[Marxism] Angela Merkel knows how to insert a dagger -- Meanwhile in America - CNN

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://www.cnn.com/2020/07/10/world/meanwhile-in-america-july-10-intl/index.html

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Re: [Marxism] The Harper’s letter has an eerie closeness to Donald Trump’s Mount Rushmore speech.

[Michael Meeropol via Marxism]

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sorry to be a broken record but the text of this article that Louis just
posted cries out to REMIND us that one strong purpose of the original
letter (at least from this "leftist's perspective) is to note that by
engaging in the actions decried by the [Harper's] letter (no matter how
rare they may be) "our side" gives AMMUNITION and VALIDATION to the lies
Trump told at Mount Rushmore and elsewhere ---



>
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[Marxism] The Harper’s letter has an eerie closeness to Donald Trump’s Mount Rushmore speech.

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/07/harpers-letter-reality-debate.html

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Re: [Marxism] Howie Hawkins is the nominee

[Mark Lause via Marxism]

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Ventura was actually never in the mix.  Ohio alone produced several
candidates including Hunter, I think, and any number of the virtually
non-existent state parties produced others.

My own sense is that the Hawkins-Walker campaign MUST produce a national
organization.  If it does not, we're going to be forced to conclude that
the Greens have accomplished everything they can and it'll be time to move
on, as Peter Camejo suggested years back.

Cheers,
Mark L.
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Re: [Marxism] Howie Hawkins is the nominee

[Mark Lause via Marxism]

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Just on the surface . . . . a bit deeper than what candidates might be
saying at this point . . . .

Hunter was running as a Democrat in local elections just a few years back
and came up through a state "paper party" that has little more than a
nominal existence and has mostly functioned under the leadership of people
who, at least, selectively support Democrats for office.

Hawkins has been an open socialist, and an active Green, campaigning and
promoting the interests of the party as long as I've known him, and has
been the leader and spokesman chosen by a real organization with actual
members.

I make this a lot longer, but this is sufficient, I think . . . .

Cheers,
Mark L.
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Re: [Marxism] Howie Hawkins is the nominee

[Steven Robinson via Marxism]

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I believe that at one point there were four or more candidates.  The most
high profile of them was former pro-wrestler (and Governor of Minnesota)
Jesse Ventura, who withdrew a couple of months ago.  SR

-Original Message-


On 7/11/20 4:50 PM, Glenn Kissack via Marxism wrote:
> Are there significant differences between Hawkins and Hunter?

Not really. He just thought he would be a better candidate. I have to admit,
however, that I haven't paid much attention to his campaign.


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Re: [Marxism] Howie Hawkins is the nominee

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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On 7/11/20 4:50 PM, Glenn Kissack via Marxism wrote:

Are there significant differences between Hawkins and Hunter?


Not really. He just thought he would be a better candidate. I have to 
admit, however, that I haven't paid much attention to his campaign.


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Re: [Marxism] Howie Hawkins is the nominee

[Glenn Kissack via Marxism]

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> I've been at the Green Party virtual convention all day. Howie got 210 votes. 
> Dario Hunter, the runner-up, got 102. Onward to victory!

Are there significant differences between Hawkins and Hunter?

Glenn


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[Marxism] Big changes in small towns are fueling a racial justice movement across the Midwest.

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Washington Post, JULY 11, 2020
A new generation challenges the heartland
Big changes in small towns are fueling a racial justice movement across 
the Midwest.

By Tim Craig and Aaron Williams

FORT DODGE, Iowa — Jayden Johnson was 8 years old the first time someone 
hurled a racial slur at her, a biracial girl frolicking on a playground 
in this overwhelmingly white town.


She was about 15 years old when a Family Dollar clerk wrongly assumed 
her black father was on welfare. And she’s been pulled over by police 
several times when in cars with black friends but rarely when with white 
friends, she says.


Those memories were swirling in Johnson’s mind as she read about George 
Floyd’s death in Minneapolis several weeks ago. She pulled out her phone 
and opened Snapchat.


“Everybody meet at the square at 8 p.m.,” wrote Johnson, 19. “Be there 
or be square.”


As people arrived at the downtown park, Johnson was astonished by the 
turnout. Instead of the 15 people she expected, about 100 teenagers and 
young adults — African American, Latino, white and mixed race — gathered 
to march through this farming and factory town of 25,000 residents.


