SV: M-TH: Re: German crash landing..

1999-11-23 Thread Bob Malecki

Hinrich wrote...
> 
> It's *because of* the hostile takeover of the GDR and it's *because of* the
> huge investments in buildings accompanied by high property speculation and
> speculation in dwellings and office buildings. Holzmann AG - second biggest
> German construction concern - went bust with 30.000 jobs. Another 40.000
> jobs at enterprises dependent on Holzmann AG are hardly to be saved.

Thanks H.

Sounds like Sweden ten years ago went *speculation* led to the banks almost collapsing 
and a huge bailout by the state. 
Whats "Rhenish Capitalism"? 
And is this buyout connected to the recent letter the AFL-CIO bureaucracy sent out 
about its pension fund involvement in this stuff?

And finally Germany certainly will still be a key to what ever happens in Europe. 

Bob



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Re: M-TH: Re: Meszaros article

1999-11-23 Thread Ian Hunt


I do not have the time to say too much, but would like to say that I  also
found Meszaros' article a really good read, and would like people to take
up the challenge to articulate a clear vision and strategy for socialism
unemcumbered with the baggage of our political past

>I am copying my response to the Meszaros article on the Socialist Register
>list.
>
>--Jim Lawler
>
>
>I have just read Istvan Meszaros' very thoughtful piece on communism. I
>agree with him that we are headed downhill, spiraling into catastrophe.
>
>What does that mean? It means great economic disruption and generally
>chaotic conditions. The question will become, what to do about the chaos?
>
>There will be two possibilities: an end to democracy, with military rule by
>the very people who are responsible for the catastrophe, or a radically
>different kind of society -- a free society in which the great potentials of
>modern science and technology are made use of in an earth-friendly way so as
>to allow human beings the freedom to express themselves freely.
>
>Because of the turmoil that Meszaros predicts, people will be looking
>for alternatives that make sense. The society that he describes can be
>presented as amazingly sensible, while the alternative -- the world we are
>living in now, with the addition effective dictatorship -- as insane.
>
>What we need to do now is to formulate the vision that Meszaros describes in
>simple, attractive and concrete images, so that ordinary people can picture
>the alternative. The communist alternative is really very simple. If enough
>people see that soon enough, the "barbarism" side of the alternative will be
>rejected.
>
>Has anyone tried to do this?
>
>--Best wishes,
>
>Jim Lawler
>
>___
>Dr. James Lawler
>Philosophy Department
>SUNY at Buffalo
>Buffalo, NY
>USA  14260
>Base e-mail:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>  forwards to:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Work phone:  716-645-2444 x770
>Work fax: 716-645-6139
>Home phone:  905-687-6651
>
>___
>Dr. James Lawler
>Philosophy Department
>SUNY at Buffalo
>Buffalo, NY
>USA  14260
>Base e-mail:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>  forwards to:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Work phone:  716-645-2444 x770
>Work fax: 716-645-6139
>Home phone:  905-687-6651
>
>
>
> --- from list [EMAIL PROTECTED] ---





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M-TH: Meszaros article: "Communism Is No Utopia"

1999-11-23 Thread James Lawler

The following article, by Istvan Meszaros, is copied from the Socialist
Register listserve. The title as stated in that list is, "Communism Is No
Utopia."

Best wishes,

Jim Lawler

**

Is Communism a utopia? The answer to the question depends on what we
mean by communism and what we mean by utopia. My own attitude is that it
is not a utopia. Communism concerns control. It envisages a different
way of controlling our social interchanges, our relationship to nature.
The moment I speak of control, the question arises: what sort of
control? In the past it was assumed that political control would do
the trick. Now we know from bitter experience that it did not, that it
could not succeed.

If you look around the world today, most of the former communist parties
have abandoned the name 'communist'. The original CPGB now calls itself
the 'Democratic Left'. God knows how long that will stay. And if you
think of one of the most important communist parties of the past, the
Italian CP, it has disintegrated. It has become reduced to something
meaningless, a government party. The prime minister of Italy today is a
former communist, but he would run away from any suggestion that he
might have anything to do with communism.

