<x-charset ISO-8859-1>The Oil We Eat (from Harper's) 
author: Richard Manning 
The journalist's rule says: follow the money. This rule, however, is 
not 
really axiomatic but derivative, in that money, as even our vice 
president 
will tell you, is really a way of tracking energy. We'll follow the 
energy. 

The secret of great wealth with no obvious source is some forgotten 
crime, 
forgotten because it was done neatly. 

--Balzac 

The journalist's rule says: follow the money. This rule, however, is 
not 
really axiomatic but derivative, in that money, as even our vice 
president 
will tell you, is really a way of tracking energy. We'll follow the 
energy. 

We learn as children that there is no free lunch, that you don't get 
something from nothing, that what goes up must come down, and so on. 
The 
scientific version of these verities is only slightly more complex. 
As 
James Prescott Joule discovered in the nineteenth century, there is 
only 
so much energy. You can change it from motion to heat, from heat to 
light, 
but there will never be more of it and there will never be less of 
it. The 
conservation of energy is not an option, it is a fact. This is the 
first 
law of thermodynamics. 

Special as we humans are, we get no exemptions from the rules. All 
animals 
eat plants or eat animals that eat plants. This is the food chain, 
and 
pulling it is the unique ability of plants to turn sunlight into 
stored 
energy in the form of carbohydrates, the basic fuel of all animals. 
Solar-powered photosynthesis is the only way to make this fuel. There 
is 
no alternative to plant energy, just as there is no alternative to 
oxygen. 
The results of taking away our plant energy may not be as sudden as 
cutting off oxygen, but they are as sure. 

Scientists have a name for the total amount of plant mass created by 
Earth 
in a given year, the total budget for life. They call it the planet's 
"primary productivity." There have been two efforts to figure out how 
that 
productivity is spent, one by a group at Stanford University, the 
other an 
independent accounting by the biologist Stuart Pimm. Both conclude 
that we 
humans, a single species among millions, consume about 40 percent of 
Earth's primary productivity, 40 percent of all there is. This simple 
number may explain why the current extinction rate is 1,000 times 
that 
which existed before human domination of the planet. We 6 billion 
have 
simply stolen the food, the rich among us a lot more than others. 

Energy cannot be created or canceled, but it can be concentrated. 
This is 
the larger and profoundly explanatory context of a national-security 
memo 
George Kennan wrote in 1948 as the head of a State Department 
planning 
committee, ostensibly about Asian policy but really about how the 
United 
States was to deal with its newfound role as the dominant force on 
Earth. 
"We have about 50 percent of the world's wealth but only 6.3 percent 
of 
its population," Kennan wrote. "In this situation, we cannot fail to 
be 
the object of envy and resentment. Our real task in the coming period 
is 
to devise a pattern of relationships which will permit us to maintain 
this 
position of disparity without positive detriment to our national 
security. 
To do so, we will have to dispense with all sentimentality and 
day-dreaming; and our attention will have to be concentrated 
everywhere on 
our immediate national objectives. We need not deceive ourselves that 
we 
can afford today the luxury of altruism and world-benefaction." 

"The day is not far off," Kennan concluded, "when we are going to 
have to 
deal in straight power concepts." 

If you follow the energy, eventually you will end up in a field 
somewhere. 
Humans engage in a dizzying array of artifice and industry. 
Nonetheless, 
more than two thirds of humanity's cut of primary productivity 
results 
from agriculture, two thirds of which in turn consists of three 
plants: 
rice, wheat, and corn. In the 10,000 years since humans domesticated 
these 
grains, their status has remained undiminished, most likely because 
they 
are able to store solar energy in uniquely dense, transportable 
bundles of 
carbohydrates. They are to the plant world what a barrel of refined 
oil is 
to the hydrocarbon world. Indeed, aside from hydrocarbons they are 
the 
most concentrated form of true wealth--sun energy--to be found on the 
planet. 

