Good morning Roland, a biryani is not a biryani without the main
ingredient, what's a biryani without beef, mutton etc. even if all other
ingredients are there. Ha, ha. Good one Roland 😀

On Wed, 4 Dec, 2024, 4:02 am Roland Francis, <[email protected]>
wrote:

> Actually, you’ve made my point which was:
> Biryani is not Biryani without beef, mutton or chicken in it.
>
> Roland.
>
>
> On Tue, Dec 3, 2024 at 5:54 AM fredericknoronha <
> [email protected]> wrote:
>
>> You're assuming there's something taboo with "beef, mutton or chicken".
>> Not everyone might see it that way. And, over centuries, perspective could
>> change too. FN
>>
>> On Tuesday, 3 December 2024 at 16:23:28 UTC+5:30 Roland Francis wrote:
>>
>>> To ignore the religious element in Portuguese colonialism in favour of
>>> hunger and greed would be to praise Biryani for its long grained rice and
>>> fragrant spices while ignoring the beef, mutton or chicken in it.
>>>
>>> Roland Francis
>>> 416-453-3371 <(416)%20453-3371>
>>>
>>>
>>> On Mon, Dec 2, 2024 at 3:12 PM <[email protected]> wrote:
>>>
>>>> The Portuguese intolerance in Goa until 1961 and in Mozambique until
>>>> 1974 had nothing to do with religion. It was hunger and greed in Portugal
>>>> that led many people to colonize and commit crimes in the colonies. The
>>>> slave trade is an example of this. They were not enslaved in the name of
>>>> religion. These arguments aim to whitewash Portuguese colonial history.
>>>> Missionary schools opened the eyes of colonized peoples in Africa.
>>>>
>>>> Alberto
>>>>
>>>>  Sat, 30 Nov, 2024, 5:52 pm 'Nuno Cardoso da Silva' via
>>>> Goa-Research-Net, <[email protected]> wrote:
>>>>
>>>> Unfortunate as it may be, the fact is that religion has more often been
>>>>> a tool for violence and intolerance, than a tool for peace, love of one
>>>>> another and tolerance. Much of what we Portuguese did wrong in our 
>>>>> colonial
>>>>> past was due to our fierce attachment to a particular religion. Just like
>>>>> much of what is being done wrong today in India has to do with a fanatical
>>>>> approach to religion by far too many people from all religious 
>>>>> backgrounds.
>>>>>
>>>>> The Portuguese of the 21st century are not psychologically very
>>>>> different from the 16th century Portuguese. The difference is that we were
>>>>> then fiercely religious and care today very little about religion. As a
>>>>> result we find no difficulty in fully embracing in our community Hindus
>>>>> from India and Nepal, Muslims from Pakistan, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique,
>>>>> Shiites from the Ismaelite community, Orthodox Christians from Romania, 
>>>>> the
>>>>> Ukraine and Russia. Most of us demand only two things to accept people as
>>>>> co-citizens: that they truly want to be part of our community and that 
>>>>> they
>>>>> speak Portuguese. We are in no way superior to the people of India, and I
>>>>> have no doubt India would be as peaceful and tolerant a nation as we now
>>>>> are, once you stop being intolerant about people's religious beliefs. One
>>>>> may believe in God, but maybe one should stop thinking that God has any
>>>>> preference for any religion. It's what we do which matters, not what we
>>>>> believe in. Simple, but clearly so difficult to achieve, in Europe as well
>>>>> as in Asia...
>>>>>
>>>>> Nuno Cardoso da Silva
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> *Sent:* Saturday, November 30, 2024 at 6:23 AM
>>>>> *From:* "V M" <[email protected]>
>>>>> *To:* "V M" <[email protected]>
>>>>> *Subject:* [GRN] Manu Pillai: "There are No Heroes or Villains in
>>>>> History" (O Heraldo, 30/11/2024)
>>>>>
>>>>> https://www.heraldgoa.in/cafe/manu-pillai-there-are-no-heroes-or-villains-in-history/416418
>>>>>
>>>>> Religion and politics are an especially volatile mix in South Asia,
>>>>> cleaved apart so painfully on the basis of religion in 1947, and roiled on
>>>>> the same lines again in the 21st century, as majoritarianism surges on all
>>>>> sides of the post-Partition borders. Here in India, the main divide 
>>>>> remains
>>>>> Hindu-Muslim, with painful consequences – from casual intimidation to
>>>>> ethnic cleansing – playing out in different locations However, in recent
>>>>> years, Sikhs and Sikhism have also been targeted as “anti-national”, and
>>>>> Goa has experienced many silly and childish provocations about Catholics
>>>>> and Catholicism, including recurring absurdities about who can and can’t 
>>>>> be
>>>>> considered Goencho Saib.
