Why is it when Trevor posts something he personally gets attack. I think we can rip the article apart but not the one posting-very uncomradely! Insinuating that Trevor is doing this with some perverse intention. Sent via my BlackBerry from Vodacom - let your email find you!
-----Original Message----- From: Dominic Tweedie <[email protected]> Sender: [email protected] Date: Fri, 4 May 2012 12:23:44 To: <[email protected]> Reply-To: [email protected] Subject: Re: [YCLSA Discussion] Business Day Editorial: Desperate at the top Thanks Cde Vincent, you are right, this "front page editorial" in the Business Day is a lot of nonsense in any case, with or without the falsification by COSATU of the joint ANC/COSATU statement upon which the "front page editorial" is largely premised. VC On 4 May 2012 12:04, Vincent Masoga <[email protected]> wrote: > This article is completely pro DA 's neoliberal attach to the revolution. > Of course when the revolution is in trial it has to be defended, by the > securocrat of the legitimate state if needs be. The editor talks about > factions the he does not even see. He is the one encouraging factionalism > in the ANC by saying that other members of the NEC should turn again the > ANC president. That's hogwash what's written here Trevor. Don't read > newspapers very early in the morning, they will get you confused my friend. > > Sent from my iPad > > On 04 May 2012, at 11:37, "Trevor Kekana" <[email protected]> wrote: > > It is not always clear who runs President Jacob Zuma's strange republic > due to a poverty of political leadership in the country **** > > Published: 2012/05/04 06:43:24 AM **** > > NO TWO recent events better illustrate the poverty of political leadership > in South Africa than the reinstatement of Lt-Gen Richard Mdluli as the > police’s crime intelligence head despite a raft of charges and allegations > around him, and the casual way in which the African National Congress (ANC) > and labour federation Cosatu last week "agreed" to delay e-tolling in > Gauteng for a month while government lawyers were arguing in court that > such a delay would be a disaster.**** > > This is President Jacob Zuma 's strange republic at work, a place where > politics trumps principle, the reputations of the state and its officers > are of little account and where no price is too high to pay for the > re-election of Mr Zuma as head of his party this year and of the country in > 2014.**** > > Is the president laughing at us? The police force leadership is in tatters > as his man, Lt-Gen Mdluli, acquires new powers at a dizzying speed — one > day it is control over VIP protection (all the police who guard ministers > and can thus tell him who they’ve been seeing), the next he becomes the > only policeman in the land able to sanction a wire tap. South Africa’s > credit rating is being directly threatened by Mr Zuma's leadership on the > Sanral issue. He must have sanctioned the party-union meeting despite > knowing his finance minister would be left humiliated by any decision to > delay the start of e-tolling. **** > > It was entirely predictable that Cosatu’s political star would rise this > year, after the ANC Youth League’s falling out with the party’s leadership. > **** > > Without Cosatu’s backing Mr Zuma has little chance of being re-elected at > the ANC’s conference at Mangaung in December. And, if he loses his grip on > the levers of power, the odds are that the fraud and corruption charges > that were controversially withdrawn shortly before the 2009 election that > elevated him to the Presidency, could be reinstated.**** > > Mr Zuma is acutely aware of how much he needs Cosatu. More important, > Cosatu’s wily general secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi, knows it too. That is > why, in contrast to 2007 when the union federation threw its weight behind > Mr Zuma as part of a successful effort to oust Thabo Mbeki as ANC president > at Polokwane, it now refuses to pin its colours to the mast during the > buildup to Mangaung.**** > > Cosatu felt let down by the Zuma administration after the much-debated > "lurch to the left" at Polokwane was limited by the practicalities of > governance, Mr Zuma’s need to placate a range of constituencies with > contradictory demands, and intense lobbying by the youth league as > representative of the party’s growing African nationalist faction. Cosatu > is not about to make the same mistake twice — Mr Zuma is going to have to > deliver the goods before he gets paid off this time.**** > > This, of course, is how politics works the world over. But the fact that > it is not unusual does not mean its profoundly negative economic, political > and constitutional consequences should not be exposed. And, such political > expediency cannot be allowed to legitimise a cynical abuse of state > institutions for party or individual benefit. There is, unfortunately, > mounting evidence of both occurring in South Africa at present.