C' da,

The Jan Lokpal may or may not work! But it scared the corrupt MMS government. 
If 
Jan Lokpal does not work, some other Watch dog will be born! But atleast for 
some time, government will think (or feel) that some one is watching them! This 
is the beginning of the end of "Governing without Accountability"!

Ganesh Bora
Fargo, ND





________________________________
From: Chan Mahanta <[email protected]>
To: A Mailing list for people interested in Assam from around the world 
<[email protected]>
Sent: Sun, April 17, 2011 8:49:34 AM
Subject: [Assam] Will the Jan Lokpal Bill Work?


Prashant Bhushan is a credible person on these issues. But will the 'Jan Lokpal 
' thing work? What do you think?

I don't think it will. It may have some value temporarily. Something a newly 
independent state may employ to get
its bearing, like I proposed for an independent Assam. But until such time 
India 
reforms and fixes its broken,
dysfunctional system, it will be about as effective as all the other, much 
hyped 
schemes, programs, laws 

acronyms and whatchmacallits -- like for example Panchayats, Fast Track Courts, 
RTI, CVC and many others.

Why ?

For the simple reason that the dysfunctional system will continue to keep 
producing the corrupt and the inept.
How will the JL, which is designed only to look after the CENTER - won't have 
anything to do with the states,
keep the floodgates closed and for how long? That raises another assamnet 
specific question to this 'odhom':
I was under the impression that it is Assam, and a few other states are the 
truly corrupt entities, not the Center,
not the 'prospering' states and so forth. Where is the disconnect?

The notion is akin to treating Typhoid with fever control medication. 

What is amazing is that no one NO ONE, is talking about fixing the broken 
system. Why? Any thoughts?

Also look up  http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?271406. Some very fgood 
points raised in this.

cm


http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?271389

OPINION
Removing Misconceptions
Addressing some of the issues and concerns raised by a number of commentators 
on 
the provisions in the draft of Jan Lokpal Bill
PRASHANT BHUSHAN
A number of commentators have raised issues about the provisions in the draft 
of 
Jan Lokpal Bill, whether it will be effective instrument for checking 
corruption 
and about the manner in which pressure was brought to bear on the government 
through Shri Anna Hazare’s fast. It is therefore, important to understand the 
provisions of the bill and how it seeks to set up an effective institution to 
deal with corruption.

Corruption in India has grown to alarming proportions; because of policies 
which 
have created enormous incentives for its proliferation, coupled with the lack 
of 
an effective institution which can investigate and prosecute the corrupt. Under 
the garb of liberalization and privatisation, we have adopted policies by which 
natural resources and public assets (such as mineral resources, oil & gas, 
land, 
spectrum, etc) have been allowed to be privatised without any transparency or 
public auction. Hundreds of MoUs have been signed overnight, by governments 
with 
private corporations, leasing out large tracts of land rich in mineral 
resources, forests and water, which allow those corporations to take away and 
sell these resources by paying the government a royalty which is usually less 
than 1% of the value of resources. The Karnataka Lokayukta Justice Santosh 
Hegde, has pointed out in a report on mining in Karnataka, that the profit 
margins in such ventures, is often more than 90%; thus leaving a huge scope for 
bribe giving and creating huge incentives for corruption. The same thing 
happened when Mr A. Raja gave away spectrum without a public auction to 
companies at less than 10% of its market price. Private monopolies in 
water/electricity distribution, airports, etc; have been allowed to be created 
where huge and unconscionable profits can be made by corrupting the regulator 
and allowing the private monopoly to charge predatory prices. Tens of thousands 
of hectares of land have been given away to corporations for commercialisation 
in the guise of airport development, construction of highways, SEZs etc. at 
prices which are less than 10% of the value of the those tracts of land.

Apart from creating huge incentives for corruption, such policies have resulted 
in involuntary displacement of lakhs of the poorest people, rendering them on 
brink of starvation and forcing many of them to join the Maoists. They have 
also 
stripped the country of its natural resources (a good deal of which are 
exported), destroyed the environment and most ominously, resulted in creating 
monster corporations, who are so powerful and influential that they have come 
to 
influence and virtually control all institutions of power as we see from the 
Radia tapes. In fact it is the corporations which have become the fountainhead 
of corruption, with ministers and public servants having become their agents.