“Let’s get justice,” Johnson recalls saying as the group began the first 
public protest that anyone in town can remember.


“I saw people who looked like me and didn’t look like me, and I started 
thinking, ‘Something really is different now,’ ” Johnson said.


Jayden Johnson stands in City Square Park in Fort Dodge, Iowa, on June 
29. A few weeks ago, after watching the protests over the killing of 
George Floyd, Johnson organized a Black Lives Matter protest of over 100 
people at the square. (Steel Brooks for The Washington Post)
The number of young people of color living in the Midwest has surged 
over the past decade, as the older white population has nearly stalled. 
Forty percent of the nation’s counties are experiencing such demographic 
transformations — a phenomenon fueling the Black Lives Matter protests 
that have swept the country and forced racial reckonings in communities, 
colleges and corporations nationwide.


A Washington Post review of census data released last month showed that 
minorities make up nearly half of the under-30 population nationwide 
compared to just 27 percent of the over-55 population, signaling that 
the United States is on the brink of seismic changes in culture, 
politics and values.


The protests reflect demographic changes that social scientists have 
long predicted would hit America around 2020 as the country moves closer 
toward becoming majority-minority. As this young, diverse cohort enters 
adulthood, it’s challenging the cultural norms and political views of 
older white Americans, said Stefan M. Bradley, a historian and professor 
of African American studies at Loyola Marymount University.


“What we are seeing now is younger people with an openness to question 
traditional American structure in a way that older people are not 
willing to do,” said Bradley, coordinator of diversity and inclusion 
initiatives at Loyola’s Bellarmine College of Liberal Arts.


These Black Lives Matter protesters don’t always prioritize defunding 
police departments or tearing down Confederate statues. Their goals are 
simpler but perhaps just as revolutionary: to force white neighbors not 
used to encountering so many black and brown faces in their towns to 
acknowledge their experiences with racism.


“We are saying there is a lot of unconscious bias, and there is still a 
lot of racial, racist tolerances that one generation has passed down to 
the next,” said Zac Nuzum, 24, a black resident of Fort Dodge who is 
raising 3-year-old biracial twins. “We are saying the buck stops here.”


To some of their older white neighbors, the protesters’ demands are 
overblown. Fort Dodge has already overcome its divisive history, they 
say. Stories of white and black youths fighting each other in schools 
and swimming holes are a thing of the past. The racial tensions that 
exist today, they say, are often fueled by protesters’ cries of racism 
and vilification of law enforcement.


“I think it’s terrible because you’ve got to have police,” said Alan 
Johnson, 65, who is white and worries the protesters are out to 
undermine local law enforcement. “I’ve gotten pulled over for a stop 
sign violation before, and I think the police were a little bit too 
mean, but I think this has all gone way too far.”


The dawn of small-town activism

The debate over race is echoing through some of Iowa’s smallest 
agricultural communities. Over the past decade, the minority youth 
population in Iowa counties has outpaced the growth of older white 
r

[Marxism] Howie Hawkins is the nominee

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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I've been at the Green Party virtual convention all day. Howie got 210 
votes. Dario Hunter, the runner-up, got 102. Onward to victory!


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[Marxism] Austerity's Future: Higher Education and COVID-19 - New Politics

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://newpol.org/austeritys-future-higher-education-and-covid-19/

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Re: [Marxism] Kevin Rafferty, ‘Atomic Cafe’ Co-Director, Dies at 73

[Erik Toren via Marxism]

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Two youtube videos of possible interest. One is an interview with two of
the producers. The other is the full film.

https://youtu.be/WFCyWdu71kw
https://youtu.be/lF0r1OdDIME


Erik
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[Marxism] Wall Street Journal Staff Members Push for Big Changes in News Coverage

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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NY Times, July 11, 2020
Wall Street Journal Staff Members Push for Big Changes in News Coverage
By Marc Tracy and Ben Smith

Staff members of The Wall Street Journal have been pressing newsroom 
leaders to make fundamental changes in how the newspaper covers race, 
policing, and its primary focus, the business world, along with other 
matters.


In a June 23 letter to the editor in chief, Matt Murray, a group 
identifying itself only as “members of the WSJ newsroom” said the paper 
must “encourage more muscular reporting about race and social 
inequities,” and laid out detailed proposals for revising its news coverage.


“In part because WSJ’s coverage has focused historically on industries 
and leadership ranks dominated by white men, many of our newsroom 
practices are inadequate for the present moment,” the letter said.