As Kennan recognized, however, the maintenance of such a 
concentration of 
wealth often requires violent action. Agriculture is a recent human 
experiment. For most of human history, we lived by gathering or 
killing a 
broad variety of nature's offerings. Why humans might have traded 
this 
approach for the complexities of agriculture is an interesting and 
long-debated question, especially because the skeletal evidence 
clearly 
indicates that early farmers were more poorly nourished, more 
disease-ridden and deformed, than their hunter-gatherer 
contemporaries. 
Farming did not improve most lives. The evidence that best points to 
the 
answer, I think, lies in the difference between early agricultural 
villages and their pre-agricultural counterparts--the presence not 
just of 
grain but of granaries and, more tellingly, of just a few houses 
significantly larger and more ornate than all the others attached to 
those 
granaries. Agriculture was not so much about food as it was about the 
accumulation of wealth. It benefited some humans, and those people 
have 
been in charge ever since. 

Domestication was also a radical change in the distribution of wealth 
within the plant world. Plants can spend their solar income in 
several 
ways. The dominant and prudent strategy is to allocate most of it to 
building roots, stem, bark--a conservative portfolio of investments 
that 
allows the plant to better gather energy and survive the downturn 
years. 
Further, by living in diverse stands (a given chunk of native prairie 
contains maybe 200 species of plants), these perennials provide 
services 
for one another, such as retaining water, protecting one another from 
wind, and fixing free nitrogen from the air to use as fertilizer. 
Diversity allows a system to "sponsor its own fertility," to use 
visionary 
agronomist Wes Jackson's phrase. This is the plant world's norm. 

There is a very narrow group of annuals, however, that grow in 
patches of 
a single species and store almost all of their income as seed, a 
tight 
bundle of carbohydrates easily exploited by seed eaters such as 
ourselves. 
Under normal circumstances, this eggs-in-one-basket strategy is a 
dumb 
idea for a plant. But not during catastrophes such as floods, fires, 
and 
volcanic eruptions. Such catastrophes strip established plant 
communities 
and create opportunities for wind-scattered entrepreneurial seed 
bearers. 
It is no accident that no matter where agriculture sprouted on the 
globe, 
it always happened near rivers. You might assume, as many have, that 
this 
is because the plants needed the water or nutrients. Mostly this is 
not 
true. They needed the power of flooding, which scoured landscapes and 
stripped out competitors. Nor is it an accident, I think, that 
agriculture 
arose independently and simultaneously around the globe just as the 
last 
ice age ended, a time of enormous upheaval when glacial melt let 
loose 
sea-size lakes to create tidal waves of erosion. It was a time of 
catastrophe. 

Corn, rice, and wheat are especially adapted to catastrophe. It is 
their 
niche. In the natural scheme of things, a catastrophe would create a 
blank 
slate, bare soil, that was good for them. Then, under normal 
circumstances, succession would quickly close that niche. The annuals 
would colonize. Their roots would stabilize the soil, accumulate 
organic 
matter, provide cover. Eventually the catastrophic niche would close. 
Farming is the process of ripping that niche open again and again. It 
is 
an annual artificial catastrophe, and it requires the equivalent of 
three 
or four tons of TNT per acre for a modern American farm. Iowa's 
fields 
require the energy of 4,000 Nagasaki bombs every year. 

Iowa is almost all fields now. Little prairie remains, and if you can 
find 
what Iowans call a "postage stamp" remnant of some, it most likely 
will 
abut a cornfield. This allows an observation. Walk from the prairie 
to the 
field, and you probably will step down about six feet, as if the land 
had 
been stolen from beneath you. Settlers' accounts of the prairie 
conquest 
mention a sound, a series of pops, like pistol shots, the sound of 
stout 
grass roots breaking before a moldboard plow. A robbery was in 
progress. 

When we say the soil is rich, it is not a metaphor. It is as rich in 
energy as an oil well. A prairie converts that energy to flowers and 
roots 
and stems, which in turn pass back into the ground as dead organic 
matter. 
The layers of topsoil build up into a rich repository of energy, a 
bank. A 
farm field appropriates that energy, puts it into seeds we can eat. 
Much 
of the energy moves from the earth to the rings of fat around our 
necks 
and waists. And much of the energy is simply wasted, a trail of 
dollars 
billowing from the burglar's satchel. 