That is the reality of what happened in the last 10 years. If we look at
the former Soviet Union and the east European countries, there has been
a complete change, a complete abandonment of all principles. The former
communist leaders of eastern Europe have turned themselves into
capitalists, who parasitically profit from former state property,
transferring it to themselves or their offspring. It is quite
scandalous, but this is what happened.

The problem goes deeper when we think of how Stalin defined communism.
For him, communism meant overtaking the United States in coal, pig iron
and steel production. How seriously can you take any notion of
'communism' which defines the idea in such totally vacuous and utterly
fetishistic terms. You can double the United States pig iron production,
and you have not moved one inch in the direction of communism. This
shows the difficulty. Even if you have a political organisation which
calls itself communist, as the former Soviet Communist Party and others
did, that does not give you any guarantee that its ideas can be taken
seriously.

On the other side - the utopia side - you have serious problems. In one
sense I sympathise with the people who say we definitely have to accept
that utopia has value. That under the present miserable conditions, we
have to envisage a social transformation which shows something beyond
it. And if they call us utopian for that reason, so be it. We accept it.
One of those who took this position was Marcuse. Some of his writings on
the subject are brilliant. But what happened later? Poor Marcuse
realised that the kind of strategy he envisaged, and his way of talking
about the agency of social transformation which could take us to this
idealised state of utopia, were identified with students and outsiders
in general. His theorem turned out to be very utopian in another sense -
he became an extreme pessimist. Towards the end of his life, in his last
works, such as *The aesthetic dimension*, he embraced a totally
pessimistic view of the world, saying that it was not made for man, that
it had not become more human, that there are only islands of good in the
sea of evil, to which one can escape for only short moments of time.

In the Marxist tradition, from the beginning, utopia was questioned and
criticised. The most sustained work was Engels's long essay on the
development of socialism from utopia to science. Engels stressed that
the utopian conception of socialism - found in Owen and the French
socialists - envisaged a way of establishing a new social order
which would be the product of enlightened, far-sighted people capable of
persuading others that such a society was good and worth striving for.
It was a sort of moral appeal, a set of ideas that would produce a great
change in society. Marx asked the question, who is going to educate the
educators, what are the circumstances under which the conditions become
favourable for this kind of enormous leap from the existing social
framework?

There are those who would throw out the baby with the bathwater. If you
think of more recent approaches, this idea - from utopia to science -
was carried to the extreme by those who dismissed any element of social
value. Moral values became labelled as negative and unscientific. A
false opposition was made between science and values. Yet there is no
way of avoiding the realisation that when we talk about a different kind
of society - communist society - that involves values. The realm of
freedom is not something that simply falls out of the sky and hits us,
and then everything is all right. It is a very complex social
transformation, and at the same time involves a certain conception of
humanity and its conditions of existence. Take

M-TH: Re: Meszaros article

1999-11-23 Thread James Lawler

I am copying my response to the Meszaros article on the Socialist Register
list.

--Jim Lawler


I have just read Istvan Meszaros' very thoughtful piece on communism. I
agree with him that we are headed downhill, spiraling into catastrophe.

What does that mean? It means great economic disruption and generally
chaotic conditions. The question will become, what to do about the chaos?

There will be two possibilities: an end to democracy, with military rule by
the very people who are responsible for the catastrophe, or a radically
different kind of society -- a free society in which the great potentials of
modern science and technology are made use of in an earth-friendly way so as
to allow human beings the freedom to express themselves freely.

Because of the turmoil that Meszaros predicts, people will be looking
for alternatives that make sense. The society that he describes can be
presented as amazingly sensible, while the alternative -- the world we are
living in now, with the addition effective dictatorship -- as insane.

What we need to do now is to formulate the vision that Meszaros describes in
simple, attractive and concrete images, so that ordinary people can picture
the alternative. The communist alternative is really very simple. If enough
people see that soon enough, the "barbarism" side of the alternative will be
rejected.

Has anyone tried to do this?

--Best wishes,

Jim Lawler

___
Dr. James Lawler
Philosophy Department
SUNY at Buffalo
Buffalo, NY
USA  14260
Base e-mail:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  forwards to:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Work phone:  716-645-2444 x770
Work fax: 716-645-6139
Home phone:  905-687-6651

___
Dr. James Lawler
Philosophy Department
SUNY at Buffalo
Buffalo, NY
USA  14260
Base e-mail:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  forwards to:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Work phone:  716-645-2444 x770
Work fax: 716-645-6139
Home phone:  905-687-6651



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M-TH: Re: German crash landing..

