mothering
   equally!! Mothering is a social function, it does not lie in women's
   biological disposition. I refuse Marge Piercy type of feminist
   discource that idealizes and radicalizes motherhood as a form of new
   intimacy!! 

  

--
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Re: Re: Genderization

2000-05-17 Thread Rod Hay

Although Marx certainly emphasized "techne" I doubt if there is any passage where
he rejects the other aspects. And again with class consciousness, it is
emphasized, because it is one of the main fault lines in the capitalism system,
but I have never seen any indication that Marx thought that it was the totality of
critical refection. Habermas and the rest of the critical theorists are simply
wrong.

Rod

Ricardo Duchesne wrote:

 On 17 May 00, at 14:05, Ted Winslow wrote:


  Marx has appropriated idea of "practical-laboring activity" as
  self-determination from Kant and Hegel.

 in the process transforming its meaning and, as Habermas would
 say, reducing it to "techne", and though there is a critical reflective
 aspect to Marx, it is still strictly in terms of class consciousness.



--
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Marx and Malleability

2000-05-17 Thread Rod Hay

I might be wrong, but I always thought that it was because he was a
democrat. People would decide for themselves what they wanted. People
freed from the constraints of a society of scarcity, and class divisions,
might decide things that he could not imagine.

Rod

Brad De Long wrote:



 I suspect that there is more to it than Marx's lack of thought about
 how systems of self-rule and people-power could actually work. I
 suspect it was his refusal to imagine his version of socialism that
 has made the currents of thought that flowed from him in many cases
 positively hostile to forms of free development that they do not
 like...

 Brad DeLong

--
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Re: RE: Genderization

2000-05-16 Thread Rod Hay

Yes, Eric. It is a difficult question. How much is behaviour controlled by chemicals,
genes, etc. and how much is it learned behaviour? I don't know the answer. But there
are many who do claim to know. The biological determinist are one group and the
cultural determinists are another. I am fairly sure that both of them are wrong. The
answer lies somewhere in the middle. As Carroll pointed out--it is imprudent to place
too much weight on one study. The process of getting at the truth is a long and painful
one with many set backs. But there have been a number of studies recently that suggest
that exposure to elevated hormone levels in the womb can influence (not determine) a
person's sexuality.

Rod

Eric Nilsson wrote:

 RE
 Twenty-five of the children were sex reassigned, meaning doctors
 castrated them at birth and their parents raised them as girls.

 But over the years, all of the children, currently aged 5-16,
 exhibited the rough-and-tumble play of boys. Fourteen declared themselves to
 be boys...

 Genderization is a subtle process. The weakness of the study cited a few
 days ago is that is was not a "double-blind" study. That is, the parents
 knew their children were sex reassigned and so did the doctors. Knowing
 this, the parents possibly treated these "ex-boys" as if they were boys in
 very subtle-and not so subtle-ways. The study was just as much a test that
 parents have beliefs about gender being built into the genes (and treat boys
 - sex reassigned or not - as boys) then it was about what was really in the
 genes.

 I was astounded that when my daughter was born about two years ago, that
 within minutes after she was born a genderization process was being applied
 to her. The attending nurse almost instantly noted that we should have great
 fun dressing Emily up in nice clothes and noted how dainty she was.
 Afterwards, when I persisted in dressing Emily in gender neutral-clothes,
 strangers who interacted with Emily became very uncomfortable until they
 found out what sex she was. I was, meanly perhaps, very vague in my
 response, saying something like, "I love taking my baby out." These
 strangers often refused to interact further with Emily until they found out
 her sex. Once learning her sex, they then returned to interacting with her -
 "she's so beautiful," etc because they then knew what script (for boy or for
 girl) to use in interacting with her.

 My two cents.

 Eric Nilsson
 Economics
 California State University, San Bernardino
 San Bernardino, CA 91711
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]

   
   Name: winmail.dat
winmail.datType: DAT File (application/x-unknown-content-type-DAT_auto_file)
   Encoding: base64

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Re: Re: Re: Re: RE: Genderization

2000-05-16 Thread Rod Hay

Thank you for sparing us. She is another of the idealist. "Language is
the only reality" school of metaphysical thinking. A firm believer of the
Humpty Dumpty theory of linguistics.

