Among the issues evaded in the RCIT narrative is the question of Ukraine's 
armament, a key point of differentiation with the pro-Putin campists. The 
European and international solidarity movement defends Ukraine's demand for 
weapons from capitalist states as part of its armed response to Russia's 
aggression. The Ukraine socialists and anarchists include the armed response in 
their defensive program while politically opposing the Zelensky capitalist 
government and its reactionary program, which undermines the popular resistance 
to Russia's imperialist assault.
The RCIT correctly denies that this war can be accurately characterized as a 
"proxy war" between Russia and NATO. But does the RCIT support Ukraine's demand 
that NATO powers supply it with the weapons it needs to defend Putin's forces? 
The pro-Putin campists, prominent in recent international conferences in Porto 
Alegre and London, oppose Ukraine's armament (even though some think the 
invasion was a mistake) and oppose the popular national resistance movement.
The capitalist arms race has given rise to debates within the Ukraine 
solidarity movement, some comrades suggesting support for conscription as a 
means of introducing the working class to military training and countering the 
professional officer caste that dominates the military in every capitalist 
state. That is the context in which the old debate over the Proletarian 
Military Policy arises.

I don't know the RCIT position on this, but Michael's simplistic response to my 
question about the Soviet assault on Poland in 1920 — that as an "orthodox 
Trotskyist" he would defend it (notwithstanding Trotsky's opposition!) — does 
not inspire confidence. The Zimmerwald left opposed invasion, occupation and 
annexation. To this we might add since 1917 efforts to export revolution, or 
regime change, and not just by workers' states.

Richard


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