1999-11-23 Thread Hinrich Kuhls

Hi Bob,

you asked:

>Heard on the tele tonight that one of the biggest 
>construction outfits in Germany is on the brink of 
>economic ruin. Over 50,000 jobs appear to be at 
>stake. Now why in Germany with reunification and 
>a huge building program does this kind of stuff drop 
>down like a bomb all of a sudden?

It's *because of* the hostile takeover of the GDR and it's *because of* the
huge investments in buildings accompanied by high property speculation and
speculation in dwellings and office buildings. Holzmann AG - second biggest
German construction concern - went bust with 30.000 jobs. Another 40.000
jobs at enterprises dependent on Holzmann AG are hardly to be saved.

But what is at stake is not only this joint-stock company and the jobs of
all the colleagues. Both the bankruptcy of Holzmann AG (and it's handling
by the German banks) and the so-called unfriendly bid by Britain based
Vodafone AirTouch to buy Mannesmann AG for DM 250.000.000.000,-- [that's
more than 1.000.000.000.000,-- svenska kronor or about Euro
125.000.000.000,--] mark another turning point in the specific history of
German capitalism also known as Rhenish Capitalism.

Mannesmann AG is based in Duesseldorf, and as it happens to be the town
where I am living I can assure you that this town and all of the Rhine and
Ruhr region is in a specific mood of turmoil.

Now Deutschland AG definitely entered the era of shareholder capitalism.
The socialdemoratic-green government - trapped by it's "politics of
globalization" - is condemned to excute this epochal change. And the labour
and trade union movement is still in the defensive. 

Add to this 
- unemployment figures of more than four million (i.e. a quote of nearly 10
per cent in the western parts and nearly 20 per cent in the East o Germany)
- the constant deterioration of welfare state institutions and payments
- the increasing spendings for new armaments and the reorganisation of the
WEU with ex-NATO-secretary Solana as its latest acquisition
- the xenophobic hostility in large sections of both the population and the
political class
then you have the not at all boringly ordinary European normality of 1999.

Not the best prospects at the eve of entering a new century of capitalism.

Hinrich Kuhls
Duesseldorf, Germany.


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SV: M-TH: Washington and Moscow

1999-11-23 Thread Bob Malecki

Dave replies...
> D
> We've had this one out many times Bob. By any measure, Russia is not 
> imperialist. It is poor, and while not little is it getting smaller. 
> It is a restored former workers' state whose economy is virtually 
> collapsed. The methodology is Lenin and Trotsky. Imperialism 
> produces a surplus which it has to invest in colonies and 
> semi-colonies (today's client states) or loan to its rivals. 
> Without that, it would have to physically annex regions to get 
> hold of new markets, resources etc so as to create this surplus, 
> like Tsarist Russia did. Russia today does not fit either of those 
> scenarios. Is Rusia's invasion of Chechnya imperialist? Is it 
> about to grab new resources? No its trying to defend existing 
> resources established during the Soviet era. Its oppressive yes. 
> That's why we can't support it. But oppression by itself is not 
> imperialist.  20 years ago the Red Army invaded Afghanistan, and 
> you argued correctly that that was to defend Russia from the US 
> backed Mujadaheen. Now the USSR has collapsed, and the Russian 
> Federation itself is beginning to break up. While the invasion of 
> Chechnya cannot be justified, it is primarly defensive.As much as one 
> third of Soviet oil was supplied by Chechyna. So Russia's invasion is 
> not imperialist motivated but rather motivated to prevent a total 
> collapse of the economy.  Of course the new bourgeoisie would have 
> long term plans to expand outside the Russian Federation, but can 
> they do this now? No way. 

Well,I don't think that the transition going the other way can be explained by 
claiming that Russia with its history has become a semi colony. And to say that the 
"economy has collapsed" must be seen in the context of that it is the planned economy 
that has collapsed and what  is coming out of the ruins is another economy with 
definite class interests. 

