No, I wasn't as careful as that.  I've seen one study.  The raw data was, all 
by itself, compelling.  One study obviously does not a summer make, but in this 
case, my prejudices in favor of cats and my predilection for creating a state 
of apparent certainty in my mind that's tantamount to a profound aha experience 
set in, and I said to self, well, who'd need a study for that one?  When I 
asked Greymir and Furlough about this, they just purred in divine assent.

I've been wrong plenty of times, though.  The sound frequency, produced by 
means other than feline, appeared to accelerate the healing of, especially, 
broken bones.  I don't remember much else about it. a

"new.morning" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:                               --- In 
FairfieldLife@yahoogroups.com, Angela Mailander
 <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
 >
 > That sound has been shown to accelerate the healing process.  a
 > 
 
 Did you mean to actually say "I am aware of one or several studies
 that show this. I am not too sure how good the studies were. 
 And I am not aware of, or read the counter-finding studies. I don't
 think there is a scientific consensus on this. I simply find it an
 interesting hypothesis with at least some evidence supporting it. And
 it resonates with the structure, and admitted biases, of my world view."
 
 --------------------------
 btw, an interesting article on scientific consensus and the "Cascading
 Effect" (perhaps a new term for the old phenomenon of "Groupthink".
 Not directly related, but relevant to the topic.
 
 By JOHN TIERNEY, NYTimes
 Published: October 9, 2007
 
 In 1988, the surgeon general, C. Everett Koop, proclaimed ice cream to
 a be public-health menace right up there with cigarettes. Alluding to
 his office's famous 1964 report on the perils of smoking, Dr. Koop
 announced that the American diet was a problem of "comparable"
 magnitude, chiefly because of the high-fat foods that were causing
 coronary heart disease and other deadly ailments.
 
 -------sidebar
 TierneyLab
 
 The low-fat fad isn't the only cascade of error. Can you think of others?
 Go to TierneyLab »
 Further Reading
 'Good Calories, Bad Calories: Challenging the Conventional Wisdom on
 Diet, Weight Control, and Disease,' by Gary Taubes (Knopf, 2007)
 Informational Cascades and Rational Herding: An Annotated Bibliography
 and Resource Reference (Sushil Bikhchandani, David Hirshleifer, Ivo Welch)
 Availability Cascades and Risk Regulation Timur Kuran and Cass
 Sunstein. Stanford Law Review, 1999
 'Rethinking Thin: The New Science of Weight Loss -- and the Myths and
 Realities of Dieting,' by Gina Kolata (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2007)
 'Infotopia: How Many Minds Produce Knowledge,' by Cass Sunstein
 (Oxford, 2006)
 
 He introduced his report with these words: "The depth of the science
 base underlying its findings is even more impressive than that for
 tobacco and health in 1964."
 
 That was a ludicrous statement, as Gary Taubes demonstrates in his new
 book meticulously debunking diet myths, "Good Calories, Bad Calories"
 (Knopf, 2007). The notion that fatty foods shorten your life began as
 a hypothesis based on dubious assumptions and data; when scientists
 tried to confirm it they failed repeatedly. The evidence against
 Häagen-Dazs was nothing like the evidence against Marlboros.
 
 It may seem bizarre that a surgeon general could go so wrong. After
 all, wasn't it his job to express the scientific consensus? But that
 was the problem. Dr. Koop was expressing the consensus. He, like the
 architects of the federal "food pyramid" telling Americans what to
 eat, went wrong by listening to everyone else. He was caught in what
 social scientists call a cascade.
 
 We like to think that people improve their judgment by putting their
 minds together, and sometimes they do. The studio audience at "Who
 Wants to Be a Millionaire" usually votes for the right answer. But
 suppose, instead of the audience members voting silently in unison,
 they voted out loud one after another. And suppose the first person
 gets it wrong.
 
 If the second person isn't sure of the answer, he's liable to go along
 with the first person's guess. By then, even if the third person
 suspects another answer is right, she's more liable to go along just
 because she assumes the first two together know more than she does.
 Thus begins an "informational cascade" as one person after another
 assumes that the rest can't all be wrong.
 
 Because of this effect, groups are surprisingly prone to reach
 mistaken conclusions even when most of the people started out knowing
 better, according to the economists Sushil Bikhchandani, David
 Hirshleifer and Ivo Welch. If, say, 60 percent of a group's members
 have been given information pointing them to the right answer (while
 the rest have information pointing to the wrong answer), there is
 still about a one-in-three chance that the group will cascade to a
 mistaken consensus.
 
 Cascades are especially common in medicine as doctors take their cues
 from others, leading them to overdiagnose some faddish ailments
 (called bandwagon diseases) and overprescribe certain treatments (like
 the tonsillectomies once popular for children). Unable to keep up with
 the volume of research, doctors look for guidance from an expert — or
 at least someone who sounds confident.
 
 In the case of fatty foods, that confident voice belonged to Ancel
 Keys, a prominent diet researcher a half-century ago (the K-rations in
 World War II were said to be named after him). He became convinced in
 the 1950s that Americans were suffering from a new epidemic of heart
 disease because they were eating more fat than their ancestors.
 