Rod

Doug Henwood wrote:

 Jim Devine wrote:

 One important part of this discussion is the distinction between
 "gender" and "sex." The way I try to deal with these terms is to see
 "sex" in biological terms

 You're lucky I'll spare you a long quotation from Judith Butler on
 how "sex" and the "biological" are themselves discursively
 constructed. But she has a point.

 Doug

--
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generization

2000-05-16 Thread Rod Hay

No idea is totally socially constructed (unless the thinker is
completely delusional). Every idea is formed through interactions in
society and in nature.

To argue the constructivist position consistently is to ignore the
second part of the epistomological dialect. To live in a world where
ideas make ideas. Thus an idealist world. Plato's universals may have
real manifestations, but he was still an idealist.

Rod

--
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Re: Re: technology and legal systems

2000-05-15 Thread Rod Hay

You are right Charles. And there are many other examples. Most of the analysis in the 
article I posted was garbage, but the basic issue is important. I don't know where we 
are going, but I am pretty sure that in the
issue being addressed that technology will win out over law, in the long run. 
Intellectual property laws cannot be inforced, and are incompatible with digital 
technology.

Rod

Charles Brown wrote:

  Rod Hay [EMAIL PROTECTED] 05/13/00 09:31AM 
  "Technology always ends up putting some other industry 'out of
 business.' The automobile replaced the carriage; the airplane
  replaced the train (if you're looking for socialism, look at how the
 U.S. government props up Amtrak); the Internet is
  replacing traditional publishing industries.

 _

 CB: If you are looking for faux socialism ( state monopoly capitalism) look at how 
the U.S. government, the Federal Reserve Bank, bailed out that giant hedge fund when 
it failed. Or Chrysler , before it was Daimler.

 CB

--
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Cold War

2000-05-15 Thread Rod Hay

For a little fun, I suggest that you check out:

http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/episodes/17/game/

The ultimate in role playing games.

Rod

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Re: Re: Re: genderization (fwd)

2000-05-13 Thread Rod Hay

And up is down and left is right and black is white and out is in and no is yes
and big is little and...

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 NO. You are creating false dichotomies. Vulgar biological "determinism" is
 a already product of vulgar "idealist" mentality, which essentializes,
 reifies and idealizes biology..

 Mine

 I understand your point about vulgar biological determinism, but to deny
 the
 influence of hormones, etc. is a vulgar idealism.

 Rod

 [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

  One can not "identify" masculine behavior by looking at the presence or
  absence of reproductive organs..
 
  I think the research is biased for the reasons I mentioned below. It does
  not consider the social factors other than the "family"!
 
  Mine
 
  It does saying "acting like" anything. It says "identifying as"
 
  Rod
 
 

 --
 Rod Hay
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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--
Rod Hay
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technology and legal systems

2000-05-13 Thread Rod Hay
 of money they earn for
 their intellectual property. The market has effectively said, 'We will
not pay these prices for prepackaged content any longer.'

 "Technology always ends up putting some other industry 'out of
business.' The automobile replaced the carriage; the airplane
 replaced the train (if you're looking for socialism, look at how the
U.S. government props up Amtrak); the Internet is
 replacing traditional publishing industries.

 "MP3 has given us a 'mature' technology for the distribution of audio
content. While I don't agree with theft of copyrighted
 material, the RIAA and artists should be re-thinking their business
model, not punishing the market. Next will be book
 publishers as portable 'ebooks' mature. Then will come video content
(including movies) as broadband access increases in
 penetration and speed.

 "By the time my son is grown, the 'Tom Cruise' of his generation will
not be able to command $25 million per film. I don't
 know if that's good or bad; it's just the way the capitalist economy is
changing."

 Amen, comrade! Uncork the Ketel One and welcome the next capitalist
revolution.

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sowing Dragons (fwd)

2000-05-13 Thread Rod Hay

My understand of the shift from hunting and gathering to agriculture is that
nutritional standards did decline, but so did the risk of starvation. Agricultural
output was less uncertain.