Among its proposals: Mr. Murray should appoint journalists to cover 
“race, ethnicity and inequality”; name two standards editors 
specializing in diversity; conduct a study of the race, ethnicity and 
gender breakdown of the subjects of The Journal’s “most prominent and 
resource-intensive stories”; and bring more diversity to the newsroom 
and leadership positions.


“Reporters frequently meet resistance when trying to reflect the 
accounts and voices of workers, residents or customers, with some 
editors voicing heightened skepticism of those sources’ credibility 
compared with executives, government officials or other entities,” the 
letter said. “We should apply the same healthy skepticism toward 
everyone we cover.”


On Friday, Kamilah M. Thomas, chief people officer with Dow Jones, the 
publisher of The Journal, sent an internal email announcing the recent 
creation of a new position of senior vice president of inclusion and 
people management as well as other initiatives that, she said, are part 
of “a comprehensive review of diversity, equity and inclusion across our 
business.”


The Journal is one of many media organizations, including The New York 
Times, The Philadelphia Inquirer, The Los Angeles Times and Condé Nast, 
where staff members have questioned leadership at a time of widespread 
protests against racism and police brutality prompted by the killing in 
May of George Floyd, a Black man in Minneapolis who died after a white 
police officer pressed a knee to his neck.


Confrontations between staff members and newsroom leaders have been rare 
at the 131-year-old publication, which became part of Rupert Murdoch’s 
media empire in 2007. It has one of the country’s largest newsrooms, 
employing about 1,300.


The June 23 letter was sent to Mr. Murray, who succeeded Gerard Baker as 
editor in chief two years ago, through the news committee of the 
employee union and came from discussions on a private channel on the 
interoffice communications app Slack, according to two people with 
knowledge of how it came about. It was at least the third instance of 
formal communication in recent weeks between the staff and Journal leaders.


On June 12, more than 150 journalists sent a letter to Journal leaders 
saying the paper’s coverage of race was “problematic” and that its staff 
was not diverse enough, The Journal reported in an article on newsroom 
revolts across the country.


The week before that, the union representing Journal reporters and 
editors sent a letter requesting that Mr. Baker, who stayed on in the 
news department as a columnist, be reassigned to the opinion section, 
which is operated separately from the newsroom. Faulting columns Mr. 
Baker had written on race, that letter said his work had violated 
newsroom standards. Mr. Baker was moved to the opinion staff the day 
after the letter was sent.


One of the proposals in the June 23 letter concerned changes to The 
Journal’s stylebook. “Review the terminology used across WSJ content, 
including editorial, to refer to various identity groups and compare 
with latest industry standards,” it suggested.


The following week, The Journal announced that it would capitalize 
“Black” when referring to members of the African diaspora. Several other 
news organizations have made the same decision in recent weeks, 
including The Associated Press and The Times.


On Thursday, Mr. Murray announced in an email to the staff that Brent W. 
Jones, an associate managing editor, who is Black, had been promoted to 
the top echelon of newsroom leadership to fill a newly created role, 
editor of culture, training and outreach.


In the note, which was obtained by The Times, Mr. Murray said Mr. Jones 
was “passionate about improving newsroom culture, diversity and 
inclusion, talent development, training — and the 

[Marxism] Kevin Rafferty, ‘Atomic Cafe’ Co-Director, Dies at 73

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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NY Times, July 11, 2020
Kevin Rafferty, ‘Atomic Cafe’ Co-Director, Dies at 73
By Neil Genzlinger

Kevin Rafferty, who with two co-directors gathered archival material 
that had been created to ease Americans into the nuclear age and turned 
it into “The Atomic Cafe,” an acclaimed, darkly comic documentary film 
released in 1982, died on Thursday  at his home in Manhattan. He was 73.


His brother Pierce, who directed the film with him and Jayne Loader, 
said the cause was cancer.


Mr. Rafferty didn’t make a lot of films — he has just six directing 
credits in the Internet Movie Database — but the ones he did make drew 
critical praise and covered a wide range of subjects.


In addition to “The Atomic Cafe,” which highlighted the absurdity of an 
earlier generation’s propaganda and suggested the unsettling possibility 
that Americans were still being so manipulated, there was “Blood in the 
Face” (1991, directed with Anne Bohlen and James Ridgeway), which 
examined the Ku Klux Klan and other far-right groups. “The Last 
Cigarette” (1999, directed with Frank Keraudren) was about the peddling 
of cigarettes to American consumers and the world. “Harvard Beats Yale 
29-29” (2008) recounted a storied 1968 football game.


