http://www.businessweek.com/technology/content/jul2003/tc20030731_6139_tc0
73.htm

PRIVACY MATTERS 
By Jane Black 

Sharper Tools for Discriminatory Pricing
Expert Andrew Odlyzko explains how tech advances are making it much
easier to charge one price for you and another for your neighbor 


Why do corporations want your personal data? The simple answer, according
to Andrew Odlyzko, the director of the University of Minnesota's Digital
Technology Center, is that such information is the key to a holy grail of
capitalism: discriminatory pricing. 

Economic theory posits that price discrimination -- where companies
charge individuals based on their ability to pay and their value as a
customer -- is desirable since it makes trade more efficient. Yet it
rankles consumers, who perceive differential pricing as unfair. The fact
that business travelers, whose corporations can arguably afford it, pay
more for airline seats than a vacationer has made air travel more popular
and routine. At the same time, the price discrimination that charges two
people different prices for the same class of service infuriates those
who pay more.

In a paper to be presented at the Fifth Annual Conference on E-Commerce
this fall, Odlyzko, a Bell Labs researcher for 26 years, doesn't argue
for or against discriminatory pricing. He focuses on how technology can
bring it to new levels of sophistication and prevalence.

In 2000, Coca-Cola (COK ) tested a vending machine that would raise
prices on a hot, humid day and lower them when temperatures fell. Today,
Amazon.com (AMZ ) knows what, when, and how often customers buy and is
experimenting with offering personalized bundles -- buy two books and get
a discount, for example -- to induce people to buy more. Twenty years
ago, neither experiment would have been possible.

Managers who invest in privacy-eroding data-collection technology aren't
always conscious that they're moving toward a world of widespread
discriminatory pricing, Odlyzko says. Rather, they're trying out ways to
use information to increase profits. But as corporations become more
sophisticated in collecting and parsing consumers' personal information,
success will lead them to more pervasive price discrimination. On July
28, I talked to Odlyzko about how data is being used to usher in a more
efficient -- and privacy-invasive -- economy. Edited excerpts follow:

Q: Your paper posits that private companies now have both greater
incentive and ability to discriminate on pricing by collecting and
analyzing customer data. How so?
A: The greater incentive comes from the fact that in an information
economy, an increasing fraction of the costs is fixed. It costs a large
amount to create and market a movie, but very little to distribute it to
a theater and on-demand to a customer at home. But different customers
are willing to pay different amounts for the privilege of seeing a movie.

In the last issue of BusinessWeek, there was a letter from a reader who
advocated that Hollywood should start by charging $30 to see a new
release at home, then reduce the price to $5 over time. He said he would
happily pay $30 to see a new movie at home because it costs him $75 to
see a movie in the cinema -- after he pays for the babysitter and popcorn
and tickets.

So here's one guy who says he's willing to pay $30 because that's much
less than what he's currently paying to see a new release. On the other
hand, you've got teenagers and adults who like the social atmosphere of a
movie theater, the wide screen, etc. For them, you have to induce them to
stay in and watch the movie, rather than going out, by offering them very
low prices, maybe $3. If you can do both without getting them upset, then
society wins.

Q: So why does differential pricing upset customers?
A: There's this central issue of fairness that comes up. People are very
concerned that they'll pay more than someone else and be played for a
fool.

That's what we dislike about having to deal with the salesman in the
car-buying process. That's why people got angry enough to file lawsuits
when they observed that catalog companies had been offering different
prices to different individuals. [The customers lost.] That's why people
are sensitive to airline pricing -- and why they're concerned that it's
spreading to other travel areas, such as hotels and rental cars.

Q: Is there a correlation between more powerful technology and consumer
backlash?
A: Fear of discriminatory pricing isn't new: It was also a very big
factor in the railroads at the end of the 19th century. Then, you had a
huge industry -- even bigger than the information-technology industry
today -- which was practicing price discrimination on a really gross
scale. As with the Internet, railroads required huge investments up
front, but the marginal costs were comparatively small. 

