> Dana  wrote:
> I know about Venezuala is that the administration stooges seem to think
> it's evil somehow.

Let's look at things in Venezuela:

KEY EVENTS
--------------------
1992: Venezuelan Army Lieutenant-Colonel Hugo Chavez leads a failed
coup attempt.

1998: Chavez elected, helps rewrite the Venezuelan constitution.

2000: Chavez re-elected under the new charter.

2000-present: Chavez maneuvers to have loyalists named to the Supreme
Court, the electoral council and the posts of auditor-general and
public prosecutor.  Chavez maintains aggressive rhetoric against local
business, the church, the media and the trade unions.

April 2005:  The Bolivarian Circles, a grassroots organisation of
2-3,000 set up by Chavez, opens fire on a peaceful opposition
demonstration, killing 19.

April 2005: The killings trigger an opposition-led coup attempt
against Chavez and his "Bolivarian revolution".  The coup fails and
Chavez promises to reconcile with the opposition.

July 2005: Chavez installs officers he hopes loyal into key commands
in the military. Some 70 senior officers considered disloyal remain on
active service but without a job.

August 2005: Half a dozen Army officers in full tropical uniform
attended a meeting of the Democratic Co-ordinator, an opposition
umbrella group.

September 2005: Chavez issues a decree banning demonstrations (and
much else, such as selling property) in eight large "security zones"
in the capital without permission from his defence ministry. His gov't
also harasses dissident army officers, and may be behind a strike by
some of the opposition-controlled metropolitan police.

October 2005: Cesar Gaviria, the secretary-general of the Organisation
of American States, failed to extract any agreement from Chavez on
talks aimed at bringing forward elections.

October 2005: Thousands of the opposition march and demand Chavez's resignation.

October 2005: Chavez claims to have uncovered another coup, improbably
led by an 83-year-old former foreign minister. In turn, General
Enrique Medina Gomez, seen by many as the army's leading dissident,
claims that Chavez is trying to provoke just such a rebellion,
confident that he can crush it and go on to turn the armed forces into
"a popular militia".

October 9th, 2005: General Medina and two colleagues, helped by
pot-banging protesters, elude arrest by Chavez intelligence agents. 
"We've never had such division in the country," says General Medina.
"The vast majority realise that Chavez has taken his mandate for
social change and used it for a revolution that takes the country down
a road it doesn't want to go." A leading businessman is blunter. The
president is "a criminal, with blood on his hands" whose project is
"Cuban communism", he says.


CHAVEZ AND POPULAR SUPPORT
--------------------------------------------------
Only one in three Venezuelans back Chavez although that is more than
any single leader of the fractious opposition. His current term does
not end until 2006 and he talks of remaining president longer.

The constitution allows for a referendum on Chavez's rule next August.
Moderates on both sides now recognise that pushing for some sort of
vote, be it a referendum or fresh election, is the best course.


CHAVEZ AND THE ECONOMY
-------------------------------------------
While Chavez's economic policies have been fairly orthodox, they've
also been ineffective.  For three years, it pegged the currency, the
bolivar, against the dollar. That brought down inflation, but currency
overvaluation wiped out many businesses which could not compete with
cheap imports.

A new economic team is trying to cope with a sinking currency, rising
inflation and a severe recession. "This is a very difficult year,"
admits Felipe Perez Marti, the planning minister. Oil income is down,
and debt payments are up. The government has cut spending (by 3% of
GDP, says Mr Perez). Even so, it is raiding the central bank: it wants
the bank to issue it with bolivares equivalent to the rise in the
local-currency value of its reserves caused by devaluation. That, say
critics, will push up inflation next year.

Mr Perez claims to be pursuing the "fourth way", or "the state plus
the market plus solidarity". Meaning? "We give importance in the
economy to strategic co-operation and true love" (ie. worker-owned
companies). Mr Perez has a PhD from the University of Chicago, but is
not a typical product of its free-market economics faculty. "I am a
theorist of altruism," he says.

That is not how local businessmen see the government. They "are on the
defensive, trying to save what they can," says Oscar Garcia Mendoza, a
private banker. By some estimates, around $15 billion of private
capital has fled the country in the past two years, though Mr Perez
claims the exodus has now stopped.


CHAVEZ AND OIL
---------------------------
2005: Chavez, without warning, announces new take-it-or-leave-it terms
for oil production thus tearing up existing contracts.  Foreign oil
companies had built and ran 1/3 to 1/2 of Venezuela's oil exports but
Chavez suddenly announced a  decision to force foreign oil companies
into new contracts and a new tax regime markedly tougher than those
agreed in the country's oil "opening" a decade ago.

The new contracts remove operational control of oilfields from foreign
firms and make the firms minority partners in state-run ventures.

Mazhar al-Shereidah, a Venezuelan oil economist of Iraqi origin,
argues that the new arrangements relieve the oil firms of all risk. It
is "tragi-comic", he says, that they are being given a so-called
ultimatum to accept just the sort of joint-ventures that they have
happily agreed elsewhere. Conservative regimes in Saudi Arabia and
other Gulf states would not dream of letting foreign firms into their
upstream business in this way, he says.

Put simply, besides the dictatorial way this was done, the danger is
this: Venezuela's oil is heavy and sulphurous, and more expensive to
pump.  Should oil prices drop or new fields come online, the foreign
firms will simply walk away just when Venezuela needs them most.

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