Other documentarians said Mr. Rafferty’s influence went well beyond his 
directing credits. In an email, Robert Stone, who had help from him on 
his Oscar-nominated 1988 documentary, “Radio Bikini,” spoke of Mr. 
Rafferty as leaving a “deep and lasting legacy, both in his own work and 
that of the filmmakers he inspired and with whom he collaborated.”


Michael Moore, the Oscar-winning director of “Bowling for Columbine” 
(2002) and other films, credited Mr. Rafferty with starting his 
documentary career. Mr. Moore was just an admiring fan when he briefly 
met Mr. Rafferty after a showing of “The Atomic Cafe” in Ann Arbor, Mich.


But three years later, Mr. Rafferty, by then making “Blood in the Face,” 
asked him for help in getting to Bob Miles, a leading Klan figure whose 
farm was near Flint, Mich., where Mr. Moore was running a weekly 
magazine. Mr. Moore ended up as an interviewer in that documentary, 
which focused on a gathering of extreme-right groups in 1986.


A year or so later, Mr. Moore said in a phone interview, he decided to 
make his own documentary, about General Motors, and asked Mr. Rafferty 
for pointers. Mr. Rafferty showed up in Michigan with equipment, support 
personnel and 60 rolls of film; he was credited as a cinematographer on 
“Roger & Me” (1989), Mr. Moore’s career-making debut. (“Blood in the 
Face,” though filmed before “Roger & Me,” was not released until after.)


“He was my film school,” Mr. Moore said. “I would not have made these 
other films had he not been so generous.”


The technique employed by Mr. Rafferty and his co-directors on “The 
Atomic Cafe” — which had no narration, just archival clips — was not 
lost on Mr. Moore or other documentarians.


“The way he did his films was, if you are good enough at making the 
film, that is your voice,” Mr. Moore said. “You don’t need to underscore 
it. This is what I learned from him: that that is stronger than me 
underscoring with my heavy narration — ‘But the bastards at corporate 
headquarters refused to budge.’”


“The Atomic Cafe” is constructed of snippets of early Cold War films, 
from government and other sources, that promoted “duck and cover” 
drills, personal fallout shelters and other measures as prudent 
preparations for a potential nuclear attack. It resonated with critics.


The film, David Sterritt wrote in The Christian Science Monitor, “should 
be seen by everyone who cares about atomic power, the threat of nuclear 
war, the roots of American culture, or the pervasive effects of the 
images and ideas that blitz our minds every day through the mass media.”


“In its own modest way," he added, “it’s an explosive movie.”

Kevin Gelshenen Rafferty II, who was named for an uncle killed in World 
War II, was born on May 25, 1947, in Boston to Walter and Martha Pierce 
Rafferty. His father was an investment banker, and his mother was a 
homemaker who served on school and other civic boards and was active in 
garden clubs.


Kevin Rafferty graduated from Phillips Academy Andover in Massachusetts 
in 1965 and from Harvard University in 1970, earning a bachelor’s degree 
in art and architecture. He then studied film at the California 
Institute of the Arts, where he was a teaching assistant for two years.


He and his brother began working on “The Atomic Cafe” in the 1970s, with 
Ms. Loader soon joining the project. The film had a long gestation in 
which the filmmakers spent many hours

[Marxism] Herman Benson, Who Fought Union Corruption, Dies at 104

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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NY Times, July 11, 2020
Herman Benson, Who Fought Union Corruption, Dies at 104
By Sam Roberts

Herman Benson, a former machinist who crusaded against corrupt labor 
leaders and introduced democratic reforms to entrenched trade unions, 
sometimes overcoming the resistance of fellow unionists, died on July 2 
at his home in Brooklyn, a week shy of his 105th birthday.


His death was confirmed by his daughter, Dr. Ellen Benson.

Mr. Benson put an early stamp on organized labor in the 1950s, when he 
helped draft landmark federal legislation with Clyde W. Summers, a Yale 
University law professor and a leading authority on organized labor.