Rod

Jim Devine wrote:

 At 02:33 AM 05/13/2000 -0700, you wrote:
 On Fri, 12 May 2000, Louis Proyect wrote:
 
   very often of a seasonal nature. If you read Juliette Schor's "The
   Overworked American", you will discover that the average peasant worked
   half as many hours as the average proletarian during the rise of the
   industrial revolution. That is the reason resistance to the Enclosure Acts
   and bans on hunting was so fierce.
 
 But didn't this have to do with limited food sources and chronic disease
 and malnutrition? Peasant societies couldn't sustain year-round work
 efforts simply because most folks were hungry most of the time (no
 refrigeration, few reserves, salt was a luxury, etc.), right?

 it has a lot to do with the fact that agricultural is by its very nature
 seasonal. Schor specifically refers to the change from the peasant
 agriculture of the European Middle Ages to capitalism. During the Middle
 Ages, many  of the Catholic Church's saints days were actually celebrated
 -- except during planting and harvest time -- so that work hours per year
 rose with the transition to capitalism. (I think it's a good idea to avoid
 the myth of unilineal and no-downside progress. There is also a lot of
 evidence that living standards fell with the transition from hunting and
 gathering to farming. But of course, it's mixed.)

 Most pre-capitalist societies had high death rates rather than lots of
 chronic diseases, as I understand it. Those who survived the infant phase
 are tough critters, who lived about "3 score and 10" if they survived waves
 of plagues. Also, there are a lot of ways to keep reserves besides using
 salt, such as smoking meat.

 As others have noted, the standard of living of peasants also depends on
 the rate of exploitation by the lords, the state, the Church, etc.

 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://liberalarts.lmu.edu/~JDevine

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: genderization (fwd)

2000-05-13 Thread Rod Hay

I think you should read the report of the study again. It says that boys
surgically transformed to resemble girls still identify as boys and act as boys
(this may be mimicing, etc.) But they were raised as girls. And identified to
everyone as girls.

I understand your point about vulgar biological determinism, but to deny the
influence of hormones, etc. is a vulgar idealism.

Rod


[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 One can not "identify" masculine behavior by looking at the presence or
 absence of reproductive organs..

 I think the research is biased for the reasons I mentioned below. It does
 not consider the social factors other than the "family"!

 Mine

 It does saying "acting like" anything. It says "identifying as"

 Rod



--
Rod Hay
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Re: genderization (fwd)

2000-05-13 Thread Rod Hay

It does saying "acting like" anything. It says "identifying as"

Rod

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

 Rod posted:

 Saturday May 13 1:02 AM ET

  Study Questions 'Sex Reassignment'

  By SETH HETTENA, Associated Press Writer

  BALTIMORE (AP) - The practice of surgically ``reassigning'' boys born
 without penises is
  being called into question by a new study that suggests gender identity
 is determined in the
  womb.

  Researchers at the Johns Hopkins Hospital on Friday said the study
 found that such boys,
  raised as girls, had masculine behavior and most declared themselves to
 be boys.

 actually, this is falsified by other studies. Many studies prove that
 there is no necessary relationship  between your biological identity and
 gender identity. If you are born with a penis, you may develop a different
 identity through time, so you don't need to be born without a penis to
 see how you develop a masculine identity. In so far as the above study is
 concerned,I would still look at the social environment of male
 participants. boys may be raised as girls, but do the researchers look at
 the non-familial enviromental factors such as schooling, friends,
 media,etc.? The boys may have learnt masculine behaviour from other
 external sources, which could have become dominant through time, as to
 contradict family socialization. this has nothing to do with their
 hormones, but something to do with the contradictions between two forms of
 socialization (family versus outside family)..we should not underestimate
 the external factors. Many children, grown with, let's say, egalitarian
 values at home and see parents sharing household responsibilities equally,
 may become patriarchal later due to their socialization into external
 forms of masculinist social practices..

 It is also true the reverse case. Many women are grown up with
 social values that contradict the conventional female wisdom. Some
 parents, but still few, choose not to give their daughters dolls or son
 gun toys, or even not vice versa (which . Another big example is
 mothering. Vulgar biological determinists relate mothering to women's
 biological and emotional predisposition. It has been found out that men
 can mother as adequately as women since mothering is a social function,
 not a biological one. There are many men around who raise children. There
 are also many women around who don't prefer mothering... Acting "like a
 man or a woman" is a socially learnt behavior designed to fit the
 ideological constructions of gender.