I've already mentioned that we humans take 40 percent of the globe's 
primary productivity every year. You might have assumed we and our 
livestock eat our way through that volume, but this is not the case. 
Part 
of that total--almost a third of it--is the potential plant mass lost 
when 
forests are cleared for farming or when tropical rain forests are cut 
for 
grazing or when plows destroy the deep mat of prairie roots that held 
the 
whole business together, triggering erosion. The Dust Bowl was no 
accident 
of nature. A functioning grassland prairie produces more biomass each 
year 
than does even the most technologically advanced wheat field. The 
problem 
is, it's mostly a form of grass and grass roots that humans can't 
eat. So 
we replace the prairie with our own preferred grass, wheat. Never 
mind 
that we feed most of our grain to livestock, and that livestock is 
perfectly content to eat native grass. And never mind that there 
likely 
were more bison produced naturally on the Great Plains before farming 
than 
all of beef farming raises in the same area today. Our ancestors 
found it 
preferable to pluck the energy from the ground and when it ran out 
move 
on. 

Today we do the same, only now when the vault is empty we fill it 
again 
with new energy in the form of oil-rich fertilizers. Oil is annual 
primary 
productivity stored as hydrocarbons, a trust fund of sorts, built up 
over 
many thousands of years. On average, it takes 5.5 gallons of fossil 
energy 
to restore a year's worth of lost fertility to an acre of eroded land-
-in 
1997 we burned through more than 400 years' worth of ancient 
fossilized 
productivity, most of it from someplace else. Even as the earth 
beneath 
Iowa shrinks, it is being globalized. 

Six thousand years before sodbusters broke up Iowa, their Caucasian 
blood 
ancestors broke up the Hungarian plain, an area just northwest of the 
Caucasus Mountains. Archaeologists call this tribe the LBK, short for 
linearbandkeramik, the German word that describes the distinctive 
pottery 
remnants that mark their occupation of Europe. Anthropologists call 
them 
the wheat-beef people, a name that better connects those ancients 
along 
the Danube to my fellow Montanans on the Upper Missouri River. These 
proto-Europeans had a full set of domesticated plants and animals, 
but 
wheat and beef dominated. All the domesticates came from an area 
along 
what is now the Iraq-Syria-Turkey border at the edges of the Zagros 
Mountains. This is the center of domestication for the Western 
world's 
main crops and live stock, ground zero of catastrophic agriculture. 

Two other types of catastrophic agriculture evolved at roughly the 
same 
time, one centered on rice in what is now China and India and one 
centered 
on corn and potatoes in Central and South America. Rice, though, is 
tropical and its expansion depends on water, so it developed only in 
floodplains, estuaries, and swamps. Corn agriculture was every bit as 
voracious as wheat; the Aztecs could be as brutal and imperialistic 
as 
Romans or Brits, but the corn cultures collapsed with the onslaught 
of 
Spanish conquest. Corn itself simply joined the wheat-beef people's 
coalition. Wheat was the empire builder; its bare botanical facts 
dictated 
the motion and violence that we know as imperialism. 

The wheat-beef people swept across the western European plains in 
less 
than 300 years, a conquest some archaeologists refer to as 
a "blitzkrieg." 
A different race of humans, the Cro-Magnons--hunter-gatherers, not 
farmers--lived on those plains at the time. Their cave art at places 
such 
as Lascaux testifies to their sophistication and profound connection 
to 
wildlife. They probably did most of their hunting and gathering in 
uplands 
and river bottoms, places the wheat farmers didn't need, suggesting 
the 
possibility of coexistence. That's not what happened, however. Both 
genetic and linguistic evidence say that the farmers killed the 
hunters. 
The Basque people are probably the lone remnant descendants of 
Cro-Magnons, the only trace. 

