Wow, have you tried immodium?  Please remember the context of your issues.
 People can spy on me all they want, I have nothing to hide.  Do You?

How about economic authoritarianism then? Keep it short.

Cheers,
Mark

On Sat, Oct 23, 2010 at 12:26 PM, david buchanan <[email protected]>wrote:

>
> Mark said to dmb:
> ... In your opinion, who is more authoritarian, Obama or Bush Jr.?  Just
> wondering. Who is more competitive and destructive?  Obama has only had two
> years to far. .. I do not agree that the right wing is more likely to
> suspend the bill of rights.
>
>
>
> dmb says:
>
> What color is the sky in your world? Do they have newspapers on your
> planet?
>
> Seriously, it is common knowledge that the Bush administration made a
> sustained effort to expand executive authority. I'd be surprised if you
> could even find a right-winger who would deny that. It was in all the
> papers, you know? It was Cheney's dream since the early 1970's. You can find
> this out at the Cato Institute or USA Today. Nobody failed to report on this
> expansion of power and the weakening of rights that goes with it. The story
> has been told a million times. Literally. For those who've been living in a
> cave for the last ten years, here's how a leftist paper reported the story
> almost five years ago:
>
> Bush administration report defends spying, unconstrained executive powersBy
> Joe Kay23 January 2006The Bush administration is responding to revelations
> of illegal government spying by mounting a campaign to defend its actions,
> employing the same arguments that have been used to justify a massive
> expansion of executive powers on a number of different fronts. Far from
> retreating in the face of media reports of the secret National Security
> Agency (NSA) program to spy on US citizens, the administration has declared
> that it cannot be constrained in carrying out these actions.The existence of
> the NSA program was first revealed last month in an article in the New York
> Times. It was reported at the time that the Bush administration had
> authorized the NSA to spy on some communications entering or leaving the
> United States. It has since become clear that the spying agency has gained
> access to vast databases of telephone calls and e-mails, most of which have
> nothing to do with Al Qaeda, but include communications made by ordinary
> Americans. During the past several months, there have also been numerous
> revelations of spying on American citizens because of their antiwar
> activity.The pseudo-legal arguments used to defend the NSA program were
> outlined in a 42-page document issued by the Justice Department on January
> 19. The memo claims that the spying falls within the framework of the
> president’s wartime powers as commander in chief of the military, which the
> Bush administration contends were activated by the Authorization for the Use
> of Military Force (AUMF), passed by Congress in the wake of the attacks of
> September 11, 2001.Because the country is at war, the Justice Department
> memo argues, the president has the authority to “conduct warrantless
> surveillance of enemy forces.” The NSA activities “are primarily an exercise
> of the President’s authority as Commander in Chief during an armed conflict
> that Congress expressly has authorized the President to pursue,” it argues.
> “The NSA activities, moreover, have been undertaken specifically to prevent
> a renewed attack at the hands of an enemy that has already inflicted the
> single deadliest foreign attack in the Nation’s history.”Governments seeking
> to appropriate dictatorial powers have often warned that these powers are
> necessary to protect the nation against some external threat. The Bush
> administration’s arguments are entirely within this mold. The Justice
> Department memo states, “The AUMF places the President at the zenith of his
> powers in authorizing the NSA activities.”The memo attempts to justify this
> previously unknown term—“zenith of his powers”—by referencing a concurring
> opinion written by US Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson in the 1952 Steel
> Seizure Case. In that case, the Supreme Court ruled that President Harry
> Truman could not claim wartime powers in seizing control of steel mills that
> had stopped production during a strike. In his opinion, Jackson outlined
> three scenarios that might govern a presidential action: (1) A president
> acts “pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress,” in which
> case his powers were at their maximum; (2) There is no legislation bearing
> on the matter, in which case the president is in a “zone of twilight”
> regarding what he may or may not do; and (3) The president acts in a way
> that is expressly forbidden by Congress, in which case his power is at its
> “lowest ebb.”According to this rubric, the NSA spying program would clearly
> fall within category 3, since the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act
> forbids spying on communications originating from or entering the United
> States without a court-approved warrant. The Bush administration, however,
> argues that the AUMF authorizes the president to use all of his traditional
> wartime powers, including intelligence gathering on all alleged enemies in
> this war. Therefore, the Justice Department memo claims, its actions fall
> under category 1 of Jackson’s framework.The idea that the AUMF authorizes a
> vast expansion of domestic spying powers is absurd. The legislation states,
> in part, “The President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate
> force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines
> planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred
> on September 11, 2001.” It says nothing about spying on US citizens.
> However, in interpreting the act as conferring expansive new powers, the
> administration has pointed to precedent in the 2004 Supreme Court decision
> in the case of Yaser Hamdi.At the time, the Hamdi case was championed by the
> Democrats as a major setback for the Bush administration because it granted
> so-called “enemy combatants,” including Hamdi, a US citizen, certain habeas
> corpus rights (which have since been sharply curtailed by a congressional
> act passed late last year). As the WSWS noted at the time, however, the
> controlling decision, written by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, accepted the
> validity of the “war on terror” and the argument that the AUMF gives the
> president the power to seize anyone, including US citizens, and hold them
> indefinitely as enemy combatants. (See The meaning of the US Supreme Court