 Mine

--
Rod Hay
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genderization

2000-05-13 Thread Rod Hay



Saturday May 13 1:02 AM ET

 Study Questions 'Sex Reassignment'

 By SETH HETTENA, Associated Press Writer

 BALTIMORE (AP) - The practice of surgically ``reassigning'' boys born
without penises is
 being called into question by a new study that suggests gender identity
is determined in the
 womb.

 Researchers at the Johns Hopkins Hospital on Friday said the study
found that such boys,
 raised as girls, had masculine behavior and most declared themselves to
be boys.

 In what is believed to be the first study of its kind, researchers
tracked the development of
 27 children born without a penis, a rare defect known as a cloacal
exstrophy. The infants
 were otherwise male with normal testicles, male genes and hormones.

 Twenty-five of the children were sex reassigned, meaning
 doctors castrated them at birth and their parents raised them
 as girls.

  But over the years, all of the children, currently aged 5-16,
 exhibited the rough-and-tumble play of boys. Fourteen
 declared themselves to be boys, in one case as early as age 5, said Dr.
William G. Reiner, a
 child and adolescent psychiatrist and urologist at the Hopkins
Children's Center.

 ``These studies indicate that with time and age, children may well know
what their gender is,
 regardless of any and all information and child-rearing to the
contrary,'' he said. ``They seem
 to be quite capable of telling us who they are.''

 The two children who were not reassigned and were raised as boys fit in
well with their
 normal male peers and were better adjusted psychologically than the
reassigned children,
 Reiner said.

 He called for a thorough review of the practice of sex reassignment of
children.

 The study was presented Friday at the Lawson Wilkins Pediatric
Endocrine Society
 Meeting in Boston.

 The results contradicted a Canadian study published in the journal
Pediatrics in 1998 that
 suggested gender identity develops after birth. In that study,
researchers found that a boy
 who was raised as a girl after his penis was mutilated during
circumcision continued to live as
 a woman.

 ``This has very profound implications for the development of gender
identity,'' said Michael
 Bailey, an associate professor of psychology at Northwestern University
who studies gender
 identity and sexual orientation. ``This suggests that hormones' effect
on the brain has a major
 impact on gender identity.''

 Dr. Marianne J. Legato, a Columbia University professor of clinical
medicine who studies
 the differences between men and women, said sexual differentiation
occurs in the first
 trimester of pregnancy.

 ``When the brain has been masculinized by exposure to testosterone, it
is kind of useless to
 say to this individual, 'You're a girl,''' she said. ``It is this
impact of testosterone that gives
 males the feelings that they are men.'

--
Rod Hay
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Zimbabwe

2000-05-12 Thread Rod Hay

If Patrick is still on the list, could he gives us a first hand account
of what is happening in Zimbabwe?

Rod

--
Rod Hay
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Re: Re: American looneyism

2000-05-11 Thread Rod Hay

O we have our loonies. And you have named just a few. But I was asking in
the Virginia case. Given the reaction to other actions of this sort. Why
were they willing to risks the boycotts and the eventually retraction. South
Carolina has backed down on the flag issue.

I have visited the US often enough to see the Jefferson Davis' highways and
the confederate statues, but the political climate has changed in the US
since they were constructed.  Already the governor of Virginia is
backtracking.

Rod Hay

Doug Henwood wrote:

 Rod Hay wrote:

 What is with the US. A confederate month in Virginia? How do they think
 that they can get away with it?

 Not to apologize too much for U.S. lunacy, it seems like you
 Canadians are experiencing the kind of hard-right lunacy we did
 10-15-20 years ago - Ralph Klein, Mike Harris, that Christian
 reactionary whose name I can't remember who's nudging aside that
 other nutcase Preston Manning, etc. etc.

 Doug

--
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American looneyism

2000-05-10 Thread Rod Hay

What is with the US. A confederate month in Virginia? How do they think
that they can get away with it?

Rod Hay

--
Rod Hay
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