Chad (Ron, Bryan, and others)....after our conversation yesterday, I was
struck by the opinion piece I read today by William Galston (below)--about
the revolt against elites (and "meritocracy") in post-war politics. Per our
conversation, note the highlighted section in the article I emphasized for
you.   Kind regards

The Populist Revolt Against FailureWhat erodes faith in the ruling class
are bungled wars, uneven growth and insecurity.
[image: A cartoon depicting Andrew Jackson, in military uniform, during the
1824 presidential race.]ENLARGE
A cartoon depicting Andrew Jackson, in military uniform, during the 1824
presidential race. PHOTO: GETTY IMAGES
<http://www.wsj.com/articles/the-populist-revolt-against-failure-1472598368?tesla=y>
By
WILLIAM A. GALSTON, Wall Street Journal
Aug. 30, 2016 7:06 p.m. ET
68 COMMENTS
<http://www.wsj.com/articles/the-populist-revolt-against-failure-1472598368?tesla=y#livefyre-comment>

The populist revolt against governing elites sweeping advanced democracies
is the latest chapter in the oldest political story. Every society,
regardless of its form of government, has a ruling class. The crucial
question is whether elites rule in their own interest or for the common
good.

In the decades after World War II, the ruling classes in Western Europe and
the U.S. managed their economies and social policies in ways that improved
the well-being of the overwhelming majority of their citizens. In return,
citizens accorded elites a measure of deference. Trust in government was
high.

These ruling classes weren’t filled by the traditional aristocracy, and
only partly by the wealthy. As time passed, educated professionals assumed
the leading role. Many came from relatively humble backgrounds, but they
attended the best schools and formed enduring networks with fellow students.

Some were economists, others specialists in public policy and
administration, still others scientists whose contributions to the war
effort translated into peacetime prestige. Many were lawyers able to train
their honed analytical powers on governance. They were, in a term coined in
the late 1950s, the “meritocracy.”

In some human endeavors, meritocratic claims are largely unproblematic. In
sports, we celebrate the excellence of those who win. In the sciences, peer
review identifies accomplishment; most people in each specialty can name
the handful of individuals likely to win the Nobel Prize.
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Politics, especially in democracies, is more complicated. Democratic
equality stands in tension with hierarchical claims of every type,
including merit. In a letter
<http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/v1ch15s61.html> to John
Adams,Thomas Jefferson characterized elections as the best way of elevating
the “natural aristoi” into positions of authority. He had in mind people
like himself, liberally educated and trained in the subtle art of
governance.

This view didn’t survive the 1820s, when Andrew Jackson led a popular
revolt against it. Alleging that a “corrupt bargain” among elites had
cheated him out of the presidency in 1824, he swept to a victory in 1828
that he portrayed as a triumph for the common man—farmers, craftsmen,
sturdy pioneers—against the moneyed interests. Ever since, the trope of the
virtuous people against the self-dealing elites has endured in American
politics.

Yet this is more than an American story. In democracies, meritocracy will
always be on the defensive. Its legitimacy will always depend on its
performance—its ability to provide physical security and broadly shared
prosperity, as well as to conduct foreign policy and armed conflict
successfully. When it fails to deliver, all bets are off.

This is what has happened throughout the West. Failed wars, domestic
insecurity and uneven growth have undermined the authority of governing
elites. Although the pro-Brexit vote in the U.K. came as a shock, it was
the latest in a series of surprises tending in the same direction.

Among these surprises was the outcome of last year’s Polish election, which
replaced a government led by the center-right Civic Platform Party with the
populist-nationalist Law and Justice Party. During the past decade,
Poland’s economy had grown twice as fast as any other member of the
European Union. But as Henry Foy points out
<http://www.the-american-interest.com/2016/06/07/polands-new-majoritarians/> in
the American Interest, the gains were concentrated in Poland’s largest
cities, while other areas lagged. The postcommunist market economy, he
observes, “eroded traditional ways of life without adequate recompense.”