And yes in Afghanistan we still had a degenerated workers state in the Soviet Union 
and thus the need to defend it, but to claim that the present war in Chetchenya is 
"defensive" I find quite mind boggling. There are quite a number of scenarios of why 
this war and the least viable is defensive. Some even say the bombings in Mosco were 
the work of thgose who needed a war to consolidate Russia. And if you claim the 
economy being saved by this war I certainly would like to know which economy?
> 
> D
> Which proves my point, that in Chechnya there is no advantage to the 
> imperialists to see the Caucuses  which are part of the 
> Russian Federation fragment. Keeping control serves Russia's 
> interests as major oil pipelines pass through to the Russian 
> Black Sea. But this also serves the US interests, as a united 
> Russia is better able to pay back its massive debt. Outside the 
> Russian Federation, the US and EU imperialists are doing deals with 
> the new bourgeoisies of the former Soviet Republics. Russia is in no 
> position right now or in the forseeable future to compete for the 
> spoils in these countries.

Naturally various imperialist powers are using this stuff in there own interests. But 
this certainly does not exclude that the Russians themselves have there own 
imperialist intentions. In fact one of the big side issues in this war is the message 
coming from the Kremlin that the west has no business telling the Russians how to deal 
with this stuff. The latest interesting turn was Yeltsin walking out of the recent 
meeting with a loud clamour. Leaving the OSSE meeting in a shambles..


> D
> Yes well this is an incomplete way of posing the national question. 
> We agree that we are against Russian intervention. But how to be for 
> Chechen independence but against its Islamic bourgeoisie? Only by 
> putting the demand for Chechen self-determination to Russian workers 
> and troops. That's the only way to unite Russian and Chechen masses 
> against both of their bourgeoisies and to fight for a Socialist 
> Federation of the former Soviet Union. 

Well I think the central task is tell inform the Russian workers and soldiers that the 
main enemy is at home.

> 
> D
> What's the confusion about Russia as a capitalist semi-colony? Its 
> not a workers state, and its not an imperialist state. Its in a 
> transition which is more likely to see it collapse and fragment 
> further under imperialist pressure, than become an imperialist state.
> Its you who are confusionist. 

Well tell me now that we live in a vacum. The "Russian" economy has collapsed. No the 
Soviet Union and its economy has collapsed and in its place there is something else. 
This you can not describe for me other then being some sort of semi colony. You are 
empirically labeling the destitution of the masses in the former Soviet Union as semi 
colonialoist without taking into question the entire new counter revolutionary 
segments of society that have taken over and are quite successful and philthy rich 
because of the overturn. However this is not enoug

SV: M-TH: Re: Washington and Moscow

1999-11-23 Thread Bob Malecki

Rob writes... 

> 
> Well, they might call it a win in the sense that NATO's silly slaughter in
> Yugoslavia got carded as a win, I s'pose.  There, as here, the actual
> military campaign itself soon (and predictably) reached the point of
> publicly apparent untenability, and an intrusion from outside was brought to
> bear.  There, too, negotiations were persistently ruled out until there was
> one.

My take is that the Germans won most. 
  
> 
> In the terms, as I understand them, that this slaughter was justified (eg.
> to stabilise Dagestan, to rid Russia of allegedly Chechen terrorism,
> possibly to protect important oil sources, and mebbe to nip Muslem
> seccessionism in the bud), this adventure is a joke, for mine.  I predicted
> intensified instability, impoverishment and blood'n'guts in Yugoslavia in
> April, and I'm predicting it for Russia, Chechnya and Dagestan now.  

What did ya do turn on the tele or look in your cristalball to predict this?

>I also
> predict that, as we have a healthy Serbian military still in place in
> Belgrade, we shall have a healthy Chechen guerilla force in Chechnya a year
> from now (of course, both Serbia and Chechnya have been ruined in the
> process, but that's not what we're talking about).  I also suspect (mebbe
> 'know' is a better word) that there is no tenable exit strategy available to
> Moscow other than some sorta external intervention.  If they're seen to
> flatten Grosny, wave a few bearded heads on pikes about, and then leave
> again - all at their own behest - they're gonna look foolish to the point of
> political untenability, I reckon.  A shattered treasury, a few hundred dead
> Russian boys, and not one initially promulgated objective assured.

