s are presumably not subject tot he same
restrictions. Has anyone seen any reliable reports identifying the
minister in question?
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
nations who are
trying to torpedo growth in the rest of the world, why doesn't he go the
whole hog and endorse the IMF austerity package in Korea: after all,
that should reduce the number of car users in Seoul.
--
James Heartfield
Books Editor,
Living Marxism
culmination of
the land rights came with the Chiliasmic uprising of Sitting Bulls
spirit dance, when Native Americans realised that there was nowhere
further West to go and tried to fight. The ensuing slaughter brought an
end to the Native American people as a collective entity.
James Heartfield
xists should
defend people's rights against oppression. But that must mean that
indigenous peoples' have a right to scure their own economic
development, as well as a right to seek work.
There really is no way forward but forward.
--
James Heartfield
u close your mind to it.
I have read it, and there is a great deal of critique of science,
especially of the Copenhagen interpretation of quantum physics and of
chaos theory, as I recollect.
--
James Heartfield
In message <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, Louis
Proyect <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes
>James Heartfield:
>>Whatever attitude we today might want to take towards the rights of
>>indigenous peoples, it is difficult to find a case for them within the
>>writings of Marx and Enge
#x27; combination of misrepresentation, ahistoricism, insult and an
inability to stick to the point is an example of his
> Absolutely
>loathsome stuff and antithetical to Marxism as I will prove.
You already have proved it.
--
James Heartfield
of 1848, quoted in Engels and the Non-Historic Peoples,
Roman Rosdolsky, Critique Books 1987
--
James Heartfield
s
childish religious conceptions. Man was bounded by his tribe, both in
relation to strangers from outside the tribe and to himself; the tribe,
the gens, and their institutions were sacred and inviolable, a higher
power established by nature, to which the individual subjected himself
unconditiona
us today, and that we can do
something about.
>I plan to offer my own reading of the history of the genocide against
>Native Americans and subject the standard Marxist interpretation to a fresh
>re-evaluation. My sources will be scholarly histories of today, not
>selective quotes from Marx.
I look forward to reading it.
--
James Heartfield
rgeois
with progress in its attacks on Indian land claims (as though such
claims were ever the product of native American society), only to
understand the forces at work in the American history.
But then that is your problem. You always want to rush to a position, or
moral stance. Real facts are just raw material to reproduce the timeless
story of the underdog. Too much meditation on historical change
threatens to overturn your little moral universe of good and evil and
most be short-circuited as quickly as possible. Real social classes, and
the different social relations that sustain them are quickly merged into
a caricature of 'rich and poor'.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
e wrong done to the Seminoles? Is
land ownership a part of your socialist programme? Why not start at home
and hand over your apartment to the Algonquin?
Such emotionalism leads to a wholly rhetorical radicalism whose grand
gestures are in inverse proportion to its seriousness.
--
James Heartfield
not constitute the
exploited class in the US. No matter to Louis, for whom understanding
the specificity of distinctive historical periods is just a distraction
from the true lesson of history: nothing ever changes.
--
James Heartfield
ver
against the invasion of these lands and the slaughter of their
inhabitants. Native American land rights proved about as 'real' as the
rights of Jews in the Warsaw Ghetto.
As to the honouring of these treaties today, what role exactly does land
ownership play in socialism?
--
James Heartfield
er of slaves is 15 000, whilst the twenty
times as large free population consists of free farmers.'
P45
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
sation of land claims in the seventies is
to be found in the times themselves, not in any innate character of
Indian land claims. These were the vessel through which a quite new kind
of struggle was being fought, effectively the beginning of identity
politics in the US.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
t the Iraqi
people, or to pretend that it is all spectacle?
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
easier to have someone that you can patronise from a distance.
