Ok -  though I thought I was being a reasonably good fellow,  fair 
and sensitive to the intricacies of Wood's argument - I will make no 
further references to Wood or Brenner in the next few postings. 
Perhaps I am, at times, curt and ungracious (uncivil?). But this is 
not because I am bullish, far from it. It is more that I suffer, as the 
author of the famous *Confessions of an English Opium Eater* said 
of himself, Thomas De Quincey, from a "chronic passion of  
anxiety". (Just 'cause this is all you know about me, don't turn it 
into my defining trait - we all have multiple selves nowadays). In 
any case, I intend to stay low after I finish what I started.

Those who know a bit about O'Brien's earlier work would be 
surprised to know that, in  his 1996  article,  "Path dependency, or 
why Britain became an industrialized and urbanized economy long 
before France", he draws a definite contrast between the 
economies of Britain and France, to argue that English agricultural 
productivity, from 1500 onwards, "grew consistently at a higher rate 
than it did in France", specifically that "between 1500 and 1910 
labour productivity probably multiplied 4.7 times in Britain 
compared to 2.4 in France."   I mean this is the same O'Brien who 
made his mark by showing, on the contrary, that France's 18th 
century/19th century economy was as healthy, if not more, than 
the English. But in this 1996 paper he seems convinced that 
modern Britain was indeed far ahead industrially than France, and 
sets out to answer why this was so. Like his other papers, this one 
is over-researched, if I can put it that way. So much so that he 
wavers back and forth from one empirical/research finding to 
another, seemingly unable to come to any decisive conclusion why 
England forged ahead. We are reminded that England had far 
higher levels of land concentration than France, "when farms of 100 
acres and above covered 75% of the cultivable area of Britain but 
only 29% of that in France", and that "about two-thirds of French 
agricultural land was farmed by owner occupiers, while tenants 
(mainly tenants at will)  managed  85% of Britain's farmland". He 
thinks there was an obvious difference between the peasantries of 
these two countries, with respect to land ownership, farm size, 
security of tenure, common rights, but is unsure at what point this 
difference started. "Perhaps 1066 is not inappropriate because the 
consolidation of Norman rule apparently led to major shifts in the 
distribution of landownership and in the status of the indigenous 
Anglo-Saxon and Celtic populations" 


   

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