Nineteenth-century railroads didn't have the information technologies to
allow for "frequent-ride" programs. Nor did they have the "positive
passenger identification" system, complete with government-issued ID
cards, to allow them to sell nontransferable advance purchase tickets
with Saturday-night stay restrictions like the airlines have today. But
they did have a variety of other tools for price discrimination, such as
"versioning." That's when for a lesser price you offer an inferior
service, usually one so bad that people will feel it's worthwhile to pay
more.

In the railroads' case, third-class carriages were uncovered and
uncomfortable and in the front of the train, where passengers would be
covered with cinders blowing from the engine. They also charged different
prices for freight and gave preferential rates to powerful customers such
as J. D. Rockefeller. U.S. customers revolted, and by 1887, railroad
pricing was regulated.

Studying 19th-century railroads is important because it represents one of
the first large-scale experiments with price discrimination. Technology
changes rapidly but human nature doesn't.

Q: What types of price discrimination are common today?
A: Senior-citizen and student discounts are a well-known type of price
discrimination. The airlines have used price discrimination since the
industry was deregulated about 20 years ago.

You can also see price discrimination in scholarly journal publishing. As
the journals move online, the incentive to price-discriminate and the
ability to do so are both growing. Look at the JSTOR project -- a
nonprofit that makes available electronic versions of archived issues of
scholarly journals. The pricing for U.S. educational institutions varies
because JSTOR prices the journals based on the value to the school, not
the number of copies sold. So if you're a large institution that views an
article many times, you pay more.

Such usage data was simply not available in the print world. Thus more
information about customers -- less privacy -- provided by modern
technologies leads to more price discrimination.

Q: Are there any benefits to eroding privacy and differential pricing?
A: Standard economic doctrine has always noted that first-degree price
discrimination -- where the seller knows exactly how much each individual
buyer is willing to pay -- is ideal since it induces maximum production.

But it has always been regarded as unattainable. Now, with improved
technology, we can achieve it. It's important to note that it's not just
the sellers who would benefit from higher revenues. There would be more
intense competition, which would force lower average prices.

There would also be more access to goods and services. In some sense,
McGraw-Hill would like everyone to read its books, magazines, etc.
Society would benefit from wider access and McGraw-Hill benefits from
more customers. But in order to make that profitable, it has to charge
different customers different prices.

Q: Will people accept the price that comes with those benefits?
A: The big issue is how the information about you is used. When
grocery-store loyalty programs first came to the area of New Jersey that
I lived in about 15 years ago, we talked about what it would mean when
the stores and potentially their suppliers would know in great detail
what your consumption habits are (see BW Online, 6/20/02, "How Grocery
Stores Are Feeding Fears").

One colleague said he welcomed this, because he was a diehard Coke fan,
and he was looking forward to not having to discard the Pepsi ads and
coupons. After all, Pepsi and the grocery stores would know that he
wouldn't drink Pepsi under any circumstances. I then asked him how he
would feel if everybody else was getting 50% off discounts on Coke, while
he had to pay full price (which would be jacked up to exploit guys like
him). He wasn't sure that would be such a good idea.

Q: When do you believe that differential pricing will become widespread?
A: We'll see dramatic growth over the next decade due to continued
ability to find out just how much people are willing to pay and the
desire to control how products and services are used. Since most
consumers object in principle, it's likely that price discrimination will
grow -- but in a concealed form.

The focus will be on tactics such as personalized bundling and loyalty
programs, which tend to disguise the actual price that's charged. For
example, online travel sites are also getting into dynamic packaging --
offering special discounts if you book a flight and hotel or hotel and a
car. Bundling offers deliberately obscure the price of any one item. It's
a small step from there to also take into account other information about
the customer -- such as her wealth -- to adjust the price according to
what the seller thinks can be extracted. 

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