Rosa Luxemburg defined the "final goal" as "state power," specifically
excluding a "vague conception of socialism" as the final goal. She
recognized the necessity to view the "present as history" (i.e. from a
future perspective) but _also_ the need to avoid becoming entangled with
predictions (claiming a crystal ball); hence the goal that was to make
present activity intelligible had to be a hypothetical goal, such that
setting it did not depend on prophecy.

Mike is still correct that "socialist state" is probably a bad term to use,
for the reasons he gives.  Attempts at detailing the future will,
nevertheless, leave no firm perspective from which to critique present
practice, leaving the present to Bernstein (the movement is everything, the
final goal is nothing). 

Carrol

-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Mike Ballard
Sent: Saturday, April 14, 2012 9:08 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [Pen-l] On the Cambridge "capital critique"

Marx and Engels never used the concept 'socialist State'.  I think that in
our attempt to avoid writing recipes for the bistros of the future, we may
tend to forget where we came from in terms of our critiques of Capital.

Carrol wrote: "This, incidentally, touches on my reasons for arguing
socialist should not try to present a "scenario" or "model" or "plan" for a
future socialist state. We can speak of some of its general goals as a form
of the critique of capitalism, but scenario's presuppose the ability to
predict human activity and response under totally different conditions and
after events & struggles which are equally unpredictable. The abolition of
labor as a goal makes sense precisely because it would be nothing new.
Assuming (what is by no means certain) that we can overcome capitalist
relations and capitalist power, our descendants will have a great horselaugh
at any recipes for the future we concoct."

Point of information: Socialists worth their Marxist theoretical salt want
to abolish 'wage-labour', indeed the establishment of socialism a la Marx
and Engels critique of Capital would translate into the abolition of
classes, the political State and the end of commodity production.  This much
we CAN plan for and speculate amongst ourselves about.  Planning amongst the
producers is and will be essential for the establishment of that freer
society we call socialism.  If we haven't absorbed these notions, we remain
pawns in the spectacle of the latest pigs vs. theoretically blind freaks
position games.

Mike B)


"What are the mistakes committed by the piecemeal reformers, who either want
to raise wages and in this way to improve the situation of the working
class, or regard equality of wages (as Proudhon does) as the goal of social
revolution?" WAGE LABOUR AND CAPITAL

"Indeed, even the equality of wages demanded by Proudhon only transforms the
relationship of the present-day worker to his labour into the relationship
of all men to labour. Society is then conceived as an abstract capitalist.


"Wages are a direct consequence of estranged labour, and estranged labour is
the direct cause of private property. The downfall of the one aspect must
therefore mean the downfall of the other." Marx ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC
MANUSCRIPTS

"One form of wage labour may correct the abuses of another, but no form of
wage labour can correct the abuse of wage labour itself."
GRUNDRISSE by Karl Marx

Finally, there is no doubt that the credit system will serve as a powerful
lever during the transition from the capitalist mode of production to the
mode of production of associated labour; but only as one element in
connection with other great organic revolutions of the mode of production
itself. On the other hand, the illusions concerning the miraculous power of
the credit and banking system, in the socialist sense, arise from a complete
lack of familiarity with the capitalist mode of production and the credit
system as one of its forms. As soon as the means of production cease being
transformed into capital (which also includes the abolition of private
property in land), credit as such no longer has any meaning. This,
incidentally, was even understood by the followers of Saint-Simon. On the
other hand, as long as the capitalist mode of production continues to exist,
interest-bearing capital, as one of its forms, also continues to exist and
constitutes
 in fact the basis of its credit system. Only that sensational writer,
Proudhon, who wanted to perpetuate commodity-production and abolish money,
was capable of dreaming up the monstrous crèdit gratuit, the ostensible
realization of the pious wish of the petty-bourgeois estate. 


CAPITAL Volume III, chapter 36
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