From: generalcongress-boun...@constitutionalgov.us
[mailto:generalcongress-boun...@constitutionalgov.us] On Behalf Of Jon
Roland
Sent: Monday, February 08, 2010 10:52 PM
To: Robert Churchill; GeneralCongress
Subject: GCongress> Nullification a serious option: Proposal by some state
legislators could roll back federal overreaching

 

Below is an op-ed article in reply to that of Sandy
<http://www.statesman.com/opinion/insight/commentary-states-can-t-nullify-fe
deral-law-217250.html>  Levinson that appeared Sunday, Feb. 7, in the Austin
American-Statesman. Mine, like his, is exactly 1352 words. It is posted
online at http://www.statesman.com/opinion/nullification-is-a-serious
<http://www.statesman.com/opinion/nullification-is-a-serious-option-221199.h
tml> -option-221199.html
<http://www.statesman.com/opinion/nullification-is-a-serious-option-221199.h
tml>  

For more on the historical background see
The Virginia Report <http://constitution.org/rf/vr.htm> , J.W. Randolph, ed.
(1850)
 <http://constitution.org/jcc/disq_gov.htm> A Disquisition on Government,
John C. Calhoun (1851 posthumous)

Also see
Texas <http://constitution.org/reform/us/tx/textbook/teks.htm>  Essential
Knowledge and Skills (TEKS) Review

This topic is discussed in my blog
<http://constitutionalism.blogspot.com/2010/01/cautions-for-nullification-pr
oponents.html> .

I am the founder and president of the Constitution Society; author,
publisher, editor, lecturer, organizer, and sometimes candidate for elected
office.

Commentary: Nullification a serious option

Proposal by some state legislators could roll back federal overreaching

By Jon Roland 

SPECIAL TO THE AMERICAN-STATESMAN

 

The revival of long-dormant proposals for state legislatures to adopt acts
to nullify federal acts that exceed their constitutional authority has
gotten the attention of some who try to discredit the proposals by
mischaracterizing them. The critics seize on some of the rally rhetoric that
necessarily simplifies and may seem to promise too much too soon and too
easily, but serious proponents of this path of reform know that the passage
of state legislation is only the first step in a long process of organized
nonviolent civic disobedience that differs from past movements that have
used such methods in that state government is involved in a leading role. It
is state-led noncooperation.

In law "nullification" is not repeal or rescission of statutes or executive
or judicial actions. It is the result of a sustained, widespread refusal to
cooperate with them, until those attempting to enforce the actions are
confronted with the unpalatable choice of either backing down or resorting
to murderous brutality.

It is similar to what happens when a federal appeals court finds a
congressional statute, or an executive action, or the decision of a lower
court, to be unconstitutional. It has no power to order the statute struck
from the Statutes at Large, or to order executive officials to stop
enforcing it, or even to force lower courts from enforcing it. It's only
power is to say that if a similar case comes before that court again, it
will refuse to cooperate in enforcing the action. But that is likely to be
sufficient, because ultimately federal executives need the support of
federal courts to enable them to enforce congressional statutes. 

State legislatures are in a somewhat weaker position, in that federal
enforcers don't need to submit their cases to state bodies to get them
enforced. In the early decades of this country federal officials did need
the cooperation and support of state and local officials to carry out
federal statutes, but they no longer do in the same way or to the same
degree. That was why the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and 1799, authored by
Thomas Jefferson, and the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, and the Virginia
Report of 1800, authored by James Madison, represented such serious
challenges to central government authority. Neither Jefferson nor Madison
pretended such state resolutions had the legal effect of repeal or
rescission, but they understood very well that sustained, widespread
noncooperation with federal officials would render them impotent as a
practical matter.

This is not a prelude to secession. No one is proposing the governor send
the State Guard to surround Fort Hood and begin bombarding it. Now, of
course, if federal agents engaged in another murderous assault on innocent
Texans the way they did near Waco from February 28 through April 19, 1993,
that could be another matter. We can hope that won't happen again.