Hunter-gatherer archaeological sites of the period contain spear 
points 
that originally belonged to the farmers, and we can guess they 
weren't 
trade goods. One group of anthropologists concludes, "The evidence 
from 
the western extension of the LBK leaves little room for any other 
conclusion but that LBK-Mesolithic interactions were at best chilly 
and at 
worst hostile." The world's surviving Blackfeet, Assiniboine Sioux, 
Inca, 
and Maori probably have the best idea of the nature of these 
interactions. 

Wheat is temperate and prefers plowed-up grasslands. The globe has a 
limited stock of temperate grasslands, just as it has a limited stock 
of 
all other biomes. On average, about 10 percent of all other biomes 
remain 
in something like their native state today. Only 1 percent of 
temperate 
grasslands remains undestroyed. Wheat takes what it needs. 

The supply of temperate grasslands lies in what are today the United 
States, Canada, the South American pampas, New Zealand, Australia, 
South 
Africa, Europe, and the Asiatic extension of the European plain into 
the 
sub-Siberian steppes. This area largely describes the First World, 
the 
developed world. Temperate grasslands make up not only the habitat of 
wheat and beef but also the globe's islands of Caucasians, of 
European 
surnames and languages. In 2000 the countries of the temperate 
grasslands, 
the neo-Europes, accounted for about 80 percent of all wheat exports 
in 
the world, and about 86 percent of all com. That is to say, the 
neo-Europes drive the world's agriculture. The dominance does not 
stop 
with grain. These countries, plus the mothership--Europe accounted 
for 
three fourths of all agricultural exports of all crops in the world 
in 
1999. 

Plato wrote of his country's farmlands: 

What now remains of the formerly rich land is like the skeleton of a 
sick 
man. ...Formerly, many of the mountains were arable, The plains that 
were 
full of rich soil are now marshes. Hills that were once covered with 
forests and produced abundant pasture now produce only food for bees. 
Once 
the land was enriched by yearly rains, which were not lost, as they 
are 
now, by flowing from the bare land into the sea. The soil was deep, 
it 
absorbed and kept the water in loamy soil, and the water that soaked 
into 
the hills fed springs and running streams everywhere. Now the 
abandoned 
shrines at spots where formerly there were springs attest that our 
description of the land is true. 

Plato's lament is rooted in wheat agriculture, which depleted his 
country's soil and subsequently caused the series of declines that 
pushed 
centers of civilization to Rome, Turkey, and western Europe. By the 
fifth 
century, though, wheat's strategy of depleting and moving on ran up 
against the Atlantic Ocean. Fenced-in wheat agriculture is like rice 
agriculture. It balances its equations with famine. In the millennium 
between 500 and 1500, Britain suffered a major "corrective" famine 
about 
every ten years; there were seventy-five in France during the same 
period. 
The incidence, however, dropped sharply when colonization brought an 
influx of new food to Europe. 

The new lands had an even greater effect on the colonists themselves. 
Thomas Jefferson, after enduring a lecture on the rustic nature by 
his 
hosts at a dinner party in Paris, pointed out that all of the 
Americans 
present were a good head taller than all of the French. Indeed, 
colonists 
in all of the neo-Europes enjoyed greater stature and longevity, as 
well 
as a lower infant-mortality rate--all indicators of the better 
nutrition 
afforded by the onetime spend down of the accumulated capital of 
virgin 
soil. 

The precolonial famines of Europe raised the question: What would 
happen 
when the planet's supply of arable land ran out? We have a clear 
answer. 
In about 1960 expansion hit its limits and the supply of unfarmed, 
arable 
lands came to an end. There was nothing left to plow. What happened 
was 
grain yields tripled. 

The accepted term for this strange turn of events is the green 
revolution, 
though it would be more properly labeled the amber revolution, 
because it 
applied exclusively to grain--wheat, rice, and corn. Plant breeders 
tinkered with the architecture of these three grains so that they 
could be 
hypercharged with irrigation water and chemical fertilizers, 
especially 
nitrogen. This innovation meshed nicely with the 
increased "efficiency" of 
the industrialized factory-farm system. With the possible exception 
of the 
domestication of wheat, the green revolution is the worst thing that 
has 
ever happened to the planet. 

