Good Morning, Kristofer

re: "So, in essence, the pyramid structure remains even after
     selection?"

Yes. We have the capability of retaining the information and it should be used to enhance the role of those elected to act as spokesperson for a segment of the electorate. In this connection, we should note the random grouping of candidates at each level insures that the segment of the electorate represented by each elected official will be diverse.

How this capability is actually used will depend on those who implement the process. As I've said before, I don't favor rigid monitoring of the people we elect. However, because the process provides a simple means of enabling referenda and recall, the implementors should establish rules for their use.



re: "You'll lose the corruption resistance by surprise property.
     This would mean that external parties could try to corrupt
     those at the next highest level in order to overturn the
     highest; that is, if the next to highest council has formal
     powers. If it doesn't, there's nothing to say, in the worst
     case, that the highest level will listen to them, so let's
     say they have."

The process does not give unselected people any powers. If they are to have powers, they must be granted by those who implement the process. As you point out, it would be fairly easy to devise rules that destroy the integrity of the system. Indeed, that is precisely the way the current system was devastated, so the risk is real and imminent. The best defense may be analyze the rule-making aspect as quickly and as thoroughly as possible, one of the many considerations I hadn't anticipated.



re: "... lower levels may initiate referenda (initiative or
     recall) as if a majority of those below them in the pyramid
     had requested it ..."

I understand the reasoning but wonder if it's not a bit dangerous to assume those at lower levels support a given side of a single issue? Would it not be better to ask them, since the means of doing so is at hand?

Your suggestion that "... if a person at level n wants to ask the people of something, he must get a majority at levels below him to agree, or a majority of the two levels below, or something like that." is probably the better option.

The resolution of this issue it tied to the particulars of the election cycle(s), particularly the term of office of the elected officials. Where an entire body is replaced every two years, there should be little need for referenda. The combination of the time it takes for a public official to perform a misdeed and for that fact to become public, combined with the time the referendum takes, will usually exceed the time it will take to replace the individual in the next election. Even so, we must have a mechanism to deal with malfeasance during longer terms.



re: "If you have computers, you could [pass messages] in a manner
     similar to delegate cascade. Anybody can submit a message.
     The message is given weight according to (strength gained
     from those below the sender in the pyramid) / (population
     size). The computer lists messages sorted by weight. PR
     methods could have some form of successive downweighting so
     that say, a very persistent person in the middle of the
     pyramid doesn't crowd out others at his level.

I will have to consider this more carefully. The capability for referenda is important, but I suspect the process should be simple and direct. In each case, referenda can only instruct a single representative to act in a certain manner or remove that representative from office. If a movement intended to alter the direction of the government arises, it must take form in each 'pyramid' separately.

Parties can, will, and should exist, but lacking control of the process, they will perform their proper function of giving voice to ideologies. If a groundswell evolves, it can force a change of direction of government, but that is much more likely to occur through repetitive elections than through referenda.

With regard to 'tiny voters', I'm inclined to think they may be the most important. Here's why. The majority of those who do not advance beyond the lower levels are people with little interest in holding public office. They are content to let others fill that role. If an event energizes them to alter their aversion to political involvement, it may be worthwhile to consider their point of view. (Of course, there is the matter of those who whine and complain about everything. Separating the wheat from that chaff may be non-trivial.)



re: "What do you mean by requests for guidance?"

Although I think, in general, those we elect should be left to fill the roles we elect them to fill, unusual circumstances can arise that are beyond the realm of normal governmental operation. The current financial debacle is but one example. At such times, our representatives should recognize the need for and seek the guidance of their constituents. I'm not confident we can form a generic injunction that they do so because I'm not sure how to define an 'unusual circumstance'. It may be that the body, itself, should be required to instruct representatives to seek guidance in the event of an 'unusual circumstance' but I fear that opens the door for distortion and abuse.



A couple of additional thoughts:

1) So far, I've left open the means by which candidates reach specific offices. After thinking about your suggestion for larger group sizes, it occurred to me that might be the best solution for the final stage. By that time, all the candidates have been throughly examined, several times. When a number sufficient to fill all the open posts (and a few extra) is reached, that group decides who will fill what office by the means you described: Candidates list their preferences for each office, by name. Those most frequently listed for a given post are elected to that post.

2) Governments have a plethora of appointive offices. Although many of these are plums, dispensed for political advantage, there may be some offices that are properly filled by appointment. If so, the appointments must be made come from those at the highest level who were not elected to public office. Also, in the event of the recall of a public official, the replacement must be selected from those at the highest level that were not elected.

Fred
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