Now admittedly it is not a good idea to try to adopt state legislation to
nullify congressional legislation that hasn't been adopted yet, may never
be, or may take an entirely different form by the time it is. A state
legislature that only meets 140 days every two years is ill-prepared to
respond in a timely manner to a flood of unconstitutional congressional
legislation, or to executive or judicial actions that may be similarly
unconstitutional. We need to establish an institution that can respond
rapidly to a variety of usurpations, most of which may not be foreseeable. 

I have proposed to legislators of this and several other states a measure
that would address this problem, with the following components: 

 

1. Commission. Establish a "Federal Action Review Commission" - a special
commission with grand jury powers to meet continuously with rotating
membership drawn from a pool of legal historians and constitutional
scholars, appointed by the Governor, Attorney General, or Legislative
Council; empowered to review the constitutionality of congressional
legislation, or federal regulations or decisions, and if it finds such
legislation, regulations, or decisions to be unconstitutional, to issue an
edict, with the force of law, requiring that no state or local officials,
employees, or contractors cooperate in the enforcement of it, and urging
state citizens to refuse to cooperate. This Commission would be established
by an amendment to the Texas Constitution.

2. Structure and procedure. The Commission shall consist of 23 members, who
shall serve for staggered terms of 4-8 months, drawn at random from a pool
of at least 230 constitutional scholars and legal historians, who shall meet
for at least one hour once a week, with a quorum of 16, and a vote of 12
required to issue an edict, based on a presumption of nonauthority of
federal officials and agents and requiring strict proof of constitutionality
from deductive logic and historical evidence. It shall be open to direct
complaints of the unconstitutionality of federal actions from any citizen.
It shall have the power to subpoena witnesses, and its deliberations shall
be secret, except that it may disclose anything in its presentments. It may
authorize criminal prosecution by issuing an indictment to any person, not
necessarily a lawyer, upon a finding that the court cited has jurisdiction
and that evidence of guilt is sufficient for trial.

3. Penalties. State and local officials, employees, and contractors shall be
duly notified in writing of such edicts within ten days and shall have
twenty days to comply or be subject to termination after one written warning
and a second failure to refuse to cooperate with federal officials or
agents.

4. Funding. Establish a state fund to pay for legal and financial support of
state citizens and officials who refuse to cooperate with unconstitutional
federal statutes, regulations, or decisions, with the intention to obtain
judicial decisions that support the unconstitutionality of the federal
actions.

 

"Official" nullification is already being used, and has a long history of
use. For example, Congress passed the RealID Act mandating states issue
state identification to federal standards, with centralized management of
identification data that would allow nameless bureaucrats to decide who is
an American citizen, and who may do business or make a living. Many states,
urged by public resistance, have refused to comply or fund the federal act,
which has become a dead letter.

An increasing number of states have adopted measures legalizing the sale,
possession, and use of marijuana for medical purposes with a physician's
prescription, and after threatening physicians with prosecution of the
congressional statutes still on the books, the present administration has
quietly said it will no longer seek to prosecute such use or the physicians
who authorize it. Without actually declaring the federal statutes
unconstitutional, this defiance has raised the consciousness of the public
so that it is now difficult to empanel a jury in those states that will not
contain some jurors who will hold out for acquittal. 

Governor Perry engaged in an act of nullification by refusing federal funds
for public education that would weaken Texas standards, the model for the
entire country, especially in the critical subjects of American History and
American Government. The State Board of Education currently has before it
proposals to strengthen those subjects even further, which would be disabled
by the federal program.

There has also been "unofficial" nullification, mostly by juries refusing to
convict for offenses like violations of alcohol prohibition, or to return
runaway slaves to their masters. Ultimately it would come down to juries,
whose cooperation is critical in federal court cases. It can become nearly
impossible to empanel a federal jury without including at least a few who,
perhaps inspired by state leaders, refuse to go along with the opinion of
the federal judge as to what is the law, and decide for themselves that the
charge is unconstitutional and that their duty is to acquit.

Many who took an oath to defend the Constitution despair of getting relief
for their complaints in Congress, the Executive Branch, or the federal
courts. Perhaps, when state citizens refuse to cooperate, the central
government will get the message.

 





-- Jon
 
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