>Isn't that also what is required by the Geneva Convention.

which Geneva Convention? The one our Attorney-General has declared "quaint'?

http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-brooks30jun30,0,339573.column?coll=la-news-comment-opinions

Rosa Brooks: Did Bush commit war crimes?
Supreme Court's decision in Hamdan vs. Rumsfeld could expose officials to 
prosecution.
June 30, 2006


THE SUPREME Court on Thursday dealt the Bush administration a stinging rebuke, 
declaring in Hamdan vs. Rumsfeld that military commissions for trying terrorist 
suspects violate both U.S. military law and the Geneva Convention. 

But the real blockbuster in the Hamdan decision is the court's holding that 
Common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention applies to the conflict with Al Qaeda 
— a holding that makes high-ranking Bush administration officials potentially 
subject to prosecution under the federal War Crimes Act.

ADVERTISEMENT
The provisions of the Geneva Convention were intended to protect noncombatants 
— including prisoners — in times of armed conflict. But as the 
administration has repeatedly noted, most of these protections apply only to 
conflicts between states. Because Al Qaeda is not a state, the administration 
argued that the Geneva Convention didn't apply to the war on terror. These 
assertions gave the administration's arguments about the legal framework for 
fighting terrorism a through-the-looking-glass quality. On the one hand, the 
administration argued that the struggle against terrorism was a war, subject 
only to the law of war, not U.S. criminal or constitutional law. On the other 
hand, the administration said the Geneva Convention didn't apply to the war 
with Al Qaeda, which put the war on terror in an anything-goes legal limbo.

This novel theory served as the administration's legal cover for a wide range 
of questionable tactics, ranging from the Guantanamo military tribunals to 
administration efforts to hold even U.S. citizens indefinitely without counsel, 
charge or trial. 

Perhaps most troubling, it allowed the administration to claim that detained 
terrorism suspects could be subjected to interrogation techniques that 
constitute torture or cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment under 
international law, such as "waterboarding," placing prisoners in painful 
physical positions, sexual humiliation and extreme sleep deprivation. 

Under Bush administration logic, these tactics were not illegal under U.S. law 
because U.S. law was trumped by the law of war, and they weren't illegal under 
the law of war either, because Geneva Convention prohibitions on torture and 
cruel treatment were not applicable to the conflict with Al Qaeda.

In 2005, Congress angered the administration by passing Sen. John McCain's 
amendment explicitly prohibiting the use of cruel, inhuman or degrading 
treatment of detainees. But Congress did not attach criminal penalties to 
violations of the amendment, and the administration has repeatedly indicated 
its intent to ignore it.

The Hamdan decision may change a few minds within the administration. Although 
the decision's practical effect on the military tribunals is unclear — the 
administration may be able to gain explicit congressional authorization for the 
tribunals, or it may be able to modify them to comply with the laws of war — 
the court's declaration that Common Article 3 applies to the war on terror is 
of enormous significance. Ultimately, it could pave the way for war crimes 
prosecutions of those responsible for abusing detainees.

Common Article 3 forbids "cruel treatment and torture [and] outrages upon 
personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment." The 
provision's language is sweeping enough to prohibit many of the interrogation 
techniques approved by the Bush administration. That's why the administration 
had argued that Common Article 3 did not apply to the war on terror, even 
though legal experts have long concluded that it was intended to provide 
minimum rights guarantees for all conflicts not otherwise covered by the Geneva 
Convention.

But here's where the rubber really hits the road. Under federal criminal law, 
anyone who "commits a war crime … shall be fined … or imprisoned for life 
or any term of years, or both, and if death results to the victim, shall also 
be subject to the penalty of death." And a war crime is defined as "any conduct 
… which constitutes a violation of Common Article 3 of the international 
conventions signed at Geneva." In other words, with the Hamdan decision, U.S. 
officials found to be responsible for subjecting war on terror detainees to 
torture, cruel treatment or other "outrages upon personal dignity" could face 
prison or even the death penalty.

Don't expect that to happen anytime soon, of course. For prosecutions to occur, 
some federal prosecutor would have to issue an indictment. And in the Justice 
Department of Atty. Gen. Alberto Gonzales — who famously called the Geneva 
Convention "quaint" — a genuine investigation into administration violations 
of the War Crimes Act just ain't gonna happen.

But as Yale law professor Jack Balkin concludes, it's starting to look as if 
the Geneva Convention "is not so quaint after all." 

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