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----- Original Message -----
From: Jean
Pestieau
January 22, 2001
Workers Party of Belgium http://www.wpb.be, [EMAIL PROTECTED] From Kinshasa Two millions of Kinshasa's inhabitants pay tribute to Kabila by Ludo Martens, president of the WPB The death of president Kabila is the result of a plot, which was
prepared for a long time. It is the conviction of most of the Kinshasa's inhabitants that we have asked. As a friend told me, it can certainly not be a coincidence that this murder happened at the very moment when the Congoleses had a serious hope in the victory against the aggressors, who wreak havoc and destroy the country. Indeed, the Americans, who had given the green light to their Ruandese and Ugandese allies for a short war, which was supposed to last only one month, were in a deadlock, after two and half years of occupation, of barbarities and plunders. The congolese people had strengthened its determination to drive out the aggressors and to never again allow imperialism to rule Congo. The UN Security Council had stated several times since April 9, 2000 that Congo was the victim of a characterized aggression from Ruanda and Uganda. According to official figures, there are already more than three millions of deaths in Eastern Congo as a result of the aggression and of its consequences. The Americans can not continue such a genocide for a long time. Moreover Kabila had started a dialogue with all the Congoleses of the opposition, who have some patriotic feelings. The American strategy to realize a parliamentary coup against Kabila by taking advantadge of the inter-congolese dialogue had failed. The Americans have then played their last card by resorting to their agents, who were infiltrated in the immediate circle around Kabila. On January 16, at 1.45 pm, a bodyguard of Kabila shot three deadly bullets... I arrived in Kinshasa late in the night preceding the murder. The day after, in the evening of January 16, the leadership of the WPB, fearing the worse, asked me to come back immediately to Belgium. The same feeling was reigning in the city: there will be internal fights in the army, there will be bloodbaths. The population thinks that the declarations made by Tshisekedi in Brussels are criminal provocations. The body of Kabila was not yet cold that Tshishekedi asked from Brussels his troops to resume their political activities and to organize marches because "freedom is not given, one must wring it out". On Wednesday, the 17th of January, some students, influenced by the demagogy of the UDPS (the party of Tshishekedi) and of the MPR (the mobutist party), have almost provoked troubles, which could have degenerated. The direct complicity between a so-called 'democratic opposition' and the Americans and their Ruando-Ugandese allies was once more obvious. Since the 2nd of August 1998, this complicity is a characteristic of the war waged by the pro-imperialist forces against the Congolese nationalist movement. That means that the population, in its overwhelming majority, congratulates the new authorities for having succeeded in maintaining calm and, even better, in preventing any incident. Here in Kinshasa, some peoples have immediately claimed that the murder was an individual act, an unfortunate and dramatic incident. It is not very believable. According to the informations published in the press, the bodyguard who committed the crime was not on duty that day. In spite of this, he came to the Marble Palace in military uniform and stayed there for a long time. A woman from the Presidential Guard gave him a gun with a silencer. To get such a weapon into the presidential palace supposes already a high degree of organization. The murderer could enter the office where Kabila was sitting with his adviser Mota without being searched by the guard, without going under a metal detector. After he had committed his crime, the murderer was shot dead, while one could have shot him in the legs. The chief of security was also killed in obscure circumstances. Immediately after the crime, a governmental communication claimed that the murderer was dead and that "one will probably never find the real responsibles". The population thinks that there should be a vast plot. Along the road of the airport, the peoples of Kinshasa who had seen the funeral procession were attacking the Whites: "it is the Whites who ordered the attack". I saw a white journalist in the people's palace, with blood in his face, who had to be protected by a dozen of policemen to prevent him of being lynched by the crowd. Yesterday I had to face several verbal aggressions like "You, Whites, are responsible !". But there was always someone nearby who knew me because of my interventions on TV and which explained that not all the whites are against Kabila. The well-informed observers are also wondering when they hear on the day of the crime an announcement according to which the general Kayembe, vice-minister of defence, would have shot Kabila. The peoples who know Kayembe say that he is one of the best trained officer, a true nationalist who