what's your point exactly? The man was elected and is evil because......

By the way, you have not provided your source for this infomation, and
based on the (admittedly leftist) link I posted the other day, at
least some of your facts seem to be in dispute. I don't know what the
reality of it all is, but are you really saying that its not a
democratic government because there have been demonstrations???

Meanwhile, you might want to read up on the United Fruit Company. I
think it will help you with this misconception you have about the US
not having any reason to start things with countries that sell it
stuff.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Fruit_Company

Dana


On 1/8/06, Gruss Gott <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> > Dana  wrote:
> > I know about Venezuala is that the administration stooges seem to think
> > it's evil somehow.
>
> Let's look at things in Venezuela:
>
> KEY EVENTS
> --------------------
> 1992: Venezuelan Army Lieutenant-Colonel Hugo Chavez leads a failed
> coup attempt.
>
> 1998: Chavez elected, helps rewrite the Venezuelan constitution.
>
> 2000: Chavez re-elected under the new charter.
>
> 2000-present: Chavez maneuvers to have loyalists named to the Supreme
> Court, the electoral council and the posts of auditor-general and
> public prosecutor.  Chavez maintains aggressive rhetoric against local
> business, the church, the media and the trade unions.
>
> April 2005:  The Bolivarian Circles, a grassroots organisation of
> 2-3,000 set up by Chavez, opens fire on a peaceful opposition
> demonstration, killing 19.
>
> April 2005: The killings trigger an opposition-led coup attempt
> against Chavez and his "Bolivarian revolution".  The coup fails and
> Chavez promises to reconcile with the opposition.
>
> July 2005: Chavez installs officers he hopes loyal into key commands
> in the military. Some 70 senior officers considered disloyal remain on
> active service but without a job.
>
> August 2005: Half a dozen Army officers in full tropical uniform
> attended a meeting of the Democratic Co-ordinator, an opposition
> umbrella group.
>
> September 2005: Chavez issues a decree banning demonstrations (and
> much else, such as selling property) in eight large "security zones"
> in the capital without permission from his defence ministry. His gov't
> also harasses dissident army officers, and may be behind a strike by
> some of the opposition-controlled metropolitan police.
>
> October 2005: Cesar Gaviria, the secretary-general of the Organisation
> of American States, failed to extract any agreement from Chavez on
> talks aimed at bringing forward elections.
>
> October 2005: Thousands of the opposition march and demand Chavez's 
> resignation.
>
> October 2005: Chavez claims to have uncovered another coup, improbably
> led by an 83-year-old former foreign minister. In turn, General
> Enrique Medina Gomez, seen by many as the army's leading dissident,
> claims that Chavez is trying to provoke just such a rebellion,
> confident that he can crush it and go on to turn the armed forces into
> "a popular militia".
>
> October 9th, 2005: General Medina and two colleagues, helped by
> pot-banging protesters, elude arrest by Chavez intelligence agents.
> "We've never had such division in the country," says General Medina.
> "The vast majority realise that Chavez has taken his mandate for
> social change and used it for a revolution that takes the country down
> a road it doesn't want to go." A leading businessman is blunter. The
> president is "a criminal, with blood on his hands" whose project is
> "Cuban communism", he says.
>
>
> CHAVEZ AND POPULAR SUPPORT
> --------------------------------------------------
> Only one in three Venezuelans back Chavez although that is more than
> any single leader of the fractious opposition. His current term does
> not end until 2006 and he talks of remaining president longer.
>
> The constitution allows for a referendum on Chavez's rule next August.
> Moderates on both sides now recognise that pushing for some sort of
> vote, be it a referendum or fresh election, is the best course.
>
>
> CHAVEZ AND THE ECONOMY
> -------------------------------------------
> While Chavez's economic policies have been fairly orthodox, they've
> also been ineffective.  For three years, it pegged the currency, the
> bolivar, against the dollar. That brought down inflation, but currency
> overvaluation wiped out many businesses which could not compete with
> cheap imports.
>
> A new economic team is trying to cope with a sinking currency, rising
> inflation and a severe recession. "This is a very difficult year,"
> admits Felipe Perez Marti, the planning minister. Oil income is down,
> and debt payments are up. The government has cut spending (by 3% of
> GDP, says Mr Perez). Even so, it is raiding the central bank: it wants
> the bank to issue it with bolivares equivalent to the rise in the
> local-currency value of its reserves caused by devaluation. That, say
> critics, will push up inflation next year.
>
> Mr Perez claims to be pursuing the "fourth way", or "the state plus
> the market plus solidarity". Meaning? "We give importance in the
> economy to strategic co-operation and true love" (ie. worker-owned
> companies). Mr Perez has a PhD from the University of Chicago, but is
> not a typical product of its free-market economics faculty. "I am a
> theorist of altruism," he says.
>
> That is not how local businessmen see the government. They "are on the
> defensive, trying to save what they can," says Oscar Garcia Mendoza, a
> private banker. By some estimates, around $15 billion of private
> capital has fled the country in the past two years, though Mr Perez
> claims the exodus has now stopped.
>
>
> CHAVEZ AND OIL
> ---------------------------
> 2005: Chavez, without warning, announces new take-it-or-leave-it terms
> for oil production thus tearing up existing contracts.  Foreign oil
> companies had built and ran 1/3 to 1/2 of Venezuela's oil exports but
> Chavez suddenly announced a  decision to force foreign oil companies
> into new contracts and a new tax regime markedly tougher than those
> agreed in the country's oil "opening" a decade ago.
>
> The new contracts remove operational control of oilfields from foreign
> firms and make the firms minority partners in state-run ventures.
>
> Mazhar al-Shereidah, a Venezuelan oil economist of Iraqi origin,
> argues that the new arrangements relieve the oil firms of all risk. It
> is "tragi-comic", he says, that they are being given a so-called
> ultimatum to accept just the sort of joint-ventures that they have
> happily agreed elsewhere. Conservative regimes in Saudi Arabia and
> other Gulf states would not dream of letting foreign firms into their
> upstream business in this way, he says.
>
> Put simply, besides the dictatorial way this was done, the danger is
> this: Venezuela's oil is heavy and sulphurous, and more expensive to
> pump.  Should oil prices drop or new fields come online, the foreign
> firms will simply walk away just when Venezuela needs them most.
>
> 

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