For openers, it disrupted long-standing patterns of rural life 
worldwide, 
moving a lot of no-longer-needed people off the land and into the 
world's 
most severe poverty. The experience in population control in the 
developing world is by now clear: It is not that people make more 
people 
so much as it is that they make more poor people. In the forty-year 
period 
beginning about 1960, the world's population doubled, adding 
virtually the 
entire increase of 3 billion to the world's poorest classes, the most 
fecund classes. The way in which the green revolution raised that 
grain 
contributed hugely to the population boom, and it is the weight of 
the 
population that leaves humanity in its present untenable position. 

Discussion of these, the most poor, however, is largely irrelevant to 
the 
American situation. We say we have poor people here, but almost no 
one in 
this country lives on less than one dollar a day, the global 
benchmark for 
poverty. It marks off a class of about 1.3 billion people, the hard 
core 
of the larger group of 2 billion chronically malnourished people--
that is, 
one third of humanity. We may forget about them, as most Americans 
do. 

More relevant here are the methods of the green revolution, which 
added 
orders of magnitude to the devastation. By mining the iron for 
tractors, 
drilling the new oil to fuel them and to make nitrogen fertilizers, 
and by 
taking the water that rain and rivers had meant for other lands, 
farming 
had extended its boundaries, its dominion, to lands that were not 
farmable. At the same time, it extended its boundaries across time, 
tapping fossil energy, stripping past assets. 

The common assumption these days is that we muster our weapons to 
secure 
oil, not food. There's a little joke in this. Ever since we ran out 
of 
arable land, food is oil. Every single calorie we eat is backed by at 
least a calorie of oil, more like ten. In 1940 the average farm in 
the 
United States produced 2.3 calories of food energy for every calorie 
of 
fossil energy it used. By 1974 (the last year in which anyone looked 
closely at this issue), that ratio was 1:1. And this understates the 
problem, because at the same time that there is more oil in our food 
there 
is less oil in our oil. A couple of generations ago we spent a lot 
less 
energy drilling, pumping, and distributing than we do now. In the 
1940s we 
got about 100 barrels of oil back for every barrel of oil we spent 
getting 
it. Today each barrel invested in the process returns only ten, a 
calculation that no doubt fails to include the fuel burned by the 
Hummers 
and Blackhawks we use to maintain access to the oil in Iraq. 

David Pimentel, an expert on food and energy at Cornell University, 
has 
estimated that if all of the world ate the way the United States 
eats, 
humanity would exhaust all known global fossil-fuel reserves in just 
over 
seven years. Pimentel has his detractors. Some have accused him of 
being 
off on other calculations by as much as 30 percent. Fine. Make it ten 
years. 

Fertilizer makes a pretty fine bomb right off the shelf, a chemistry 
lesson Timothy McVeigh taught at Oklahoma City's Alfred P. Murrah 
Federal 
Building in 1995--not a small matter, in that the green revolution 
has 
made nitrogen fertilizers ubiquitous in some of the more violent and 
desperate corners of the world. Still, there is more to contemplate 
in 
nitrogen's less sensational chemistry. 

The chemophobia of modem times excludes fear of the simple elements 
of 
chemistry's periodic table. We circulate petitions, hold hearings, 
launch 
websites, and buy and sell legislators in regard to polysyllabic 
organic 
compounds--polychlorinated biphenyls, polyvinyls, DDT, 2-4d, that 
sort of 
thing--not simple carbon or nitrogen. Not that agriculture's use of 
the 
more ornate chemistry is benign--an infant born in a rural, 
wheat-producing county in the United States has about twice the 
chance of 
suffering birth defects as one born in a rural place that doesn't 
produce 
wheat, an effect researchers blame on chlorophenoxy herbicides. 
Focusing 
on pesticide pollution, though, misses the worst of the pollutants. 
Forget 
the polysyllabic organics. It is nitrogen-the wellspring of fertility 
relied upon by every Eden-obsessed backyard gardener and suburban 
groundskeeper--that we should fear most. 