was completely supporting the ideas of the president. It is apparently the Belga agency who spread this false information, which was perceived as an incitation to kill Kayembe. The Zimbabweans, who understood it that way, have immediately taken him under their protection. Some observers wonder if the hidden forces which are behind the murder, by calling for the physical elimination of Kayembe, aimed not only to make the army split in different factions but also to provoke violent confrontations between Katangeses and Kasaians, as in 1992. Kayembe comes indeed from Kasai. That would have given the necessary pretext for an American-French-Belgian military intervention. The president Kabila was the brain and the heart of the resistance against the American-Ruandese-Ugandese aggression. He led the army, the government, the diplomacy and the comittees of Popular Power. His murder was supposed to shake all the edifice of the new Congo and cause complete chaos. The declaration of Louis Michel (Belgian foreign minister), on the evening of january 16, stating that he had reliable informations according to which Kabila was dead, are now considered here as an attempt to excite the peoples and to create chaos. The Congolese authorities, taken completely by surprise, needed time to take appropriate measures and to avoid troubles. The big fear of the population was that the army splits in various fractions, which would have fought each other. The chief of the Belgian diplomacy had to know that, if Kabila was dead and the Congolese government didn't immediately announce it, there was good reasons for it: the Congolese government had to avoid an explosion of troubles of all kind. According to some observers, Belgium had acted as if it wanted precisely to create troubles. According to some informations which have still to be confirmed, a kernel constituted by Mpoyo, Kazadi, Olenga and some others, after having evaluated the situation, proposed that Joseph Kabila takes the succession. The Angoleses and Zimbabweans, who had reinforced significantly their military presence in Kinshasa, supported this proposition. When the first informations about the possible death of Kabila came to us, I was with a few congolese friends. One of them said immediately: "If he is dead, a military has to take power otherwise we risk a catastrophe". The comrade Lwetsha is the chief of the general staff. He is a very reliable person but his age doesn't probably allow him to assume the supreme authority. The ones who took the responsibility to propose the general Joseph Kabila, chief of staff of the land forces, think that any other officer would not have been so much able to keep the situation under control. Lumumba was murdered and there was never in Congo an investigation on the vast plot in Congo, in Belgium and in the US. The population will never accept that the same thing happens with Kabila. It is also a sign of the changes of time. The peoples in the street don't understand that in the first official communication of the government, Sakombi didn't say anything about the investigations needed to discover the real murderers, who stayed in the shadow. A student told me: "If some American is killed by a terrorist anywhere in the world, the US claim that they will have no rest before having identified and arrested the culprit. But by us, the president is assassinated and one doesn't feel a will to really solve the crime." One hears it everywhere: "We must know who is involved, who is behind, otherwise the same network will commit other crimes". For three years, the imperialists powers have poured out so many lies and intoxicating statements about Kabila and the Congolese nationalism that they are not anymore able to understand the psychological transformations which happen here in the people's mind. Lumumba was murdered, his body was dissolved in acid and the population was not able to express its feelings of anger. Mulele was killed in a barbarious way, nobody could see his body or express in public his support to his revolutionary struggle. Like Lumumba and Mulele, Kabila was slandered as 'guilty of genocide', as a 'dictator', as a 'thug', but these lies, which were believed in the West, have provoked here an opposite effect. The agents of the imperialist powers, the chiefs of the MPR, of the UDPS etc. thought that their day will come soon. But yesterday the people showed its nationalist spirit in a way unprecedented in history and which all the Congoleses will remember forever. Two millions of Kinshasa's inhabitants came to the streets to say their anger and outrage in front of all these lies and all the crimes committed by the Americans-Ruandeses-Ugandeses against Congo. I was at the airport to welcome the mortal remains of Kabila, we followed it by car for more than twenty kilometers through the city, from Njili to Mont Ngaliema and to Kinshasa. Everywhere a huge crowd, crying childrens, adults men and women. To Post a message, send it to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To Unsubscribe, send a blank message to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] |
