Like Palestine ,in Sri Lanka Today, hope is a four letter word

*By Qadri Ismail*

*B*ulldozed from the land, bombarded from the air and sea, brutalized in
general, one would think the Palestinian people would make a sensible
calculation, put their hands up and surrender. They don’t.

Most of the world is with them, but that doesn’t really matter because the
dominant global power, the United States, is against. Indeed, the U. S.
refuses to prevent, or even condemn, the merciless assault of the Israeli
state. Thus encouraging, abetting it. Barack Obama’s silence is particularly
repugnant.

One would think that Palestinians would get the message. They don’t.

Their cause seems so hopeless some might even think they should capitulate.
Clearly, however, they won’t.

Like Palestine, in Sri Lanka today hope is a four letter word.

In the three years since the Rajapakse brothers captured the presidency, our
citizens continue to be denied equality, our rights have been stolen
systematically, our lives are increasingly terrorized. The constitution is
treated, at best, as an inconvenience. The press, a threat. Human rights
activists are accused of aiding terrorism. One of our leading lawyers, J. C.
Weliamuna, had his home grenaded. Lasantha Wickrematunge was murdered – for
opposing, as everyone including its apologists is aware, the government and
its warmongers.

The Tamils, of course, are the primary target of this regime’s policy of
systematic slaughter. Since Don Shelton Senanayake, they have been less than
equal citizens. Since Junius Richard Jayawardene, they have been brutalized.
Mahinda Percy Rajapakse and his brothers are inspired by the worst examples
of both.

Under the pretext of a war on terror, Tamils are routinely murdered, maimed,
displaced, dispossessed in Sri Lanka today. Never before in our postcolonial
history have they felt more politically insignificant. Never before has
their every step been monitored, scrutinized. They are even denied the right
to move freely across the country. More than a thousand are arbitrarily
detained in northern camps – including some fleeing the LTTE. The number
incarcerated in the south is unknown.

In Sri Lanka today, the Muslims, too, are being made politically irrelevant.
In the east, under the pretext of saving the environment, hundreds of acres
of their land have been alienated. At some future stage, no doubt, this
property will be transferred to Sinhala settlers. Soon it may be next to
impossible for Muslims to elect representatives from any but the most
densely populated parts of the east (like Kaththankudy).

In such a context, it is infuriatingly ironic to find Rajapakse, not to
mention the JVP, express sympathy for the Palestinian people. The same
Rajapakse who unabashedly buys guns and gunships from Israel. Similar
weapons, no doubt, to those directed, as you read this, at Palestinian
lives. If not Palestinian life itself.

For the Rajapakse regime is like the Israeli state.

The Iranian government of that anti-Semitic anti-imperialist, Mahmoud
Ahmedinejad, may think it proper to subsidize the brothers – despite their
repression of Sri Lankan Muslims. Despite the fact that Iranian money ends
up subsidizing the Israeli arms industry. Despite the Defense Secretary’s
own admission on Wednesday that the Sri Lankan and Israeli navies exchange
ideas on tactics. But, to repeat: the Rajapakse regime is like the Israeli
state.

Palestine is a territory occupied by Israel. An analogous argument could be
made about the Sri Lankan army in the north and east.

The Palestinians are an oppressed people. So are the Tamils.

Israel is a pariah state. So is the Rajapakse regime.

The sympathy of the conscience of the world is with the Palestinians. And
the Tamils.

The Israeli military says it targets only the resistance. And yet, most of
its casualties are civilians. The same is true of the rhetoric and victims
of the Sri Lankan military.

The Israeli government often stages military actions around elections. The
Rajapakses, ditto.

The Israeli government only accepts Palestinian politicians it can puppet,
like Mahmoud Abbas. The Rajapakses pull the strings of Douglas Devananda,
“Karuna” Muralitharan and “Pillayan” Chandrakanthan.

Israeli leaders are routinely accused of corruption. The Rajapakse brothers
appear to revel in it.
Parallels are not restricted to the present, but extend historically.

The Israeli state has systematically settled Jews in Palestinian territory.
Perhaps they learned this from the Sinhala state, which has pursued such a
policy since Senanayake.

And Israelis Jews believe themselves to be a chosen people. That god himself
bequeathed Palestine to them as their exclusive homeland. Likewise, Sinhala
Buddhists believe Buddha himself blessed this country as their sole
possession.