Those who model our planet as an organism do so on the basis that the 
earth appears to breathe--it thrives by converting a short list of 
basic 
elements from one compound into the next, just as our own bodies 
cycle 
oxygen into carbon dioxide and plants cycle carbon dioxide into 
oxygen. In 
fact, two of the planet's most fundamental humors are oxygen and 
carbon 
dioxide. Another is nitrogen. 

Nitrogen can be released from its "fixed" state as a solid in the 
soil by 
natural processes that allow it to circulate freely in the 
atmosphere. 
This also can be done artificially. Indeed, humans now contribute 
more 
nitrogen to the nitrogen cycle than the planet itself does. That is, 
humans have doubled the amount of nitrogen in play. 

This has led to an imbalance. It is easier to create nitrogen 
fertilizer 
than it is to apply it evenly to fields. When farmers dump nitrogen 
on a 
crop, much is wasted. It runs into the water and soil, where it 
either 
reacts chemically with its surroundings to form new compounds or 
flows off 
to fertilize something else, somewhere else. 

That chemical reaction, called acidification, is noxious and 
contributes 
significantly to acid rain. One of the compounds produced by 
acidification 
is nitrous oxide, which aggravates the greenhouse effect. Green 
growing 
things normally offset global warming by sucking up carbon dioxide, 
but 
nitrogen on farm fields plus methane from decomposing vegetation make 
every farmed acre, like every acre of Los Angeles freeway, a net 
contributor to global warming. Fertilization is equally worrisome. 
Rainfall and irrigation water inevitably washes the nitrogen from 
fields 
to creeks and streams, which flows into rivers, which floods into the 
ocean. This explains why the Mississippi River, which drains the 
nation's 
Corn Belt, is an environmental catastrophe. The nitrogen fertilizes 
artificially large blooms of algae that in growing suck all the 
oxygen 
from the water, a condition biologists call anoxia, which means 
"oxygen-depleted." Here there's no need to calculate long-term 
effects, 
because life in such places has no long term: everything dies 
immediately. 
The Mississippi River's heavily fertilized effluvia has created a 
dead 
zone in the Gulf of Mexico the size of New Jersey. 

America's biggest crop, grain corn, is completely unpalatable. It is 
raw 
material for an industry that manufactures food substitutes. 
Likewise, you 
can't eat unprocessed wheat. You certainly can't eat hay. You can eat 
unprocessed soybeans, but mostly we don't. These four crops cover 82 
percent of American cropland. Agriculture in this country is not 
about 
food; it's about commodities that require the outlay of still more 
energy 
to become food. 

About two thirds of U.S. grain corn is labeled "processed," meaning 
it is 
milled and otherwise refined for food or industrial uses. More than 
45 
percent of that becomes sugar, especially high-fructose corn 
sweeteners, 
the keystone ingredient in three quarters of all processed foods, 
especially soft drinks, the food of America's poor and working 
classes. It 
is not a coincidence that the American pandemic of obesity tracks 
rather 
nicely with the fivefold increase in corn-syrup production since 
Archer 
Daniels Midland developed a high-fructose version of the stuff in the 
early seventies. Nor is it a coincidence that the plague selects the 
poor, 
who eat the most processed food. 

It began with the industrialization of Victorian England. The empire 
was 
then flush with sugar from plantations in the colonies. Meantime the 
cities were flush with factory workers. There was no good way to feed 
them. And thus was born the afternoon tea break, the tea consisting 
primarily of warm water and sugar. If the workers were well off, they 
could also afford bread with heavily sugared jam--sugar-powered 
industrialization. There was a 500 percent increase in per capita 
sugar 
consumption in Britain between 1860 and 1890, around the time when 
the 
life expectancy of a male factory worker was seventeen years. By the 
end 
of the century the average Brit was getting about one sixth of his 
total 
nutrition from sugar, exactly the same percentage Americans get 
today--double what nutritionists recommend. 