The point about the Serbs well taken. However on Chetchenyen I think the whole point 
is hardly wether there is a guerilla there now or next year but what happens in 
Russia. And maybe in western eyes this all looks "foolish" but hardly amongst the 
Russian masses which the present regime has successfuly galvanized over this stuff 
which might be the whole point of the war...

Bob




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SV: M-TH: IT stocks?

1999-11-23 Thread Bob Malecki




> G'day Bob,
> 
> Doug's probably fast asleep just now, so here's an interesting piece he
> posted on his list the other day.  I'd be interested in Thaxist views on
> this meself.
> 
> Cheers,
> Rob.

Well this stuff seems to confirm what the economists are putting out very politely 
these days as a warning. I think the key in all these things are a couple of things. 
How much institution speculation is involved and when the bubble bursts what will it 
drag with it. The institutions (pension funds, trade union funds, insurance funds 
etc.) seem to have a policy of "basket investment" laws which say not more then a 
certain amount of capital can go into one basket. But with the blow outs in Asia and 
now the coming blow out in IT stuff could put a pretty big dent in these institutions 
causing some big crashes.

The other question is if the Fed can garantee this stuff? When the over inflated 
swedish economy busted it took the destruction of the welfare state to bail out the 
banks. 

Bob








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SV: M-TH: Re: Washington and Moscow

1999-11-23 Thread Bob Malecki


Rob writes..


> G'day Thaxists,
> 
> I don't think it matters whether trying to hang on to the prizes of past
> expansionism constitutes an act of imperialism today or not, really.  I
> reckon we might be missing the point of all this!

Um which prizes? And I think the point is the permanent revolution albut directed at a 
situation which we have never been confronted with before.
> 
> I don't reckon Russia can win this war, and I don't reckon it could ever
> have thought it could.  Sure, it's always handy to tell other seccessionists
> in other areas that there'll be a ghastly price to pay for trying it on (or
> support others, as some Chechens did the Dagestanis); and sure, war's a
> great way to get the elite's outrageous corruption off the front pages; and
> sure, war is good for cohering a grumbling populace, across class lines,
> behind the banner in volatile times.  But what a war of this sort is not, is
> a good idea in its own terms.  After all, oil sourcing will be as fraught
> after this as it was before, and the chances of further terrorist acts
> shan't be diminished one iota either.

I think the whole war not seen in international perspective coming out of the 
destruction of the SU and where we are heading is pointless. Interestingly enough the 
right wing on the internet points out that it is hardly the middle east or Ireland 
today which is the crucible but has shifted to the Balkans and the Southern belly of 
the ex SU..This war like the Balkans is the beginning of jockeying before the next big 
one. So completely pointless to argue who wins or loses. Although the Islamic revival 
connected to the middle east certainly is a factor in this.
> 
> I'm sure some brave mujihadeen types are digging in at Grosny for the last
> big show, but I'm equally sure the balance of the Chechen guerilla force is
> a long way away.  That's the nature of the guerilla, innit?  Not to get
> caught in decisive pitched battles against overwhelming forces?  When the
> masonry stops smoking and the bodies stop rotting, there'll still be a
> significant guerilla presence and, if anything, it'll have a more
> sympathetic milieu within which to swim around and reproduce.  And Russia is
> certainly in no position to garrison Chechnya with thirty or forty divisions
> for the foreseeable future.  Nope, western mediation was always gonna be
> quietly invited in to do the dealing that would allow a 'peace-with-honour'
> scenario for Moscow.  I reckon they'll flatten what's left of Grosny to make
> their point, and then allow themselves to be talked out of the ruins of
> Chechnya.  I give it three weeks, meself.  The weather gets very nasty after
> that, for one thing.

Well Iran won't be taken in three weeks nor the entire Islamic world and revival of 
the modern crusades in a sense.
> 
> So I reckon this war is very much about the now - and an issue so pressing
> as to make the likely longer term price one worth paying.  And thus do I get
> back to my opening paragraph.  Is it A, B or C?  Or a combination.  Or
> something else altogether?  Mebbe setting up a succession in Moscow? 
> Installing a pro-Muscovite/West puppet government so that Chechens will be
> too busy with a civil war to organise against their oppressors?  Moscow
> joining the West in some global putsch against Islam - Chechnya but a
> world-political football?