If you believe in absurdities, said Voltaire, you will commit atrocities.

Unfortunately, in both Palestine and Sri Lanka, atrocious acts are not
limited to one party. The Palestinian resistance has targeted, killed and
injured Israeli civilians. Just as much as the LTTE, once upon a time at the
urging of the Indian state, has constantly targeted and murdered Sinhala
civilians.

Such practice is ethically unacceptable. It cannot be whitewashed by any
alibi. Murder, even to counter state-sanctioned murder, remains murder.

Such practice is also politically counter-productive. Like the Palestinian,
I unequivocally endorse the Tamil demand to resolve their future. The
Rajapakses, instead, would resolve it for them.

But the actions of the LTTE have weakened the Tamil cause and their case.
Indeed, the LTTE’s authoritarian methods have significantly alienated the
Tamil people themselves: the drafting at gun-point of children for its army,
the killing of dissenting Tamils like K. Padmanabha and Rajini Thiranagama
and hundreds of others, the forced evacuation of the Jaffna population in
1995. The list is long. Despite this government’s brutality, due mostly to
its own actions, the LTTE no longer enjoys the popular support it did in the
1980s and 90s.

It does not follow, however, that most Tamils who diverge from the LTTE
support this racist regime. They don’t.

It does not follow that the Tamils believe, despite Rajapakse’s bombast,
that this is a government of all the people. They don’t. Even Devananda,
Muralitharan and Chandrakanthan don’t believe that.

Or that the Tamil people, however terrorized they might be today, will
surrender their struggle for peace with equality, with justice, with honor.

Like the Palestinians, hell no, they won’t.

Afthab Ellath


On Sat, Apr 18, 2009 at 11:14 PM, venukm <[email protected]> wrote:

>
> Without having read all the posts here in detail except for having
> browsed over  there, I am tempted to post two links from the latest
> issue of countercurrents, with the hope that our concerns be pushed a
> little ahead.
>
>
> 1.
> Genocide of Tamils : UN Action Appalling
> By Dr C P Thiagarajah
>
> http://www.countercurrents.org/thiagarajah170409.htm
>
> The Tamil race had come to their low ebb of their endurance. Unless
> this genocide is stopped forthwith under power vested under UN charter
> 39-42 military measures it will be another blot on the current century
>
>
>
> 2.
> Sri Lanka: Politics of Perceptions
> By Chandi Sinnathruai
>
> http://www.countercurrents.org/sinnathurai170409.htm
>
> Tamils have to face the reality rather than engaging in mere play with
> words. Iyakkam cannot stand still nor can it become stagnant. It ought
> to be taking steps to stand in the gap, regain its moral force, and
> take full political charge. Even that were to mean, politics of
> forgiveness and healing of memories. A liberation movement must have
> within its capacity to engage not only in politics but also in
> statesmanship. And to this end the Tamils must rise up!
>
> On Apr 18, 11:23 pm, damodar prasad <[email protected]> wrote:
> > The challenges of solidarity
> >
> > Th*e urgent need in Sri Lanka is a resolution to the humanitarian crisis
> and
> > strong pressure to stop government attacks on minorities, argues Ahilan
> > Kadirgamar. But solidarity has to be pluralist, he emphasises,
> recognising
> > the brutality of the Tamil Tigers and avoiding the polarisation or
> > marginalisation of the country’s diverse communities..*
> >
> > http://www.redpepper.org.uk/The-challenges-of-solidarity
> >
> > 2 more articles in this section on focus on Lanka.
> >
> >
> >
> > On Sat, Apr 18, 2009 at 6:03 PM, Bobby Kunhu <[email protected]>
> wrote:
> > > AfthabI think the answer for lack of responses is provided in Nirmala's
> > > article itself viz. the role of the tamil diaspora. what is termed as
> LTTE's
> > > past mistakes was a full blown war by itself. I have personally lost
> friends
> > > who have belonged to other tamil separatist outfits like TELO to LTTE
> > > bullets in TN - LTTE did not even spare academic voices like neelan
> > > thiruchelvam when the voices were critical of them. In that context,
> the
> > > tamil situation in sri lanka is rather tragic caught between a
> genocidal
> > > government and fascist liberator
> >
> > > 2009/4/18 Afthab Ellath <[email protected]>
> >
> > > I have gone through the comments below this articles on
> > >>www.opendemocracy.net<
> http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/the-tamil-diaspora-solidarities-...>and
> haven't seen a  genuine Tamil voice in that thread supporting the views
> > >> of Nirmala, through some of them criticize LTTE for some of its
> "mistakes"
> > >> in the past... So what makes you believe that Roy is off the mark
> while
> > >> Nirmala is on the mark ?
> >
> > >> Afthab Ellath
> >
> > >> On Sat, Apr 18, 2009 at 11:10 AM, devika Jayakumari <
> [email protected]>wrote:
> >
> > >>> I do think Roy is seriously off the mark on Sril lanka. Not that the
> SL
> > >>> govt's war is forgivable; but the other side is equally disturbing.
> >
> > >>> The last thing SL Tamils want is the acceptance of LTTE as their
> > >>> representative. Nirmala Rajasingham's piece, to my mind, has a more
> focused
> > >>> and political perspective. I've copied it below. It is on
> >
> > >>>
> http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/the-tamil-diaspora-solidarities-...
> >
> > >>> The Tamil diaspora: solidarities and realities
> > >>> Nirmala Rajasingam
> >
> > >>> The Tamils abroad mobilising in response to events in Sri Lanka need
> to
> > >>> face difficult truths about the political narratives and forces that
> have
> > >>> contributed to their compatriots' plight, says Nirmala Rajasingam.
> > >>> 15 - 04 - 2009
> > >>> The Sri Lankan Tamil community may not be the largest of the diaspora
> > >>> communities represented in London or other such greatly diverse
> cities
> > >>> around the world, but the numbers and conviction they have mobilised
> in
> > >>> recent days to highlight the plight of their brethren at home have
> been
> > >>> exceptional. The demonstrations by Tamils in the centres of London,
> Toronto
> > >>> and other cities have been spectacular, defiant and spirited displays
> of
> > >>> grief and anger: men, women, and many young people have gathered with
> > >>> colourful flags and banners, staged sit-ins, and chanted slogans,
> while
> > >>> several of their number have promised to fast unto death.
> > >>> Their slogans are simple: "Genocide!", "Pirapaharan is our leader!",
> and
> > >>> "We want Tamil Eelam!". These references to the leader of the
> Liberation
> > >>> Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the aspiration to an independent
> state in
> > >>> northern Sri Lanka are accompanied by the touting of images of this
> figure
> > >>> and the waving of flags showing the Tiger emblem. Several
> parliamentarians
> > >>> in Britain and Canada have voiced support for the demonstrators.
> > >>> The humanitarian situation in parts of northern Sri Lanka -
> especially in
> > >>> the narrow strip of land around Mullaitivu - is indeed desperate, as
> the Sri
> > >>> Lankan army's advances have continued and as they lay siege to LTTE
> redoubts
> > >>> where approximately 100,000 civilians are confined - the latest stage
> of a
> > >>> long war that has persisted since 1983 (see "Sri Lanka's displaced:
> the
> > >>> political vice", 8 April 2009).
> > >>> The cries of genocide have risen with the intensification of the
> military
> > >>> campaign and a sharp turn for the worse in the fortunes of the Tamil
> Tigers.
> > >>> They have spread too beyond the official Tiger propaganda stream
> (radio, TV
> > >>> and newspapers); the blood-splattered images and messages have
> inundated