'Listen to Shamans' I ask you! The idea that this kind of obscurantist
rubbish has got anything to do with socialism is absurd.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
t more
interesting, is why the American left, having, one suspects, ignored the
issue, adopted the cause of the native Americans. I suggest, like much
of the 'new social movements' rhetoric, has more to do with a failure to
make any great inroads into the American working class, than with a
particular dynamic within those movements.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
the idea that sex-slavery or underage
prostitution is wrong. The sex-workers comments were not aimed at
coerced or non-consensual prostitution, but at prostitutes who bject to
being criminalised in the name of saving their honour.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
othing much to do with the actual lives of indegenous
peoples). Louis Proyect is right to say that post-modernism and
indigenism have the same outlook, because both are an expression of the
anti-enlightenment thinking. From this reactionary standpoint it is
right to say that Marxism and Capitalism share the same prejudice
towards progress and development.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness
have come away with less than even Yasser Arafat settled for.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
In message , valis
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes
>James Heartfield concluded:
>> It's hard to avoid the conclusion that Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness
>> have come away with less than even Yasser Arafat settled for.
>
>A pretty pointless comparison, since Arafa
creepy about those Western leaders who
complain about low wages in every country but their own.
>
--
James Heartfield
;
>
>
On the cover of today's Daily Mirror newspaper (UK): 'Fornigate'
--
James Heartfield
re given powers higher than those of
parliament (previously a taboo in British constitutional theory) for the
first time. Permanent scandal is getting to be the norm for the
political process in most countries.
--
James Heartfield
In message , Doug Henwood
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes
>James Heartfield wrote:
>
>>Permanent scandal is getting to be the norm for the
>>political process in most countries.
>
>Replacing real politics, I suppose, a process the U.S. probably leads the
>world in.
son, which I believe has just been
published by Monthly Review Press.
A rather dismal example of how complexity theory can be squared with the
social and political programme of Tony Blair can be found in 'Connexity'
by Geoff Mulgan, recently recruited to the Prime Minister's think tank,
Chatto and Windus, 1997.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
It is time for all peoples to recognize the horrors that are
continuing unabated in Ireland. It is time for justice and a
legitimate peace process.
Contact: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
--
James Heartfield
t's too easy an alibi for the people who are paying
those wages. Let's put the blame where it lies, not indulge in a guilt-
fest. As Freud said guilt is just self-indulgence.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
be described as a 'threat'
when it is a threat to no one, while the countries that are provoking a
war in the Gulf, the US and Britain, are allowed to gather weapons of
mass destruction without a challenge.
fraternally
--
James Heartfield
#x27; diplomatic position re. Iraq
(which must be distinguished from Z.'s) then why would it be that
different from China's, or even France's. Reluctance to take part in
this latest adventure is indicative of its phoney character.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
feat. But in terms of political trajectory
there was no greater programmatic development than the demand for
national independence. Britain's inflexible stance on sovereignty tended
to obscure the short-comings of the nationalist programme, but their
more flexible approach in the '
iety; and
>criticism presupposes enlightenment...
Does he criticise or celebrate. I read Fatal Strategies as the latter.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
post-modernist would surely embrace the
badge of the enfant terrible with pride. IE from Baudrillard's point of
view, Callinicos is too mature and not childish enough.
In my old-fashioned view that maturity is indeed a better thing than
childishness, I take Baudrillard's temper tantrum as evidence of
childishness.
--
James Heartfield
lter but rather no shelter; the "consent"
>given when the alternative is a slow and horrible death.
This is all very well, but you seem to be arguing that there is no
difference between wage slavery and slavery, or between adulthood and
childhood.
To argue that the power of capital is coercive surely does not mean that
we might as wll be slaves, does it?
--
James Heartfield
ialism in
today's conditions, we need to look at its social and material basis in
the here and now.
The unlikely question of whether the north American tribes or the
Zemstvos represent missed opportunity is surely a laughably academic one
- unless of course Proyect is suggesting that we go back to that stage,
before going forward again to socialism: the most extreme version of the
theory of 'stages of development' one could imagine.
Fraternally
--
James Heartfield
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