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Reply to Mark and Michael on Cannon, the SWP, and 1941
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Mark wants Michael to provide proof of the SWP’s wartime opportunism and 
suggests looking in the Militant archive. That’s a fair request. The answer is 
simple: the evidence exists and is published, but it is not where either of you 
expect it to be.
First, here’s where Michael is correct. Mark’s defense of the SWP uses a common 
argument: since repression is real and people are furious, the party should 
soften its position. This logic isn’t about the details. It was used by the SPD 
in August 1914, when arrest lists were ready, and the army wanted to use them. 
The SFIO used it during a real German invasion, which the U.S. never 
experienced. This way of thinking fits any leadership that prioritizes survival 
over clarity. Michael is right that leaders of the Second International used 
this same reasoning to justify giving in, and Mark hasn’t responded. Asking 
again and again what 1914 has to do with this misses the point. The analogy is 
important. If the SWP acted on principle, that principle should be stated in a 
way that wouldn’t also justify what Ebert did. Mark hasn’t done that.
Second, here’s where Mark is right. Michael claims people were scared and angry 
only because of American media propaganda, not real events. But that just 
reverses the same mistake. There were 2,400 deaths, four battleships sunk, and 
many people feared the West Coast could be attacked next. That was a real 
situation. At the time, workers didn’t see a difference between the U.S. Navy 
and the country itself, and we shouldn’t try to separate them now. Michael 
criticizes Mark for explaining people’s thinking by simply referring to it, but 
then he does the same by blaming the media. Neither view is materialist. In 
December 1941, real events shaped people’s views. The real question is whether 
the party’s position changed because of these events.
Third, I don’t agree with how both of you are framing this issue. You both use 
revolutionary defeatism as the main test of principle, then argue about whether 
the SWP met that standard or had a reason not to. Michael wants the party press 
to sound more radical, while Mark argues for an exception because of 
repression. Hal Draper pointed out seventy years ago that the defeat slogan 
from 1914 and 1915 was confusing, and even Lenin moved away from it. What 
really matters is refusing to give political support to the imperialist war; 
hoping for military defeat and counting how many risky statements appear in the 
paper are distractions. If you focus on that, the real historical question 
about the SWP becomes clear, and those involved openly debated it at the time.
Mark asks for evidence, so here it is. Grandizo Munis wrote a detailed critique 
of the leadership’s actions at the Minneapolis trial. He argued that Cannon’s 
testimony downplayed the party’s revolutionary positions, described 
expropriation as a compensated purchase, and explained the party’s opposition 
to the war in a way meant to reassure rather than educate. Cannon replied at 
length in “Defense Policy in the Minneapolis Trial.” Pioneer Publishers printed 
both sides of the exchange in 1942, showing the party took the disagreement 
seriously. This fact alone disproves the idea that the charge of adaptation was 
invented later or is just a smear. Cannon treated Munis as a comrade with a 
real concern, not as someone spreading lies. Whether Cannon’s answer is 
sufficiently adequate enough is the real debate, and it’s about testimony and 
political stance, not about how quickly the Militant published a statement. 
Michael repeats the weaker version of the critique, which lets Mark point to 
the archive with confidence. The stronger version was written in 1942 by a 
Trotskyist who supported the defense and read the transcript.
The second piece of evidence is the Proletarian Military Policy. Here, Mark’s 
mention of Trotsky actually works against him. Trotsky was killed in August 
1940, sixteen months before Pearl Harbor, so he never saw how things played out 
during the war or read the trial testimony. He can’t be used as a witness for 
either side. What Trotsky did leave was the PMP, which the SWP adopted in 
September 1940 because he pushed for it. If the SWP adjusted to the antifascist 
mood of American workers, that change didn’t start with the indictment or with 
cautious editing. It started with a policy calling for trade union control of 
military training during the state’s war mobilization, implemented before Pearl 
Harbor. That’s the real issue, and it involves Trotsky as much as Cannon. 
Bringing up Trotsky doesn’t settle the SWP’s war policy debate; it actually 
raises more questions.
I won’t discuss the Anschluss comparison because it doesn’t add anything here. 
I also agree with Mark that we should discuss the topic of Gaza somewhere else.
The real issue isn’t whether Cannon repeated slogans that could have gotten him 
indicted while he was already under indictment. No one expects a leader to 
volunteer for prison. The real question is whether the political line, the PMP 
before the war, and the way the trial was handled maintained a clear refusal to 
support the imperialist war, or if that position was softened to align with 
workers’ views. That’s the main point, and there are actual texts by Munis and 
Cannon on this issue. I’d rather see this thread focus on reading those texts 
instead of debating when newspaper statements were made.
Tony


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