 There were two glaring problems with this theory, as Mr. Taubes, a
 correspondent for Science magazine, explains in his book. First, it
 wasn't clear that traditional diets were especially lean.
 Nineteenth-century Americans consumed huge amounts of meat; the
 percentage of fat in the diet of ancient hunter-gatherers, according
 to the best estimate today, was as high or higher than the ratio in
 the modern Western diet.
 
 Second, there wasn't really a new epidemic of heart disease. Yes, more
 cases were being reported, but not because people were in worse
 health. It was mainly because they were living longer and were more
 likely to see a doctor who diagnosed the symptoms.
 
 To bolster his theory, Dr. Keys in 1953 compared diets and heart
 disease rates in the United States, Japan and four other countries.
 Sure enough, more fat correlated with more disease (America topped the
 list). But critics at the time noted that if Dr. Keys had analyzed all
 22 countries for which data were available, he would not have found a
 correlation. (And, as Mr. Taubes notes, no one would have puzzled over
 the so-called French Paradox of foie-gras connoisseurs with healthy
 hearts.)
 
 The evidence that dietary fat correlates with heart disease "does not
 stand up to critical examination," the American Heart Association
 concluded in 1957. But three years later the association changed
 position — not because of new data, Mr. Taubes writes, but because Dr.
 Keys and an ally were on the committee issuing the new report. It
 asserted that "the best scientific evidence of the time" warranted a
 lower-fat diet for people at high risk of heart disease.
 
 The association's report was big news and put Dr. Keys, who died in
 2004, on the cover of Time magazine. The magazine devoted four pages
 to the topic — and just one paragraph noting that Dr. Keys's diet
 advice was "still questioned by some researchers." That set the tone
 for decades of news media coverage. Journalists and their audiences
 were looking for clear guidance, not scientific ambiguity.
 
 After the fat-is-bad theory became popular wisdom, the cascade
 accelerated in the 1970s when a committee led by Senator George
 McGovern issued a report advising Americans to lower their risk of
 heart disease by eating less fat. "McGovern's staff were virtually
 unaware of the existence of any scientific controversy," Mr. Taubes
 writes, and the committee's report was written by a nonscientist
 "relying almost exclusively on a single Harvard nutritionist, Mark
 Hegsted."
 
 That report impressed another nonscientist, Carol Tucker Foreman, an
 assistant agriculture secretary, who hired Dr. Hegsted to draw up a
 set of national dietary guidelines. The Department of Agriculture's
 advice against eating too much fat was issued in 1980 and would later
 be incorporated in its "food pyramid."
 
 Meanwhile, there still wasn't good evidence to warrant recommending a
 low-fat diet for all Americans, as the National Academy of Sciences
 noted in a report shortly after the U.S.D.A. guidelines were issued.
 But the report's authors were promptly excoriated on Capitol Hill and
 in the news media for denying a danger that had already been
 proclaimed by the American Heart Association, the McGovern committee
 and the U.S.D.A.
 
 The scientists, despite their impressive credentials, were accused of
 bias because some of them had done research financed by the food
 industry. And so the informational cascade morphed into what the
 economist Timur Kuran calls a reputational cascade, in which it
 becomes a career risk for dissidents to question the popular wisdom.
 
 With skeptical scientists ostracized, the public debate and research
 agenda became dominated by the fat-is-bad school. Later the National
 Institutes of Health would hold a "consensus conference" that
 concluded there was "no doubt" that low-fat diets "will afford
 significant protection against coronary heart disease" for every
 American over the age of 2. The American Cancer Society and the
 surgeon general recommended a low-fat diet to prevent cancer.
 
 But when the theories were tested in clinical trials, the evidence
 kept turning up negative. As Mr. Taubes notes, the most rigorous
 meta-analysis of the clinical trials of low-fat diets, published in
 2001 by the Cochrane Collaboration, concluded that they had no
 significant effect on mortality.
 
 Mr. Taubes argues that the low-fat recommendations, besides being
 unjustified, may well have harmed Americans by encouraging them to
 switch to carbohydrates, which he believes cause obesity and disease.
 He acknowledges that that hypothesis is unproved, and that the
 low-carb diet fad could turn out to be another mistaken cascade. The
 problem, he says, is that the low-carb hypothesis hasn't been
 seriously studied because it couldn't be reconciled with the low-fat
 dogma.
 
 Mr. Taubes told me he especially admired the iconoclasm of Dr. Edward
 H. Ahrens Jr., a lipids researcher who spoke out against the McGovern
 committee's report. Mr. McGovern subsequently asked him at a hearing
 to reconcile his skepticism with a survey showing that the low-fat
 recommendations were endorsed by 92 percent of "the world's leading
 doctors."
 
 "Senator McGovern, I recognize the disadvantage of being in the
 minority," Dr. Ahrens replied. Then he pointed out that most of the
 doctors in the survey were relying on secondhand knowledge because
 they didn't work in this field themselves.
 
 "This is a matter," he continued, "of such enormous social, economic
 and medical importance that it must be evaluated with our eyes
 completely open. Thus I would hate to see this issue settled by
 anything that smacks of a Gallup poll." Or a cascade.
 
 
     
                               

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