>>>>>
>>>>> These slurs haven’t yet added up to much, and it would be unwise to
>>>>> overreact. However, the increasing conflation of myth and history by the
>>>>> state is an unhealthy trend. As the distinguished political scientist
>>>>> Niraja Gopal Jayal reminds us: “In effect, it is an attempt to construe
>>>>> Indian citizenship as faith-based, in consonance with the idea of a Hindu
>>>>> majoritarian nation, of which Hindus are natural citizens while Muslims, 
>>>>> in
>>>>> this view, properly belong to Pakistan or Bangladesh. Perfecting this
>>>>> congruence is the object of the new project of citizenship.”
>>>>>
>>>>> Catholics in Goa – and Christians in India – have not been primary
>>>>> targets in this scenario, and in fact Joseph Francis Pereira – a Pakistani
>>>>> of Goan origin – was one of the first beneficiaries of the new Citizenship
>>>>> Amendment Act, which allows Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Parsis, Christians and
>>>>> Buddhists (but not Muslims) from the neighboring countries to become 
>>>>> Indian
>>>>> citizens if they entered before 2014.
>>>>>
>>>>> Yet, there are warning signs, as the senior academic Peter Ronald de
>>>>> Souza shared in a recent column in *Indian Express*: “A few days ago,
>>>>> during an argument (in a WhatsApp group), I was told to "go back to
>>>>> Portugal". Not one to take such abuse without a fight, I responded and
>>>>> asked my adversary to “go back to Afghanistan”. He was outraged. "I’m not
>>>>> from Afghanistan," he roared. "Well, I’m not from Portugal," I said. Two
>>>>> things come together in this brief exchange that are worth thinking about.
>>>>> My name and his outrage. For him I was obviously the outsider and, equally
>>>>> obviously, he was the insider. Both for him were self-evidently true. In
>>>>> this exchange, my argumentativeness faced his righteous anger. He said he
>>>>> was confronting me because I was evil. That we went to school together 
>>>>> more
>>>>> than half a century ago did not matter.”
>>>>>
>>>>> Palpably upset, de Souza writes “I must honestly admit I was surprised
>>>>> at the vitriol. What began as a discussion on an Indian festival, soon
>>>>> descended into a toxic spat watched by others who, in their silence,
>>>>> appeared to endorse his views that it was inadmissible for me to talk 
>>>>> about
>>>>> things Indian, especially Indian culture. What did I know? And who was I
>>>>> anyway? An Indian on probation! Now I know what Draupadi must have felt in
>>>>> the assembly when she asked the custodians of dharma her question. They 
>>>>> did
>>>>> not answer. They remained silent.”
>>>>>
>>>>> “Who belongs? Who does not belong? What kind of state is being
>>>>> re-engineered by Hindu nationalism, and where did the historical impetus
>>>>> come from?” Precisely when it is needed most to help address these
>>>>> questions, Manu Pillai’s lucid, brilliant new *Gods, Guns and
>>>>> Missionaries: The Making of the Modern Hindu Identity* is an
>>>>> invaluable primer on India’s encounter with Western colonialism, and “the
>>>>> context in which Hindu nationalism – Hindutva, so dominant now in India –
>>>>> found its *raison d'être*. [It is] a survey of 400 years at most – a
>>>>> span that supplies the historical setting and much of the emotional
>>>>> stimulus empowering present-day Hinduism.”
>>>>>
>>>>> All serious students of Goan history are strongly urged to read Gods,
>>>>> Guns and Missionaries for the way it begins alone, a deft and masterly
>>>>> treatment of colonialism and conversion in the Estado da Índia. This brave
>>>>> young author – he was born in 1990 – pulls no punches, but also refrains
>>>>> from cheap shots. This clear-eyed, sure-footed approach is both refreshing
>>>>> and absolutely required, because the subject is such a potent mix of
>>>>> history, religion and politics. Here is just one passage, for flavour: 
>>>>> “the
>>>>> Portuguese came into everyday contact with Hindus, armed with scarce
>>>>> knowledge but copious pre-judgement. The encounter took barely a 
>>>>> generation
>>>>> to turn violent. One factor was that the colonizer’s rigid religiosity had
>>>>> grown stiffer still in reaction to the anti-Catholic Reformation occurring
>>>>> in Europe. That is, with the emerging Protestant movement accusing the
>>>>> Catholic church of perverting the faith, Catholic powers had a special
>>>>> necessity to demonstrate unequivocal Christian credentials. And here, 
>>>>> their
>>>>> newly acquired Indian enclaves offered a parade ground, packed as they 
>>>>> were
>>>>> with devil-worshipping pagans.”