There is another energy matter to consider here, though. The 
grinding, 
milling, wetting, drying, and baking of a breakfast cereal requires 
about 
four calories of energy for every calorie of food energy it produces. 
A 
two-pound bag of breakfast cereal burns the energy of a half-gallon 
of 
gasoline in its making. All together the food-processing industry in 
the 
United States uses about ten calories of fossil-fuel energy for every 
calorie of food energy it produces. 

That number does not include the fuel used in transporting the food 
from 
the factory to a store near you, or the fuel used by millions of 
people 
driving to thousands of super discount stores on the edge of town, 
where 
the land is cheap. It appears, however, that the corn cycle is about 
to 
come full circle. If a bipartisan coalition of farm-state lawmakers 
has 
their way--and it appears they will--we will soon buy gasoline 
containing 
twice as much fuel alcohol as it does now. Fuel alcohol already ranks 
second as a use for processed corn in the United States, just behind 
corn 
sweeteners. According to one set of calculations, we spend more 
calories 
of fossil-fuel energy making ethanol than we gain from it. The 
Department 
of Agriculture says the ratio is closer to a gallon and a quart of 
ethanol 
for every gallon of fossil fuel we invest. The USDA calls this a 
bargain, 
because gasohol is a "clean fuel." This claim to cleanness is in 
dispute 
at the tailpipe level, and it certainly ignores the dead zone in the 
Gulf 
of Mexico, pesticide pollution, and the haze of global gases 
gathering 
over every farm field. Nor does this claim cover clean conscience; 
some 
still might be unsettled knowing that our SUVs' demands for fuel 
compete 
with the poor's demand for grain. 

Green eaters, especially vegetarians, advocate eating low on the food 
chain, a simple matter of energy flow. Eating a carrot gives the 
diner all 
that carrot's energy, but feeding carrots to a chicken, then eating 
the 
chicken, reduces the energy by a factor of ten. The chicken wastes 
some 
energy, stores some as feathers, bones, and other inedibles, and uses 
most 
of it just to live long enough to be eaten. As a rough rule of thumb, 
that 
factor of ten applies to each level up the food chain, which is why 
some 
fish, such as tuna, can be a horror in all of this. Tuna is a 
secondary 
predator, meaning it not only doesn't eat plants but eats other fish 
that 
themselves eat other fish, adding a zero to the multiplier each notch 
up, 
easily a hundred times, more like a thousand times less efficient 
than 
eating a plant. 

This is fine as far as it goes, but the vegetarian's case can break 
down 
on some details. On the moral issues, vegetarians claim their habits 
are 
kinder to animals, though it is difficult to see how wiping out 99 
percent 
of wildlife's habitat, as farming has done in Iowa, is a kindness. In 
rural Michigan, for example, the potato farmers have a peculiar 
tactic for 
dealing with the predations of whitetail deer. They gut-shoot them 
with 
small-bore rifles, in hopes the deer will limp off to the woods and 
die 
where they won't stink up the potato fields. 

Animal rights aside, vegetarians can lose the edge in the energy 
argument 
by eating processed food, with its ten calories of fossil energy for 
every 
calorie of food energy produced. The question, then, is: Does eating 
processed food such as soy burger or soy milk cancel the energy 
benefits 
of vegetarianism, which is to say, can I eat my lamb chops in peace? 
Maybe. If I've done my due diligence, I will have found out that the 
particular lamb I am eating was both local and grass-fed, two factors 
that 
of course greatly reduce the embedded energy in a meal. I know of 
ranches 
here in Montana, for instance, where sheep eat native grass under 
closely 
controlled circumstances--no farming, no plows, no corn, no nitrogen. 
Assets have not been stripped. I can't eat the grass directly. This 
can go 
on. There are little niches like this in the system. Each person's 
individual charge is to find such niches. 