> rulings on ‘enemy combatants’)The administration is now arguing on the same
> grounds that the AUMF gives it the authority to carry out domestic spying. A
> similar argument has been advanced in administration memos to claim that the
> president has the right to order military tribunals and the torture of
> prisoners.In putting forward this argument, the administration is adopting
> the position that the entire world, including the United States, is a
> battlefield in the war on terror. Since the American government is at war,
> and since the battlefield includes the United States, spying on US residents
> is necessary in order to spy on the enemy.In essence, the Bush
> administration has declared that the US population as a whole consists of
> actual or potential combatants in the war on terrorism. The repeated
> statements to the effect that the spying only involves members of Al
> Qaeda—or those associated with it—are entirely bogus, since the databases
> the government is accessing are not limited to communications between Al
> Qaeda members.A report issued January 5 by the Congressional Research
> Service examining the administration’s justifications for the NSA program
> noted: “The Administration’s position would seem to rely on at least two
> assumptions. First, it appears to require that the power to conduct
> electronic surveillance for intelligence purposes is an essential aspect of
> the use of military force in the same way that the capture of enemy
> combatants on the battlefield is a necessary incident to the conduct of
> military operations. Second, it appears to consider the ‘battlefield’ in the
> war on terrorism to extend beyond the area of traditional military
> operations to include US territory.”According to this view, the report
> noted, “the United States is under actual and continuing enemy attack, and
> the President has the authority to conduct electronic surveillance in the
> same way the armed forces gather intelligence about the military operations
> of enemy forces, even if no actual combat is taking place.”The
> administration still has to deal with the inconvenient fact that FISA
> explicitly prohibits the very type of actions that have been authorized for
> the NSA. In particular, it mandates that any surveillance of communications
> entering or leaving the United States must be approved by a FISA court. The
> FISA Act was set up in 1978 after revelations that US intelligence agencies
> were carrying out extensive monitoring of antiwar protestors and other
> opponents of US government policies.Besides its general commitment to the
> principle of unconstrained executive power, the administration wants to
> bypass FISA for two reasons. First, it is filtering through large databases
> that include thousands or even millions of separate communications. Second,
> the ultimate aim is to spy on all political opponents, and not simply those
> that can somehow be tied to Al Qaeda.In dismissing FISA, the Justice
> Department argues that if FISA or other legislation is “interpreted to
> impede the President’s ability to use the traditional tool of electronic
> surveillance” then “the constitutionality of FISA, as applied to that
> situation, would be called into very serious doubt.” Since the
> constitutional powers of the president as commander in chief are essentially
> unlimited, any constraints on these powers may be unconstitutional. The memo
> then makes the argument that the NSA program does not in fact violate FISA,
> based again on the claim that the AUMF authorizes the spying.Finally, the
> Justice Department maintains that the spying program is not a violation of
> the Fourth Amendment protection against “unreasonable searches and
> seizures.” The searches “are reasonable because the Government’s interest,
> defending the Nation from another foreign attack in time of armed conflict,
> outweighs the individual privacy interests at stake, and because they seek
> to intercept only international communications where one party is linked to
> al Qaeda or an affiliated terrorist organization.”Behind the pages of
> obfuscation laid out by the Justice Department report is the basic argument
> that the undefined “war on terrorism” confers upon the president
> unprecedented powers that have no limit in space or time. Underlying this
> argument is the “Big Lie,” accepted by the entire political establishment
> and the media, that all the actions of the US government since 2001 have
> been in response to the threat of terrorism. In fact, the attacks of
> September 11 have been used as a pretext to carry out polices long sought by
> the American ruling elite, including the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and
> the unprecedented attack on democratic rights in the US.The extraordinary
> attack on democratic rights represented by the NSA program and the other
> actions of the Bush administration has only been possible due to the
> complicity of the Democratic Party. On the Sunday morning television talk
> shows, leading Democrats declared their support for the spying in general,
> only voicing the hope that the administration would do it in a way that was
> less overtly illegal.On ABC’s program “This Week,” former presidential
> candidate and current senator John Kerry declared that while he was critical
> of the way the administration had pursued the program in secret, he
> considered a move by Congress to cut off funding for it to be “premature.”
> He said the president should go to Congress if he wants to get authorization
> to continue the program.Senator Joseph Lieberman, the former vice
> presidential candidate, declared on CBS’s “Face the Nation,” “I want my
> president to be reading e-mails of people talking to Al Qaeda.” He added,
> “Congress needs to get together on a bipartisan basis and give the president
> the authority to do what he has done.” And Congresswoman Jane Harman, the
> ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, also on “This Week,”
> said that “if FISA is being violated, we should either change FISA or change
> the program.” She indicated her preference by declaring that we “need a
> strong program.” As a member of the so-called congressional “Group of
> Eight,” Harman has received briefings on the spy program since it began four
> years ago.See Also:Bush administration domestic spying provokes lawsuits,
> calls for impeachment[18 January 2006]More revelations of illegal spying by
> US government[7 January 2006]Bush employs “Big Lie” technique to defend
> illegal spying on Americans[24 December 2005]
>
>
>
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