The Atlantic has a thoughtful article by David Goldhill on health care
and health insurance reform. It is long, but I think well worth
reading. I've also included below a few paragraphs that I thought were
particularly interesting.

http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/print/200909/health-care

....

| I’m a Democrat, and have long been concerned about America’s lack
| of a health safety net. But based on my own work experience, I also
| believe that unless we fix the problems at the foundation of our health
| system—largely problems of incentives—our reforms won’t do much
| good, and may do harm. To achieve maximum coverage at acceptable cost
| with acceptable quality, health care will need to become subject to
| the same forces that have boosted efficiency and value throughout
| the economy. We will need to reduce, rather than expand, the role
| of insurance; focus the government’s role exclusively on things
| that only government can do (protect the poor, cover us against true
| catastrophe, enforce safety standards, and ensure provider competition);
| overcome our addiction to Ponzi-scheme financing, hidden subsidies,
| manipulated prices, and undisclosed results; and rely more on ourselves,
| the consumers, as the ultimate guarantors of good service, reasonable
| prices, and sensible trade-offs between health-care spending and
| spending on all the other good things money can buy.

....

| But health insurance is different from every other type of
| insurance. Health insurance is the primary payment mechanism not
| just for expenses that are unexpected and large, but for nearly all
| health-care expenses. We’ve become so used to health insurance that
| we don’t realize how absurd that is. We can’t imagine paying for
| gas with our auto-insurance policy, or for our electric bills with our
| homeowners insurance, but we all assume that our regular checkups and
| dental cleanings will be covered at least partially by insurance. Most
| pregnancies are planned, and deliveries are predictable many months in
| advance, yet they’re financed the same way we finance fixing a car
| after a wreck—through an insurance claim.

....

| Every time you walk into a doctor’s office, it’s implicit that
| someone else will be paying most or all of your bill; for most of
| us, that means we give less attention to prices for medical services
| than we do to prices for anything else. Most physicians, meanwhile,
| benefit financially from ordering diagnostic tests, doing procedures,
| and scheduling follow-up appointments. Combine these two features of
| the system with a third—the informational advantage that extensive
| training has given physicians over their patients, and the authority
| that advantage confers—and you have a system where physicians can,
| to some extent, generate demand at will.
| Do they? Well, Medicare spends almost twice as much per patient in
| Dallas, where there are more doctors and care facilities per resident,
| as it does in Salem, Oregon, where supply is tighter. Why? Because
| doctors (particularly specialists) in surplus areas order more tests
| and treatments per capita, and keep their practices busy. Many studies
| have shown that the patients in areas like Dallas do not benefit in
| any measurable way from all this extra care. All of the physicians I
| know are genuinely dedicated to their patients. But at the margin,
| all of us are at least subconsciously influenced by our own economic
| interests. The data are clear: in our current system, physician supply
| often begets patient demand.

....

| Perhaps the greatest problem posed by our health-insurance-driven
| regime is the sense it creates that someone else is actually paying
| for most of our health care—and that the costs of new benefits can
| also be borne by someone else. Unfortunately, there is no one else.

| For fun, let’s imagine confiscating all the profits of all the
| famously greedy health-insurance companies. That would pay for four
| days of health care for all Americans. Let’s add in the profits of
| the 10 biggest rapacious U.S. drug companies. Another 7 days. Indeed,
| confiscating all the profits of all American companies, in every
| industry, wouldn’t cover even five months of our health-care
| expenses.

....

| Cost control is a feature of decentralized, competitive markets,
| not of centralized bureaucracy—a matter of incentives, not
| mandates. What’s more, cost control is dynamic. Even the simplest
| business faces constant variation in its costs for labor, facilities,
| and capital; to compete, management must react quickly, efficiently,
| and, most often, prospectively. By contrast, government bureaucracies
| set regulations and reimbursement rates through carefully evaluated
| and broadly applied rules. These bureaucracies first must notice
| market changes and resource misallocations, and then (sometimes
| subject to political considerations) issue additional regulations or
| change reimbursement rates to address each problem retrospectively.

....

| From 2000 to 2005, per capita health-care spending in Canada grew by
| 33 percent, in France by 37 percent, in the U.K. by 47 percent—all
| comparable to the 40 percent growth experienced by the U.S. in that
| period. Cost control by way of bureaucratic price controls has its
| limits.

....

| How would we pay for most of our health care? The same way we pay for
| everything else—out of our income and savings. Medicare itself is,
| in a sense, a form of forced savings, as is commercial insurance. In
| place of these programs and the premiums we now contribute to them,
| and along with catastrophic insurance, the government should create
| a new form of health savings account—a vehicle that has existed,
| though in imperfect form, since 2003. Every American should be
| required to maintain an HSA, and contribute a minimum percentage
| of post-tax income, subject to a floor and a cap in total dollar
| contributions. The income percentage required should rise over a
| working life, as wages and wealth typically do.

...

| Anyone with whom I discuss this approach has the same question: How
| am I supposed to be able to afford health care in this system? Well,
| what if I gave you $1.77 million? Recall, that’s how much an
| insured 22-year-old at my company could expect to pay—and to have
| paid on his and his family’s behalf—over his lifetime, assuming
| health-care costs are tamed. Sure, most of that money doesn’t
| pass through your hands now. It’s hidden in company payments for
| premiums, or in Medicare taxes and premiums. But think about it: If
| you had access to those funds over your lifetime, wouldn’t you be
| able to afford your own care? And wouldn’t you consume health care
| differently if you and your family didn’t have to spend that money
| only on care?

....

| All of the health-care interest groups—hospitals, insurance
| companies, professional groups, pharmaceuticals, device manufacturers,
| even advocates for the poor—have a major stake in the current
| system. Overturning it would favor only the 300 million of us who use
| the system and—whether we realize it or not—pay for it. Until we
| start asking the type of questions my father’s death inspired me
| to ask, until we demand the same price and quality accountability in
| health care that we demand in everything else, each new health-care
| reform will cost us more and serve us less.

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