Chances are, though, any meat eater will come out on the short end of 
this 
argument, especially in the United States. Take the case of beef. 
Cattle 
are grazers, so in theory could live like the grass-fed lamb. Some 
cattle 
cultures--those of South America and Mexico, for example--have 
perfected 
wonderful cuisines based on grass-fed beef. This is not our habit in 
the 
United States, and it is simply a matter of habit. Eighty percent of 
the 
grain the United States produces goes to livestock. Seventy-eight 
percent 
of all of our beef comes from feed lots, where the cattle eat grain, 
mostly corn and wheat. So do most of our hogs and chickens. The 
cattle 
spend their adult lives packed shoulder to shoulder in a space not 
much 
bigger than their bodies, up to their knees in shit, being stuffed 
with 
grain and a constant stream of antibiotics to prevent the disease 
this 
sort of confinement invariably engenders. The manure is rich in 
nitrogen 
and once provided a farm's fertilizer. The feedlots, however, are now 
far 
removed from farm fields, so it is simply not "efficient" to haul it 
to 
cornfields. It is waste. It exhales methane, a global-warming gas. It 
pollutes streams. It takes thirty-five calories of fossil fuel to 
make a 
calorie of beef this way; sixty-eight to make one calorie of pork. 

Still, these livestock do something we can't. They convert grain's 
carbohydrates to high-quality protein. All well and good, except that 
per 
capita protein production in the United States is about double what 
an 
average adult needs per day. Excess cannot be stored as protein in 
the 
human body but is simply converted to fat. This is the end result of 
a 
factory-farm system that appears as a living, continental-scale 
monument 
to Rube Goldberg, a black-mass remake of the loaves-and-fishes 
miracle. 
Prairie's productivity is lost for grain, grain's productivity is 
lost in 
livestock, livestock's protein is lost to human fat--all federally 
subsidized for about $15 billion a year, two thirds of which goes 
directly 
to only two crops, corn and wheat. 

This explains why the energy expert David Pimentel is so worried that 
the 
rest of the world will adopt America's methods. He should be, because 
the 
rest of the world is. Mexico now feeds 45 percent of its grain to 
livestock, up from 5 percent in 1960. Egypt went from 3 percent to 31 
percent in the same period, and China, with a sixth of the world's 
population, has gone from 8 percent to 26 percent. All of these 
places 
have poor people who could use the grain, but they can't afford it. 

I live among elk and have learned to respect them. One moonlit night 
during the dead of last winter, I looked out my bedroom window to see 
about twenty of them grazing a plot of grass the size of a living 
room. 
Just that small patch among acres of other species of native prairie 
grass. Why that species and only that species of grass that night in 
the 
worst of winter when the threat to their survival was the greatest? 
What 
magic nutrient did this species alone contain? What does a wild 
animal 
know that we don't? I think we need this knowledge. 

Food is politics. That being the case, I voted twice in 2002. The day 
after Election Day, in a truly dismal mood, I climbed the mountain 
behind 
my house and found a small herd of elk grazing native grasses in the 
morning sunlight. My respect for these creatures over the years has 
become 
great enough that on that morning I did not hesitate but went 
straight to 
my job, which was to rack a shell and drop one cow elk, my 
household's 
annual protein supply. I voted with my weapon of choice--an act not 
all 
that uncommon in this world, largely, I think, as a result of the way 
we 
grow food. I can see why it is catching on. Such a vote has a certain 
satisfying heft and finality about it. My particular bit of violence, 
though, is more satisfying, I think, than the rest of the globe's 
ordinary 
political mayhem. I used a rifle to opt out of an insane system. I 
killed, 
but then so did you when you bought that package of burger, even when 
you 
bought that package of tofu burger. I killed, then the rest of those 
elk 
went on, as did the grasses, the birds, the trees, the coyotes, 
mountain 
lions, and bugs, the fundamental productivity of an intact natural 
system, 
all of it went on. 

~~~~~~~~ 

By Richard Manning 


Richard Manning is the author of Against the Grain: How Agriculture 
Has 
Hijacked Civilization, to be published this month by North Point 
Press. 

Source: Harper's Magazine, Feb2004, Vol. 308 Issue 1845, p37, 9p



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