Actually this raises and interesting point. Certainly the old half dead alcoholic 
Yeltsin's demise can lead to a whole lot of things. But my take is that capitalist 
Russia with its own imperialist intentions will find some sort of successor.By the way 
a right wing nationalist or fascist solution which even Dave argues is and option 
certainly must be seen as some sort of class solution. Or do you thing a fasist 
takeover can be implemented through imperialist intervention. This would make all the 
writtings on fascism stand on its head I believe.
> 
> All very risky plays, for mine - but then mebbe the situation is so fraught
> that big risks are tenable.  [Even a possible post-bellum popular revulsion
> against Moscow which might (just might) help foster some class solidarity
> with left-inclined malcontents in Eastern Europe - I can't see any ensuing
> between Russian workers and Chechens for a generation or so - anti-Chechen
> racism is rife in Russia, I'm told).

Well any serious worek between western workers and Russian workers sooner or later 
will have to take place in the trenches. But pointing out that all the reforms now 
under attack in the west are directly connected to the destructiuon of the SU 
certainly might be helpful..
> 
> Anyway, when was the last time demonstrably resolute guerillas with reliable
> sources of munitions and moral support in the region and significant support
> among the people, were decisively beaten on their own patch?

Actually this point I find very very interesting. The ICL has the position that the 
path of guerrilla war leading to deformed workers 

SV: M-TH: Washington and Moscow

1999-11-23 Thread Bob Malecki

Chris interestling writes.
> 
> 
> On the main theoretical difference between Dave and Bob, I am alarmed to
> find myself agreeing with both of them. Rather than argue however between
> Russia as a developing imperialist state or as a colony, I would like to
> suggest a formula I heard at a seminar on the world economy in London 8
> days ago. It was from someone from a Trotskyist background. It was that
> there are such things as sub-imperialisms. The definition would be where
> the entity keeps some share of surplus value for itself.

Interesting take. How would you characterized  countries like India,Pakistan. With 
Russia we are dealing with a country in transition from a degenerated workers state to 
what? Is the question. A quite new and extremely difficult question. 

> I think despite our many other differences all of us can see that the West
> has been particularly soft on Yeltsin for entirely discreditable reasons.
> It is essentially allowing him to play the idea of becoming a
> sub-imperialism. They calculate that he will have to compromise and accept
> a subordinate position within a global capitalism dominated by the US. 

I doubt in the long run that imperialism is united or agree on Russia. The destruction 
of the SU has unfortunately put us back in pre 1914 positions albut with nuclear 
weapons.
> 
> BTW I note contributors denouncing the possibility of a western
> "humanitarian intervention" into Chechnya. What you are not distinguishing
> is between a military attack and financial pressure, of the sort that got
> the Indonesian troops to withdraw from East Timor. It is quite clear that
> the west could have imposed the latter, and for *imperialist* reasons
> decided not to. They would rather do business with a corrupt Yeltsin/Putin
> regime that oppresses subject nationalities, than a lefter Primakov type
> regime.

 "humanitarian" intervention has nothing to do with what is going on. This is a 
struggle for positions before the next buig round.
> 
> Perhaps Dave or Bob will not buy it, but what about "sub-imperialism" as a
> relevant half-way concept for what Russia under Yeltsin is trying to achieve?

Well to put a label on it I like the capitalist Russia with imperialist intentions. 
Perhaps capitalism in the accumilating stage which in a sense is as impossible as the 
colonial bourgeoisie being able to carry out the democratic aspects of a bourgeois 
revolution in the imperialist stage of development. I say that sub-imperialism, as 
well as a democratic capialist regime in Russia is impossible! 

You know this reminds me of the theory of peremanent revolution albut in a situation 
which in history is entirely new to us. I mean this is the first time we are 
confronted with capitalist counter revolutions in the degenerated and deformed workers 
states.

Bob




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M-TH: German crash landing..

1999-11-23 Thread Bob Malecki

Heard on the tele tonight that one of the biggest construction outfits in Germany is 
on the brink of economic ruin. Over 50,000 jobs appear to be at stake. Now why in 
Germany with reunification and a huge building program does this kind of stuff drop 
down like a bomb all of a sudden?