The legislation, passed in 1959 as the Labor Management Reporting and 
Disclosure Act but better known as the Landrum-Griffin Act, granted 
rank-and-file workers guarantees of free speech, assembly, fair hiring 
and other civil liberties. (Its sponsors were Representative Phil 
Landrum, Democrat of Georgia, and Senator Robert P. Griffin, Republican 
of Michigan. Professor Summers had also worked with a young Senator John 
F. Kennedy of Massachusetts in drafting the legislation.)


“That Bill of Rights for union members, and all the work it takes to 
realize its democratic intent, is Herman’s enduring legacy,” said 
William Kornblum, an emeritus sociology professor at the Graduate Center 
of the City University of New York.


In 1969, Mr. Benson helped form the Association for Union Democracy, a 
nonprofit in Brooklyn to advocate for fair union elections, and edited 
its newsletter, Union Democracy Review.


“He was a one-man army in the union democracy movement for over 50 
years,” said Ken Paff, founder of the Teamsters for a Democratic Union, 
which helped elect Ron Carey, a United Parcel Service driver from 
Queens, as the Teamster’s president in 1991.


Mr. Benson’s reach was wide: He helped empower the rank and file in 
unions representing painters, mineworkers, machinists, steelworkers, 
ironworkers, laborers, electrical workers and nurses.


His left-wing credentials dated to when he was 15, when he joined the 
Young People’s Socialist League, earning him a place on a federal 
government list of radicals who could be peremptorily interned during a 
national emergency. Still, he was scorned by some liberals, who argued 
that his democratic reforms could undermine organized labor’s solidarity.


Mr. Benson disagreed, saying that only a truly democratic union would 
best serve workers and the working class, and that unions that were 
undemocratic in their procedures would appear hypocritical when 
preaching democratic values in the United States and abroad.


“Unions organize first where workers are best situated to win their 
battle,” he wrote in 2010 in the socialist journal New Politics. “As 
they raise the standards of those who are victorious, they tend to lift 
the standards of the class, even those not organized.”


Herman William Benson was born on July 9, 1915, in the Bronx to Samuel 
and Lillian (Edelman) Benson. His father owned a Studebaker dealership 
in Washington Heights in Manhattan.


Mr. Benson graduated from DeWitt Clinton High School in the Bronx and 
attended City College, but was expelled in 1933 for participating in a 
demonstration against the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps program on 
campus. (He later received a draft deferment because of a hearing 
impairment, his daughter said.)


His affinity for labor drew him to factory jobs; his first was making 
Shirley Temple dolls. He went on to work as a machinist in New York and 
Detroit. In 1939, he and other breakaway socialists, including Max 
Shachtman and Hal Draper, formed the Workers Party, positioning it as an 
alternative to American capitalism and Stalinism. He ran, 
unsuccessfully, for mayor of Detroit in 1947 as the Workers Party candidate.


Mr. Benson then returned to New York and, over the next two decades, 
wrote for a weekly Workers Party newspaper and consulted with a Jewish 
vocational organization.


But his primary focus was the Association for Union Democracy, 
particularly after the assassinations of Joseph Yablonski, a labor 
leader with the United Mine Workers, and two activists in California, 
who had challenged the painters union establishment there. (Mr. 
Yablonski was murdered along with his wife and 25-year-old daughter in 
their southwestern Pennsylvania farmhouse, an incident that shocked the 
nation.)


“My dad, Jock Yablonski, relied on the pathbreaking work Herman had 
performed before he, my mother and sister were murdered,” Joseph A. 
Yablonski Jr. said in an email.


In 1996, Mr. Benson’s wife, Revella (Sholiton) Benson, who worked for 
the Un

[Marxism] The Left Is Remaking the World

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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NY Times Op-Ed, July 11, 2020
The Left Is Remaking the World
“Defund the police” and “cancel rent” aren’t reforms, but paths to 
revolution.

By Amna A. Akbar

Ms. Akbar is a law professor who studies leftist social movements.

The uprisings in response to the killing of George Floyd are far 
different from anything that has come before. Not just because they may 
be the largest in our history, or that seven weeks in, people are still 
in the streets (even if the news media has largely moved on). But also 
because, for the last few years, organizers have been thinking boldly.


They have been pushing demands — from “defund the police” to “cancel 
rent” to “pass the Green New Deal” — that would upend the status quo and 
redistribute power from elites to the working class. And now ordinary 
people are, too; social movements have helped spread these demands to a 
public mobilized by the pandemic and the protests.