While adopting policies which create huge incentives for corruption, we have 
not 
set up an effective institution to check corruption, investigate and prosecute 
the corrupt and bring them to justice. The CBI continues to be under the 
administrative control of the government, which is seen as fountainhead of 
corruption. Thus no action is usually taken by the CBI to effectively 
investigate high level corruption unless once in a while, the court forces its 
hand. Often, we see the CBI behave in a corrupt manner with no other 
institution, to investigate its own corruption. The Central Vigilance 
Commission 
(CVC) which is supposed to supervise the CBI has failed to act, since its own 
appointment process is riddled with conflict of interest. The Prime Minister, 
Home Minister and Leader of Opposition (who has been a minister and hopes to 
become Prime Minister one day) want to avoid their own accountability and are 
thus interested in weak and pliable persons to man an institution which is 
expected to supervise the CBI. Moreover the CVC and CBI have to seek government 
sanctions for investigation and prosecutions, which is usually not given in 
high 
level corruption. The CVC depends on vigilance officers in various government 
departments who are often middle level officers from same department and cannot 
be expected to exercise vigilance over their bosses who write their 
confidential 
reports. The judiciary, which must try and convict the offenders, has also 
become dysfunctional and also corrupt due to lack of accountability of the 
higher judiciary.

The draft Jan Lokpal bill seeks to create an institution which will be largely 
independent of those that it seeks to police, and which will have effective 
powers of investigation and prosecuting all public servants (including 
ministers, MPs, the bureaucracy, judges etc.) and those others found guilty of 
corrupting them. Since corruption also involves misconduct and gives rise to 
grievances, the draft bill also proposes that the Lokpal will supervise the 
machinery for disciplinary proceedings against government servants (the 
Vigilance Department) as well as the machinery for redressal of grievances. 
Thus 
misconduct by government servants and grievances would also come under an 
independent authority rather than under the government where it has become 
ineffective due to conflicts of interest. In addition it has also been proposed 
that if the Lokpal finds that a contract is being given for corrupt 
considerations, it can order the stoppage of the contract. It cannot otherwise 
interfere with government decisions or policy.

It has been said that this will create a supercop with enormous powers and no 
accountability. There is a misconception that the Lokpal would have judicial 
powers as well. There is no such thing in the bill. The need of the hour is to 
have an effective policing body which can investigate and prosecute the high 
and 
mighty without interdiction from the very people who need to be prosecuted. 
Moreover, the bill seeks to make the Lokpal accountable in many ways. Firstly, 
it is mandated to function transparently so that everything related to its 
functioning is known to the people (without compromising the investigation 
itself). Other exemptions from disclosure provided in the RTI Act could also be 
included. Secondly, the orders of the Lokpal would be subject to Judicial 
review 
in the High Courts and the Supreme Court. Lastly, the members of the Lokpal 
would be removable for misconduct by a 5 member bench of the Supreme Court.

There has also been criticism of the Selection Committee and selection process 
of the Lokpal. Given the erosion in the integrity of most of our state 
institutions, it was thought that the best bet was to have a broad-based 
selection committee and build in transparency and some public participation in 
the selection process, while trying to keep out those persons who are most 
likely to be within the ambit of the investigations of the Lokpal. That is why 
ministers were kept out in the draft bill, though one criticism has been that 
this shows a contempt for democracy. We have seen how the “democratically 
elected” PM, HM and leaders of opposition have normally selected weak and 
pliable CVCs. So the draft bill proposes a selection committee of Lok Sabha 
Speaker, Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, CAG, CEC, the two senior most judges of 
the Supreme Court, two senior most Chief Justices of the High Court, the 
Chairman of the NHRC and the outgoing members of the Lokpal. However, this 
selection committee would certainly be discussed and perhaps improved during 
further public consultations and discussions within the drafting committee, 
which will now take place.

It has also been said that putting grievance redressal on the plate of the 
Lokpal would make its work unmanageable. Though the Lokpal would only 
reorganize 
and supervise the grievance redressal machinery (rather than dealing with each 
grievance itself), this is also an issue, which would be discussed openly by 
the 
Committee. By the next week a website for formally taking in all the opinions 
and suggestions on the Jan Lokpal bill will be set up and announced. We would 
welcome people to read, understand and send their comments on it, which will be 
taken due note of.

One must not however be under any illusion that the Lokpal law itself would 
solve the problem of corruption. Unless we also tackle and change the policies 
which are creating enormous incentives for corruption and creating monster 
corporations, which become too powerful for any institution to control, our 
fight against corruption will be incomplete. The judiciary too is in need of 
comprehensive reforms. But, an independent, credible and empowered Lokpal is 
certainly a necessary, though not a sufficient, condition for effectively 
controlling corruption. Let us work to at least put that in place.

One of the original drafters of the Jan Lokpal Bill, Supreme Court lawyer 
Prashant Bhushan is also one of the five nominees of Shri Anna Hazare on the 
government notified Joint Drafting Committee to prepare a draft of the Lok Pal 
Bill.


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