Mark said to dmb:
... In your opinion, who is more authoritarian, Obama or Bush Jr.?  Just 
wondering. Who is more competitive and destructive?  Obama has only had two 
years to far. .. I do not agree that the right wing is more likely to suspend 
the bill of rights.



dmb says:

What color is the sky in your world? Do they have newspapers on your planet?

Seriously, it is common knowledge that the Bush administration made a sustained 
effort to expand executive authority. I'd be surprised if you could even find a 
right-winger who would deny that. It was in all the papers, you know? It was 
Cheney's dream since the early 1970's. You can find this out at the Cato 
Institute or USA Today. Nobody failed to report on this expansion of power and 
the weakening of rights that goes with it. The story has been told a million 
times. Literally. For those who've been living in a cave for the last ten 
years, here's how a leftist paper reported the story almost five years ago:

Bush administration report defends spying, unconstrained executive powersBy Joe 
Kay23 January 2006The Bush administration is responding to revelations of 
illegal government spying by mounting a campaign to defend its actions, 
employing the same arguments that have been used to justify a massive expansion 
of executive powers on a number of different fronts. Far from retreating in the 
face of media reports of the secret National Security Agency (NSA) program to 
spy on US citizens, the administration has declared that it cannot be 
constrained in carrying out these actions.The existence of the NSA program was 
first revealed last month in an article in the New York Times. It was reported 
at the time that the Bush administration had authorized the NSA to spy on some 
communications entering or leaving the United States. It has since become clear 
that the spying agency has gained access to vast databases of telephone calls 
and e-mails, most of which have nothing to do with Al Qaeda, but include 
communications made by ordinary Americans. During the past several months, 
there have also been numerous revelations of spying on American citizens 
because of their antiwar activity.The pseudo-legal arguments used to defend the 
NSA program were outlined in a 42-page document issued by the Justice 
Department on January 19. The memo claims that the spying falls within the 
framework of the president’s wartime powers as commander in chief of the 
military, which the Bush administration contends were activated by the 
Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), passed by Congress in the 
wake of the attacks of September 11, 2001.Because the country is at war, the 
Justice Department memo argues, the president has the authority to “conduct 
warrantless surveillance of enemy forces.” The NSA activities “are primarily an 
exercise of the President’s authority as Commander in Chief during an armed 
conflict that Congress expressly has authorized the President to pursue,” it 
argues. “The NSA activities, moreover, have been undertaken specifically to 
prevent a renewed attack at the hands of an enemy that has already inflicted 
the single deadliest foreign attack in the Nation’s history.”Governments 
seeking to appropriate dictatorial powers have often warned that these powers 
are necessary to protect the nation against some external threat. The Bush 
administration’s arguments are entirely within this mold. The Justice 
Department memo states, “The AUMF places the President at the zenith of his 
powers in authorizing the NSA activities.”The memo attempts to justify this 
previously unknown term—“zenith of his powers”—by referencing a concurring 
opinion written by US Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson in the 1952 Steel 
Seizure Case. In that case, the Supreme Court ruled that President Harry Truman 
could not claim wartime powers in seizing control of steel mills that had 
stopped production during a strike. In his opinion, Jackson outlined three 
scenarios that might govern a presidential action: (1) A president acts 
“pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress,” in which case 
his powers were at their maximum; (2) There is no legislation bearing on the 
matter, in which case the president is in a “zone of twilight” regarding what 
he may or may not do; and (3) The president acts in a way that is expressly 
forbidden by Congress, in which case his power is at its “lowest ebb.”According 
to this rubric, the NSA spying program would clearly fall within category 3, 
since the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act forbids spying on 
communications originating from or entering the United States without a 
court-approved warrant. The Bush administration, however, argues that the AUMF 
authorizes the president to use all of his traditional wartime powers, 
including intelligence gathering on all alleged enemies in this war. Therefore, 
the Justice Department memo claims, its actions fall under category 1 of 
Jackson’s framework.The idea that the AUMF authorizes a vast expansion of 
domestic spying powers is absurd. The legislation states, in part, “The 
President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against 
those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, 
committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.” 
It says nothing about spying on US citizens. However, in interpreting the act 
as conferring expansive new powers, the administration has pointed to precedent 
in the 2004 Supreme Court decision in the case of Yaser Hamdi.At the time, the 
Hamdi case was championed by the Democrats as a major setback for the Bush 
administration because it granted so-called “enemy combatants,” including 
Hamdi, a US citizen, certain habeas corpus rights (which have since been 
sharply curtailed by a congressional act passed late last year). As the WSWS 
noted at the time, however, the controlling decision, written by Justice Sandra 
Day O’Connor, accepted the validity of the “war on terror” and the argument 
that the AUMF gives the president the power to seize anyone, including US 
citizens, and hold them indefinitely as enemy combatants. (See The meaning of 
the US Supreme Court rulings on ‘enemy combatants’)The administration is now 
arguing on the same grounds that the AUMF gives it the authority to carry out 