>>>>>
>>>>> To be sure, all this is familiar ground to historians, but serious
>>>>> scholarship about these episodes is almost never knitted together,
>>>>> understood or presented with as much panache and storytelling flair as 
>>>>> *Gods,
>>>>> Guns and Missionaries*. Via email, Pillai told me that “history in
>>>>> our country--and perhaps elsewhere too--is not merely a rational, academic
>>>>> inquiry into the past. It is an emotional, political affair. My very first
>>>>> book invited a Rs 5 crore defamation notice, so I know the risks and 
>>>>> perils
>>>>> involved in presenting complexities from the past. In this context,
>>>>> historicising religious identities can provoke all kinds of responses. 
>>>>> "The
>>>>> truth" pales here in comparison with how people interpret history to 
>>>>> create
>>>>> "their truth" in the present or as groups; to find meaning by reading
>>>>> history a certain way. This is true of all communities and identities
>>>>> everywhere in the world. But today we are also seeing an active 
>>>>> cultivation
>>>>> of animosity by exacerbating elements of divergence in these narratives.
>>>>> So, when writing a book on modern religious identity formation, yes there
>>>>> is a fear that some of its contents can be hijacked. Similarly, one can
>>>>> also be "cancelled" by different sides for not reinforcing their 
>>>>> respective
>>>>> ideological positions. One chapter in the book might annoy the Left and
>>>>> please the Right. Another might achieve the reverse. But this is the risk
>>>>> of doing what I do today. One can't do history if worried about reactions.
>>>>> Even when one is aware of the risks involved in these reactions.”
>>>>>
>>>>> As the topic is especially relevant in this Exposition year, I asked
>>>>> Pillai what to make of the paradox of “Saint” Francis Xavier – an
>>>>> unstinting zealot who believed in the superiority of his faith – becoming
>>>>> converted after death into an all-inclusive Indian holy man, who is
>>>>> addressed by pilgrims from every religion to answer their prayers. He
>>>>> responded thoughtfully: "We must always view historical figures in their
>>>>> time and context. Xavier and his proselytising work stemmed from a vision
>>>>> of the world that emerged from his cultural background, the history of his
>>>>> part of the world, his education etc. The responses of his brown
>>>>> interlocutors were also similarly influenced. There is also in this
>>>>> equation the political power of the Portuguese and their own imperial
>>>>> goals, which skewed the field in favour of one side over another. We 
>>>>> should
>>>>> be able to speak of this transparently while also recognising that
>>>>> historical dynamics also evolve and change. The same Portuguese state's
>>>>> attitudes shifted over time; the memory of Xavier and his work also
>>>>> changed. These too are real historical processes. History is full of
>>>>> contradictions. In the battle between "sides" today we can lose sight of
>>>>> this. There are no heroes and villains in history. Often the same
>>>>> characters in different contexts can look heroic or villainous, depending
>>>>> on the prism, the location of the viewer, and so on.”
>>>>>
>>>>> Pillai acknowledges that it is difficult to have honest and open
>>>>> discussions about historical-religious-political issues in India at the
>>>>> moment, but they must occur nonetheless: “I think conversations help.
>>>>> Remember that outside of certain political constituencies, most human
>>>>> beings can take a sensible view of things. It is this mature, reasonable
>>>>> tendency that must be cultivated. By reacting to others, and their setting
>>>>> of the terms, we play into their game. Instead, we must engage in 
>>>>> dialogue,
>>>>> speak of Xavier the complex, sometimes "negative" figure while also
>>>>> recognising the equally historical phenomenon of Xavier as he came to be
>>>>> recognised and reinterpreted in these same communities, not just by
>>>>> Catholics but also Hindus. I always say that most things in history are 
>>>>> not
>>>>> a case of "either/or". The word we must embrace is "and". But this is
>>>>> admittedly easier said than done. I don't know if I have a solution other
>>>>> than dialogue, and engagement in good faith.”
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> --
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>>>>
>>>> ----- Fim da mensagem de Crispino Lobo <[email protected]> -----
>>>>
>>>>
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