**** > > The government’s botched implementation of the Gauteng Freeway Improvement > Project provided Cosatu with an ideal opportunity to flex its muscles. > Since public transport was excluded from the e-tolling system, the vast > majority of the revenue that would have been collected would have come from > businesses and the wealthier 40% of Gauteng’s population, not predominantly > from the "workers" Cosatu counts as its constituency.**** > > Nevertheless, the toll road concept is unpopular across class groups in > Gauteng, and just days before the e-toll gantries were scheduled to go live > on May 1, Cosatu strong-armed the ANC into "discussions" on the issue with > the threat of a national strike. With not even a pretence of > differentiating between party and state, the ANC caved in and announced > that the launch would be delayed by a month for further consultation.**** > > That the high court granted an urgent interdict against the implementation > of the system subject to a full review only hours later, does not change > the fact that the ANC blinked first. Even as state lawyers were arguing > that delaying it would be financially disastrous, the party was glibly > humiliating Pravin Gordhan by elevating the political interests of one of > its factions above the Treasury’s standing.**** > > Similarly, while it is abundantly clear that the inflexibility of the > labour market is preventing businesses from hiring more young people in > particular, this does not suit Cosatu’s agenda of defending existing > workers’ rights at all costs. Hence its loud opposition to the proposed > labour law amendments that are now before Parliament.**** > > It emerged earlier in the week that another cozy "discussion" with the ANC > has resulted in agreement that clauses requiring that ballots be held > before strikes can begin, and expanding the list of essential service work > categories whose right to strike is limited, will be scrapped. If this is > endorsed by ANC MPs it will make a complete mockery of the long negotiation > process recently in the National Economic Development and Labour Council.* > *** > > The question should be asked: who runs this country? The democratically > elected government, a particular faction of the ruling party, or Cosatu? Or > is it the small group of securocrats Mr Zuma has surrounded himself with in > his desperate bid to keep out of the courts?**** > > The vicious power struggle that is playing out at present between police > management, crime intelligence and the prosecuting authorities is a > chilling reminder that the abuse of state institutions that was ostensibly > Cosatu’s prime motivation for removing Mr Mbeki, has got worse, not better, > under Mr Zuma.**** > > The manner in which investigations into the alleged criminal activities of > Lt-Gen Mdluli have repeatedly been stymied, and those trying to follow due > process have been undermined, points to political intervention at the > highest level. The situation has become untenable — a prosecutor has been > shot at; the very future of the rule of law and democratic accountability > is at stake. **** > > Yet Lt-Gen Mdluli has not only been reinstated to his powerful position, > but it emerges he has been handed sole responsibility for the police’s > covert phone-tapping activities. It was just such an intelligence tape that > was used — almost certainly illegally — by Mr Zuma’s lawyers to persuade > prosecutors to drop the corruption charges he faced.**** > > The flagrant disregard for the constitutional safeguards that are supposed > to check individual power in our democracy has got to stop before > irreparable damage is done.**** > > But it is clear it won’t be Mr Zuma who does the stopping. Why do other > senior ANC leaders sit on their hands while the freedom they fought for is > sacrificed to save one man’s skin?**** > > Like Cosatu, they are apparently hedging their bets as they manoeuvre in > preparation for the showdown at the end of the year. But by then it could > be too late for them and South Africa. They have a tiger by the tail and > will have to be extremely agile if they wish to avoid being eaten as soon > as they have outlived their usefulness.**** > > ** ** > > <http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/Content.aspx?id=170988> > http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/Content.aspx?id=170988**** > > ** ** > > ** ** > > <http://www.investec.com/legal/email-disclaimer.html> > http://www.investec.com/legal/email-disclaimer.html > > The disclaimer also provides our corporate information and names of our > directors as required by law. > > The disclaimer is deemed to form part of this message in terms of Section > 11 of the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act 25 of 2002. > If you cannot access the disclaimer, please obtain a copy thereof from us > by sending an email to: <[email protected]> > [email protected] > > -- > You are subscribed. 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