These movements are in conversation with one another, cross-endorsing 
demands as they expand their grass-roots bases. Cancel the rent 
campaigns have joined the call to defund the police. This month, racial, 
climate and economic justice organizations are hosting a four-day crash 
course on defunding the police.


Each demand demonstrates a new attitude among leftist social movements. 
They don’t want to reduce police violence, or sidestep our 
environmentally unsustainable global supply chain, or create grace 
periods for late rent. These are the responses of reformers and policy 
elites.


Instead, the people making these demands want a new society. They want a 
break from prisons and the police, from carbon and rent. They want 
counselors in place of cops, housing for all and a jobs guarantee. While 
many may find this naïve, polls, participation in protests and growing 
membership in social movement organizations show these demands are 
drawing larger and larger parts of the public toward a fundamental 
critique of the status quo and a radical vision for the future.


Consider the appeal to defund and dismantle the police, championed by 
almost every major social movement organization on the left, from the 
Black Visions Collective to Mijente to the Sunrise Movement, and echoed 
on the streets.


Defunding, part of a strategy to eventually abolish the police, 
challenges the prevailing logic of police reform: the idea that police 
brutality is caused by individual bad apples acting without sufficient 
oversight and training. This idea undergirds the familiar panoply of 
reforms: body cameras, community policing, implicit bias workshops. If 
officers are properly equipped and controlled, there will be less 
violence, its proponents argue — despite no significant evidence to back 
that up.


Defunding suggests the problem is not isolated, nor is it a result of a 
few officers’ attitudes. It challenges the power, the resources and the 
enormous scope of the police. Whether they are responding to a mental 
health emergency or deployed to a protest, their training and tools are 
geared toward violence.


The demand for defunding suggests, as the police and prison abolitionist 
Rachel Herzing often says, that the only way to reduce police violence 
is to reduce police officers’ opportunities for contact with the public. 
The protests have forced us to rethink state-sanctioned violence as our 
default response to social problems, to reconsider the hundreds of 
billions of dollars we have spent on prisons and the salaries of more 
than 800,000 sworn law enforcement officers.


The uprisings have also expanded the space for a reckoning with the 
failures of liberal reforms and with the possibility of doing things in 
radically different ways. Tinkering and training cannot fix our reliance 
on police officers to deal with routine social problems through violence 
and the threat of it.


The demand for defunding calls into question the fundamental premise of 
policing: that it produces safety. It urges us to take collective 
responsibility for collective care, repair and redress. It shifts our 
vantage point on persistent problems: for example, to guarantee housing 
for all rather than to continue to arrest and cage this country’s more 
than 567,000 homeless people.


The call to defund the police is often accompanied by a call to shift 
resources elsewhere, to education, housing and health care. The pandemic 
has put on display the spectacular contradiction such appeals reveal. We 
have no guaranteed health care, wages, housing or food; we can’t even 
provide personal protective equipment. These failures have devastated 
Black communities in particular.


But then, in response to Black L

[Marxism] Jerusalem offers a grim model for a post-annexation future

[Ken Hiebert via Marxism]

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The information in this article will not be new to many on this list.  What I 
find interesting is that this is appearing in an AP article and in “mainstream” 
newspapers.  This is symptomatic of a shift in opinion and will further that 
shift in opinion.
ken h

https://www.seattletimes.com/nation-world/jerusalem-offers-a-grim-model-for-a-post-annexation-future/
 


Israeli leaders paint Jerusalem as a model of coexistence, the “unified, 
eternal” capital of the Jewish people, where minorities have equal rights. But 
Palestinian residents face widespread discrimination, most lack citizenship and 
many live in fear of being forced out.

Rights groups say that in some aspects, Palestinians in east Jerusalem have 
even fewer legal protections than those in the West Bank, where it’s possible 
to appeal to international laws governing the treatment of civilians in 
occupied territory.
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[Marxism] UK: wishing for a V-shape | Michael Roberts Blog

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2020/07/10/uk-wishing-for-a-v-shape/

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[Marxism] Tucker Carlson's Top Writer Quits After Secretly Posting Racist, Sexist Messages: Report | HuffPost

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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There was no immediate comment from Carlson. But shortly after the CNN 
report, Carlson exploded in his program over “cancel culture.” He added: 
“We are in a situation where it’s ... individuals against the mob — 
online, other news organizations, CNN particularly.”


https://www.huffpost.com/entry/tucker-carlson-blake-neff-fox-news-racist-posts_n_5f090249c5b67a80bc078c34

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