Jim,

The point about the class differentiation of the structure of final demand 
is, that different social strata display quite a different pattern and 
purpose in what they save, invest spend and consume. In the real world, 
empirically, the Keynesian equations about the relationship between 
investment, consumption and income simply do not hold true. They can be made 
true only by aggregations which ignore data inconvenient to the theory. The 
category of aggregate demand, unexceptionable in itself, therefore plays an 
ideological role in economic explanations.

I am wel aware, of course, that if you aim to estimate the total net value 
of new output, you have to deduct intermediate costs from gross sales 
revenue to avoid double counting of value. In fact I wrote a wiki on it. But 
this does not mean that the intermediate transactions do not occur in real 
time, and that therefore this market does not exist. It does exist, and the 
value of intermediate transactions equals about 45% of the gross output used 
for input-output analyses. But if e.g. the US imports oil products, this is 
not part of Keynesian "aggregate demand", even although Americans will kill 
millions of people to get the oil. In much Keynesian work I have noticed 
that intermediate demand is not regarded as part of aggregate demand at all, 
because aggregate demand is by definition made equal to "final demand".

Marxists and Keynesians may take a very benign view of regulation, because 
in their eyes the state can do no wrong. Their big bogey is neoliberalism, 
and state interventionism is the answer. But I don't believe that sort of 
reformist ideology at all; I think it is merely another variant of the free 
trade versus protectionism debate, that has carried on forever and a day. I 
guess that is also, in part, because I worked for the state for a long time, 
and delved deeply into the categorization schemes used by public 
administrators. The business regulation schemes mostly have little net 
positive effect, because in practice they reward and penalize all the wrong 
things; the overall effect is, that business costs rise, and that final 
prices therefore rise too. That is not to say, that state interventionism 
cannot be very effective. It can be, but it rarely is, since political 
interests get in the way of doing "what really needs to be done" to improve 
things.

You draw a sharp distinction between public goods and private goods, but in 
the real world the distinction isn't so sharp at all. Not only are there 
more or less independent state-owned enterprises and para-state 
organizations, but also, the implementation of many state functions are 
subcontracted to private enterprise, which may subcontract them further to 
other private enterprise. It may be analogous to selling a franchise (the 
right to operate a business or collect a levy) and need not require funding 
from tax money at all. Inversely, the state enterprise may formally be fully 
publicly owned but de facto operate just like any other profit-making 
business. Public and private functions can also be combined in the same 
organization, in innumerable different ways.

I realise that the real economy and the financial economy, though 
analytically distinct, are one unit; I was among the first to point this out 
at the time of the GFC. But the point is that production is nowadays 
"dominated" by capital finance, as Jan Toporowski for example noted. This 
has a number of implications which are simply not well-theorized by 
Keynesian theory, because it fails to distinguish adequately between the 
economic effects of different subcategories of investment, saving and 
consumption. Keynes moreover did not live in a world where speculators are 
actively encouraged to speculate, and richly rewarded for their speculation 
even it involves shorting on an economic downturn.

If you really think that the state knows better how to allocate capital that 
businesses do themselves (i.e. state capitalism), then workers 
self-management is also a pipedream. But as a matter of fact businesses are 
very aware of macro-effects. It is not that they invest according to private 
self-interest because they lack a macro vision, but because they lack any 
motive to pursue an interest other than private self-interest. Oddly, most 
of the chiefs of the government departments are people drawn from private 
enterprise!

The point about Keynes's "euthanasia of the rentier" is that he wished 
ideally to "throw the money-changers out of the economy" because they did 
not belong there, and that he had a vision of the optimal allocation of 
scarce resources where interest income would be zero. Modern economics 
cannot even agree what an optimal allocation is any more. It is not just 
that the Greeny economists argued for zero growth or sustainable 
development, but that people cannot agree about what kind of growth is 
beneficial. The ideology is that the market provides what is best for all, 
and therefore any disagreement must be due to a misunderstanding of the 
market.

Jurriaan 


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