If I may .... INTRODUCTION to "Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal" by Ayn
Rand 1966

This book is not a treatise on economics.   It is a collection of
essays on the moral aspects of capitalism.

Our approach can best be summarized by my statement in the first issue
of The Objectivist Newsletter (January 1962):  "Objectivism is a
philosophical movement; since politics is a branch of philosophy,
Objectivism advocates certain political principles -- specifically,
those of laissez-faire capitalism -- as the consequence and the
ultimate practical application of its fundamental philosophical
principles.   It does not regard politics as a separate or primary
goal, that is: as a goal that can be achieved without a wider
ideological context.

"Politics is based on three other philosophical disciplines:
metaphysics, epistemology and ethics -- on a theory of man's nature
and of man's relationship, to existence.   It is only on such a base
that one can formulate a consistent political theory and achieve it in
practice.   .   .   .   Objectivists are not 'conservatives.' We are
radicals for capitalism; we are fighting for that philosophical base
which capitalism did not have and without which it was doomed to
perish."

I want to stress that our primary interest is not politics or
economics as such, but "man's nature and man's relationship to
existence" -- and that we advocate capitalism because it is the only
system geared to the life of a rational being.

In this respect, there is a fundamental difference between our
approach and that of capitalism's classical defenders and modern
apologists.   With very few exceptions, they are responsible -- by
default -- for capitalism's destruction.   The default consisted of
their inability or unwillingness to fight the battle where it had to
be fought: on moral-philosophical grounds.

No politico-economic system in history has ever proved its value so
eloquently or has benefited mankind so greatly as capitalism -- and
none has ever been attacked so savagely, viciously, and blindly.   The
flood of misinformation, misrepresentation, distortion, and outright
falsehood about capitalism is such that the young people of today have
no idea (and virtually no way of discovering any idea) of its actual
nature.   While archeologists are rummaging through the ruins of
millennia for scraps of pottery and bits of bones, from which to
reconstruct some information about prehistorical existence -- the
events of less than a century ago are hidden under a mound more
impenetrable than the geological debris of winds, floods, and
earthquakes: a mound of silence.

To obliterate the truth on such a large scale, to hide an open secret
from the world, to hide -- without any power of censorship, yet
without any significant sound of protest -- the fact that an ideal
social system had once been almost within men's reach, cannot be done
by any conspiracy of evildoers; it cannot be done except with the
tacit compliance of those who know better.

By their silence -- by their evasion of the clash between capitalism
and altruism -- it is capitalism's alleged champions who are
responsible for the fact that capitalism is being destroyed without a
hearing, without a trial, without any public knowledge of its
principles, its nature, its history, or its moral meaning.   It is
being destroyed in the manner of a nightmare lynching -- as if a
blind, despair-crazed mob were burning a straw man, not knowing that
the grotesquely deformed bundle of straw is hiding the living body of
the ideal.

The method of capitalism's destruction rests on never letting the
world discover what it is that is being destroyed -- on never allowing
it to be identified within the hearing of the young.

The purpose of this book is to identify it.

The guilt for the present state of the world rests on the shoulders of
those who are over forty years old today (with a very few exceptions)
--  those who, when they spoke, said less than they knew and said it
less clearly than the subject demanded.

This book is addressed to the young -- in years or in spirit -- who
are not afraid to know and are not ready to give up.

What they have to discover, what all the efforts of capitalism's
enemies are frantically aimed at hiding, is the fact that capitalism
is not merely the "practical," but the only moral system in history.
(See Atlas Shrugged.)

The political aspects of Atlas Shrugged are not its theme.   Its theme
is primarily ethical-epistemological: the role of the mind in man's
existence -- and politics, necessarily, is one of the theme's
consequences.   But the epistemological chaos of our age, fostered by
modern philosophy, is such that many young readers find it difficult
to translate abstractions into political principles and apply them to
the evaluation of today's events.   This present book may help them.
It is a nonfiction footnote to Atlas Shrugged.

Since every political system rests on some theory of ethics, I suggest
to those readers who are actually interested in understanding the
nature of capitalism, that they read first The Virtue of Selfishness,
a collection of essays on the Objectivist ethics, which is a necessary
foundation for this present book.   Since no political discussion can
be meaningful or intelligible without a clear understanding of two
crucial concepts: "rights" and "government"  --  yet these are the two
most strenuously evaded in today's technique of obfuscation  --  I
suggest that you begin this book by reading (or rereading) two essays
from that earlier collection, which you will find here reprinted in
the appendix: "Man's Rights" and "The Nature of Government."

Most of the essays in this book appeared originally in The Objectivist
Newsletter (now, in magazine format, The Objectivist); others are
based on lectures or papers, as indicated.   Some of the essays cover,
in brief summary, the answers to the most widely spread fallacies
about the economics of capitalism.   These essays appeared in the
"Intellectual Ammunition Department" of The Objectivist Newsletter and
were written in answer to questions from our readers.   Those who are
interested in studying political economy, will find, in the appendix,
a recommended bibliography on that subject.

Now a word about the contributors to this book.   Robert Hessen is
presently completing his doctorate in history at Columbia University,
and is teaching in Columbia's Graduate School of Business.   Alan
Greenspan is president of Townsend-Greenspan & Co., Inc., economic
consultants.   Nathaniel Branden, psychological theorist and co-
editor, with me, of The Objectivist, needs no introduction to my
readers.

-AYN RAND  New York, July 1966


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