On 1/30/2021 4:57 PM, Louis Proyect wrote:
Part two.
https://www.borderlines-cssaame.org/posts/2021/1/18/part-ii-where-is-the-working-class-its-all-over-the-world-today

Banaji:

From a Marxist point of view, the international firms are more progressive than all other sectors of capital, simply because they organize the international economy. This needs to be said. If [Marx] were alive, he wouldn't be reacting with horror to the existence of international firms that straddle numerous countries. It's just natural that this is the form modern capitalism takes. But the left goes for the softest targets in India today.

I don't know how that debate unfolds in India but in South Africa, it's absolutely relevant to critique accumulation (and class politics practiced) by Transnational Corporations as agents of underdevelopment (or more precisely uneven and combined development), since

 * we have such an extreme balance of payments deficit due to the
   offshoring of profits and dividends, with the main SA companies
   having moved their financial headquarters to London, Amsterdam and
   Melbourne;
 * annual Illicit Financial Flows continue unabated even though the
   Treasury admits they represent 3-7% of national income;
 * international banks regularly manipulatie the currency;
 * FDI in SA is not productive greenfield investment, but instead
   mainly takes the form of intra-company loans in search of
   arbitraging profits, because we suffer one of the world's highest
   interest rates (only Turkey and Pakistan are higher among major
   economies);
 * in the extractive sector, the uncompensated depletion of
   non-renewable resources - minerals - represents the worst form of
   unequal ecological exchange;
 * the 'unpatriotic' character of the local white bourgeoisie - via is
   an additional feature, but the black elite - including the current
   president - are also very familiar with offshore tax havens;
 * TNCs are much worse when it comes to corrupting local politicians,
   including the big international accountancy firms (all of which have
   been implicated recently);
 * TNCs deindustrialised local manufacturing;
 * TNCs promote fiscal austerity, especially those in the financial
   sector, such as the credit ratings agencies; and
 * TNCs are even more willing to take advantage of lax pollution
   regulation, the gender-oppressing migrant labour system, and violence.

Samir Amin's general analysis of the merits of countries like South Africa delinking from international capitalist circuits - or at minimum imposing the kind of exchange controls we had here from 1985-95, to lock in those TNC profits and force their local reinvestment through prescribed assets - is very attractive. Samir was terribly disgusted with the African National Congress, for not having a clue about any of this, and for continuing to promote FDI-attraction at any cost.




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