Unequal growth triggers cultural resentment. “We only want to cure our
country of a few illnesses,” the new Polish foreign minister, Witold
Waszczykowski, told a German newspaper in January. Most Poles, he said, are
moved by “tradition, historical awareness, love of country, faith in God,
and a normal family life between a woman and a man.” But the previous
government acted “as if the world, in a Marxist fashion, were destined to
evolve only in one direction—towards a new mix of cultures and races, a
world of bicyclists and vegetarians, who only use renewable energy and who
battle all signs of religion.”

The new meritocrats, then, are exposed to cultural as well as economic
resentment. Education prepares them to surge ahead in the knowledge
economy, leaving industrial and rural areas behind. But it also inclines
them to question traditional values and welcome cultural diversity.
Educated classes are less moved by particularist appeals to ethnic and
national identity and more by internationalism and universal norms. Many
identify more with elites abroad than with their own less-educated,
less-prosperous countrymen.

Similar divisions are evident throughout the West. Depending on the balance
of forces, political outcomes vary from one country to the next. But the
terms of the struggle are much the same. And so are the dangers, not least
to democracy.

On Tue, Aug 30, 2016 at 9:31 PM, Chad Whitacre <[email protected]> wrote:

> Thanks, Ron! I agree that trust is crucial to true openness. Looking
> forward to your article.
>
> One of the topics we touched on in the call, and I'm also seeing it in the
> articles you linked, Brook, is leadership. I wanted to share this article
> from Alanna Kraus of the Enspiral Network on "No Boss Does Not Mean No
> Leadership
> <https://medium.com/enspiral-tales/no-boss-does-not-mean-no-leadership-c4c97c660252>."
> I find it a helpful perspective on what leadership can look like in an open
> organization.
>
>
> chad
>
>
> ----
> Chad Whitacre
> Founder, Gratipay <https://gratipay.com/>
> +1-412-925-4220 (cell)
>
> On Tue, Aug 30, 2016 at 6:16 PM, Ronald McFarland <[email protected]>
> wrote:
>
>> Hi Chad & Brook,
>>
>> I just listened to your conversation which was very helpful for me.
>> Particularly talking about the center core, the second layer part-timers
>> and the outer circle that only have the basics of code of conduct was
>> helpful for me.
>>
>> Also, Chad your concept of a hierarchy of openness was interesting, and I
>> think is part of the secrets to moving toward greater openness individually.
>>
>> I've submitted an article to Bryne on trust that is a factor in
>> determining how much openness is appropriate.
>>
>> Thank you for those concepts.
>>
>> Ron
>>
>> On Wed, Aug 31, 2016 at 5:20 AM, Chad Whitacre <[email protected]> wrote:
>>
>>> Hey all,
>>>
>>> Just wanted to circle back and let you know that Brook and I did have
>>> our call. We spoke for about an hour, and touched on a lot of questions
>>> about meritocracy and balancing community and performance in an open
>>> organization. You can find the video on YouTube
>>> <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4dPCLTxLgVg>. I don't expect you to
>>> watch it, but I'm sure that ideas from this will emerge in future posts
>>> from Brook and myself ... so watch for that!
>>>
>>> Okay! Have a great day! :-)
>>>
>>>
>>> chad
>>>
>>>
>>> ----
>>> Chad Whitacre
>>> Founder, Gratipay <https://gratipay.com/>
>>> +1-412-925-4220 (cell)
>>>
>>> _______________________________________________
>>> Openorg-list mailing list
>>> [email protected]
>>> https://www.redhat.com/mailman/listinfo/openorg-list
>>>
>>>
>>
>
> _______________________________________________
> Openorg-list mailing list
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>
>


-- 
*Brook Manville*
*Principal, Brook Manville LLC*

*http://www.brookmanville.com/ <http://www.brookmanville.com/>*
*Twitter* <https://twitter.com/>
*@brookmanville*
*blogging at: http://www.forbes.com/sites/brookmanville/
<http://www.forbes.com/sites/brookmanville/>*
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