> > >>> cyberspace: via Facebook and YouTube and other cyberspace outlets,
> via a
> > >>> torrent of emails, the drenching claim is simple, direct and
> frightening:
> > >>> genocide. This campaign has mobilised even those who had never been
> > >>> politically involved before.
> > >>> The sorrows of commitment
> > >>> The genocide alert is at heart about the trapped civilians in
> Mullaitivu.
> > >>> But the truth about the horrific circumstances in which civilians are
> > >>> stranded there is not stated in full. They are caught between two
> armies,
> > >>> each of which seeks to use them as pawns in this war. The government
> forces
> > >>> have shown no inhibition in bombing and shelling indiscriminately
> into
> > >>> crowded civilian areas, schools and hospitals as long as their
> military
> > >>> objective of crushing the Tigers is achieved. But the civilians are
> dying
> > >>> not only as a result of such bombardments or in crossfire; for
> credible
> > >>> reports indicate that Tigers are not allowing civilians to move out
> of the
> > >>> line of fire and escape to government-controlled areas, and may be
> going
> > >>> further to prevent attempts to flee.
> > >>> It has long been established that many children have been forcibly
> > >>> recruited into the ranks of the Tigers, and that such cadres are
> forewarned
> > >>> that their families would be wiped out if they surrender. Now, as the
> > >>> Tigers' military situation becomes more and more desperate, the logic
> of
> > >>> their own anti-civilian approach is apparent: for the Tamil civilian
> > >>> presence now provides the only chance of ensuring the Tiger
> leadership's
> > >>> survival.
> > >>> It is striking, however, that in all the demonstrations not a single
> cry,
> > >>> slogan or placard seems to demand that the Tigers should let the
> civilians
> > >>> go or cease their own assaults on them. The silence of the diaspora
> > >>> community on this issue is deafening. The general support for the
> Tamils'
> > >>> cause has in the public arena collapsed into one soundbite. There is
> no
> > >>> recognition in these demonstrations of the fact that the military
> objectives
> > >>> of the LTTE are no longer reconcilable with the safety of the trapped
> > >>> civilians. There is a disjunction between propaganda and reality here
> that
> > >>> reflects the way the logic of Tamil Tiger propaganda has become
> internalised
> > >>> by much of the diaspora. This does nothing to help Sri Lankan Tamils.
> > >>> Such spectacular demonstrations have the potential to send a powerful
> > >>> message to the international community about the true nature of the
> > >>> predicament of the trapped civilians. Why then do the demonstrators
> fail to
> > >>> highlight this. Why have they not also raised their voices against
> Tiger
> > >>> atrocities as well as the government's? Why do they elide the
> horrifying
> > >>> predicament of the civilians with the political interest of the
> Tigers?
> > >>> What makes these questions even more pertinent is that the huge
> > >>> demonstrations in the west that endorse the LTTE are in direct
> opposition to
> > >>> the waning popular support for the LTTE amongst Tamils in Sri Lanka
> itself.
> > >>> The eastern region of Sri Lanka where many Tamils live - and which
> has lost
> > >>> far more of its young people and children in this war than any other
> Tamil
> > >>> region - has largely abandoned support for an independent state. The
> Jaffna
> > >>> peninsula in the north has been largely uninvolved for more than a
> decade or
> > >>> so in the separatist cause; there, the vast majority of civilians
> have
> > >>> submitted to uneasy cohabitation with the army simply because amid
> available
> > >>> options, they prefer an absence of war. The LTTE's cynical and
> callous use
> > >>> of civilians for its war effort has also over the years undermined
> its
> > >>> status within the Tamil population in Sri Lanka.
> > >>> There are other considerations absent from the demonstrators'
> concerns.
> > >>> The escalating military campaigns have placed great pressure on
> civilians
> > >>> for months, yet there have been no demonstrations to highlight the
> plight of
> > >>> those commandeered to retreat and follow the Tigers in the wake of
> > >>> government army advances - for example, those from the Mannar area in
> the
> > >>> western part of the northern province, who had to follow the trail of
> the
> > >>> Tiger retreat all the way across the Vanni jungles to their current
> pocket
> > >>> on the eastern coast of the Vanni. Many of these civilians had been
> > >>> corralled out of Jaffna at gunpoint by the LTTE in 1995 during the
> first big
> > >>> and enforced Pol-Pot-style exodus.
> > >>> The frenzied demonstrations have begun only when the military defeat
> of
> > >>> the LTTE appears a real prospect. Again, the confusion between
> humanitarian
> > >>> protest and political solidarity with the LTTE is evident. But this
> still
> > >>> leaves open the question: what explains the widespread support that
> the LTTE
> > >>> enjoys in the diaspora despite its declining fortunes in Sri Lanka,
> and the
> > >>> atrocities it commits against ordinary Tamil people there?
> > >>> The political war
> > >>> The answer to this question lies in part in general conditions
> > >>> experienced by the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora community, and in part
> in the
> > >>> particular role of the LTTE in establishing its political dominance
> within
> > >>> it.
> > >>> The Tamils in the west have like many other migrant communities from
> the
> > >>> global south faced racist discrimination, exclusion, social isolation
> and
> > >>> economic deprivation. Their search for membership of and integration
> with
> > >>> "host" societies is, even in the best of circumstances,
> >
> > ...
> >
> > read more »- Hide quoted text -
> >
> > - Show quoted text -
> >
>

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