domestic spying. A similar argument has been advanced in administration memos 
to claim that the president has the right to order military tribunals and the 
torture of prisoners.In putting forward this argument, the administration is 
adopting the position that the entire world, including the United States, is a 
battlefield in the war on terror. Since the American government is at war, and 
since the battlefield includes the United States, spying on US residents is 
necessary in order to spy on the enemy.In essence, the Bush administration has 
declared that the US population as a whole consists of actual or potential 
combatants in the war on terrorism. The repeated statements to the effect that 
the spying only involves members of Al Qaeda—or those associated with it—are 
entirely bogus, since the databases the government is accessing are not limited 
to communications between Al Qaeda members.A report issued January 5 by the 
Congressional Research Service examining the administration’s justifications 
for the NSA program noted: “The Administration’s position would seem to rely on 
at least two assumptions. First, it appears to require that the power to 
conduct electronic surveillance for intelligence purposes is an essential 
aspect of the use of military force in the same way that the capture of enemy 
combatants on the battlefield is a necessary incident to the conduct of 
military operations. Second, it appears to consider the ‘battlefield’ in the 
war on terrorism to extend beyond the area of traditional military operations 
to include US territory.”According to this view, the report noted, “the United 
States is under actual and continuing enemy attack, and the President has the 
authority to conduct electronic surveillance in the same way the armed forces 
gather intelligence about the military operations of enemy forces, even if no 
actual combat is taking place.”The administration still has to deal with the 
inconvenient fact that FISA explicitly prohibits the very type of actions that 
have been authorized for the NSA. In particular, it mandates that any 
surveillance of communications entering or leaving the United States must be 
approved by a FISA court. The FISA Act was set up in 1978 after revelations 
that US intelligence agencies were carrying out extensive monitoring of antiwar 
protestors and other opponents of US government policies.Besides its general 
commitment to the principle of unconstrained executive power, the 
administration wants to bypass FISA for two reasons. First, it is filtering 
through large databases that include thousands or even millions of separate 
communications. Second, the ultimate aim is to spy on all political opponents, 
and not simply those that can somehow be tied to Al Qaeda.In dismissing FISA, 
the Justice Department argues that if FISA or other legislation is “interpreted 
to impede the President’s ability to use the traditional tool of electronic 
surveillance” then “the constitutionality of FISA, as applied to that 
situation, would be called into very serious doubt.” Since the constitutional 
powers of the president as commander in chief are essentially unlimited, any 
constraints on these powers may be unconstitutional. The memo then makes the 
argument that the NSA program does not in fact violate FISA, based again on the 
claim that the AUMF authorizes the spying.Finally, the Justice Department 
maintains that the spying program is not a violation of the Fourth Amendment 
protection against “unreasonable searches and seizures.” The searches “are 
reasonable because the Government’s interest, defending the Nation from another 
foreign attack in time of armed conflict, outweighs the individual privacy 
interests at stake, and because they seek to intercept only international 
communications where one party is linked to al Qaeda or an affiliated terrorist 
organization.”Behind the pages of obfuscation laid out by the Justice 
Department report is the basic argument that the undefined “war on terrorism” 
confers upon the president unprecedented powers that have no limit in space or 
time. Underlying this argument is the “Big Lie,” accepted by the entire 
political establishment and the media, that all the actions of the US 
government since 2001 have been in response to the threat of terrorism. In 
fact, the attacks of September 11 have been used as a pretext to carry out 
polices long sought by the American ruling elite, including the wars in 
Afghanistan and Iraq and the unprecedented attack on democratic rights in the 
US.The extraordinary attack on democratic rights represented by the NSA program 
and the other actions of the Bush administration has only been possible due to 
the complicity of the Democratic Party. On the Sunday morning television talk 
shows, leading Democrats declared their support for the spying in general, only 
voicing the hope that the administration would do it in a way that was less 
overtly illegal.On ABC’s program “This Week,” former presidential candidate and 
current senator John Kerry declared that while he was critical of the way the 
administration had pursued the program in secret, he considered a move by 
Congress to cut off funding for it to be “premature.” He said the president 
should go to Congress if he wants to get authorization to continue the 
program.Senator Joseph Lieberman, the former vice presidential candidate, 
declared on CBS’s “Face the Nation,” “I want my president to be reading e-mails 
of people talking to Al Qaeda.” He added, “Congress needs to get together on a 
bipartisan basis and give the president the authority to do what he has done.” 
And Congresswoman Jane Harman, the ranking member of the House Intelligence 
Committee, also on “This Week,” said that “if FISA is being violated, we should 
either change FISA or change the program.” She indicated her preference by 
declaring that we “need a strong program.” As a member of the so-called 
congressional “Group of Eight,” Harman has received briefings on the spy 
program since it began four years ago.See Also:Bush administration domestic 
spying provokes lawsuits, calls for impeachment[18 January 2006]More 
revelations of illegal spying by US government[7 January 2006]Bush employs “Big 
Lie” technique to defend illegal spying on Americans[24 December 2005]


                                          
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