Any Germans here who can give us the picture..

Warm Regards
Bob Malecki




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M-TH: Re: China and law of value.

1999-11-23 Thread Hugh Rodwell

Dave B's excellent summary of the workings of the Law of Value ends this way:

>This discussion began with China. The point about getting the LOV
>right is that it allows us to recognise that once the LOV is
>suspended the potential is there to replace it with a healthy workers
>plan that can escape the use/exchange value contradiction
>and allocate productive resources in advance to produce use-values.
>What we have seen in China is unfortunately so far not only a failure
>to achieve that, but an impending full restoration of capitalism in
>which the LOV returns with all its brutality as we are seeing in
>Russia.

This is making things a bit too easy.

What happens in a proto-socialist mode of production like the Soviet Union
or Red China is that Primitive Socialist Accumulation has to take place,
and this is not just the straightforward replacement of a capitalist
process of production and exchange by a socialist one. Since productivity,
technology and the rest lag behind the world market in such workers states
created out of backward societies, there are huge political and economic
contradictions to be overcome. As Dave says, the *potential* is there, but
it must be realized by protecting the weaker elements of the new society
against the pressures of stronger imperialism.

What the history of the 20th century has shown us is the paramount
importance of politics, social will, in this.

As long as there was sufficient social will in the workers states to
protect the new property relations (in fact, as long as the enormous power
of the revolutionary working class and its poor peasant allies was not
completely hogtied by the bureaucracy), imperialism had to make do with
indirect sabotage and warfare (this balance of forces was established in
the fiasco of the imperialist attempt to crush the October Revolution by
direct invasionary force). The new productive relations were quite clearly
shown to be more capable of developing the forces of production than
capitalist relations, even if they didn't succeed in catching up with
imperialism on the world market, let alone overtaking it. They were also
shown to combine this development with a huge  increase in popular welfare
(housing, education, health) in comparison with similar non-workers states.

Once the interests of the bureaucratic caste running the show became so
contradictory to the interests of the new mode of production that there was
a historical choice of either abolishing the bureaucracy or abolishing the
workers state, the primacy of the political level at this stage of
development was once again demonstrated. Because the working class both
nationally and internationally had been effectively beheaded (its mass
leadership was counter-revolutionary, and if these treacherous leaderships
had any ideas at all they were bourgeois or petty-bourgeois), the economic
performance of the workers states was labelled weak, and this was blamed on
the proto-socialist system and not on a) the political incompetence and
inadequacy of the bureaucracy, or b) the economic belligerence of
imperialism.

As a result of the disorganization and lack of class consciousness on the
part of the working masses, the bureaucracy was able to capitulate to
imperialism, turn itself into a (weak, unstable, pariah) bourgeoisie and
proclaim the death of socialism. What it  meant was the death of Stalinism.

So now we have a clear field, again, in the sense that the main historical
obstacle to revolutionary socialism in our century -- Stalinism -- has
collapsed. But of course there is no political vacuum, all the reactionary
forces are trying to get their hands on the keys to the vault, screaming at
the top of their voices and trying to cheat masses of ordinary working
people into doing their fighting for them. It's just that, with Stalinism
gone, our task is so much easier. All we have to do is show ordinary people
that they have no real interest in the reactionary scramble for the keys to
the vault, but should join with us and take over the whole caboodle.

Why, finally, should the political sphere dominate today when basic Marxism
contends that the economic sphere is primary? The reason is simple.
Capitalism has outgrown itself. It's further economic expansion is
blatantly destructive to whole continents and even to previously spared,
relatively privileged working masses in the imperialist heartlands. The
conditions for such expansion are in fact mass destruction and the
reduction to subhuman conditions of huge numbers of human beings. During
the incredibly contradictory postwar boom period, thanks to Stalinist
collusion with imperialism, it was possible to make a plausible if untrue
case that capitalist economic expansion (a necessary condition for its
survival) actually involved general development of the productive forces of
humanity. That is no longer the case, as the workers in the imperialist
countries (the ones most fooled by the expansion equals development
arguments) are dis