http://www.smh.com.au/world/jihad-cornered-but-intolerance-rising-20110904-1jsdb.html
Jihad cornered but intolerance rising 
September 5, 2011 
 
Changing face of Islam in Indonesia ... Muslims gather for Friday prayers at 
Istiqlal mosque in Jakarta, one of the largest in south-east Asia. Photo: Irwin 
Fedriansyah

Authorities are placating extremists, writes Tom Allard in Indonesia. 

Ulil Abshar Abdalla is one of Indonesia's most perceptive intellectuals, a 
Harvard-educated Islamic reformer and an adviser to the President, Susilo 
Bambang Yudhoyono.

When asked what has happened to Islam in Indonesia since the September 11 
attacks, he says: ''I think there has been a trend towards intolerance … there 
is also a trend towards tolerance.''

It's an odd response, but it captures succinctly the vexing paradox that lies 
within Australia's near neighbour and the nation with the world's largest 
Muslim population.

 
Erik de Hart consoles Bill McNeil after losing many of their Coogee Dolphins 
teammates in the bombings. Photo: Dallas Kilponen 

After emerging as the fulcrum of the global jihadist movement in south-east 
Asia in 2002 when the twin nightclub bombings in Bali killed and maimed 
hundreds, Indonesia can rightly point to impressive counter-terrorism successes.

Hundreds have been arrested and dozens of plots have been foiled. The radical 
cleric Abu Bakar Bashir has been handed a long prison term while almost every 
other terrorist leader of note has either been killed or arrested.

A tiny minority remains inspired by al-Qaeda and poses an enduring threat but 
the campaign to spread the ideology of offensive jihad against Western infidels 
and their lackeys to achieve an Islamic caliphate has been comprehensively 
rejected.

''Islam has contributed so much to the democratisation of Indonesia. This must 
be emphasised,'' says Ulil, the founder of the Liberal Islam Network and 
himself a target of Indonesian terrorists.

''Most Muslims here understand that religion is a system of morality, an 
ethical system, and that politics is not part of the essential teaching of 
religion.

''The popularity of this proposal of the adoption of sharia in our national law 
is withering away, it's fading.''

Indonesia's Islamic parties were rebuffed at the polls in 2009, and its most 
potent Islamist political force, the Prosperous Justice Party, recently 
formally adopted pluralism as a core principle in its platform.

But while Indonesian authorities remain vigilant in pursuing terrorists, they 
seem incapable and, worse, unwilling to address another, arguably more 
pernicious form of religious radicalism.

Rather than explosives, these mobs of militants will use machetes, stones or 
tins of petrol to attack perceived deviants and destroy houses of worship.

The increase in violence has been particularly pronounced against members of 
the Ahmadiyah Islamic sect, whose followers believe the Indian religious figure 
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was a messiah who followed the Prophet Muhammad.

In the western Javanese province of Banten, a frenzied mob attacked an 
Ahmadiyah house and killed three men in February. The 12 accused, including a 
teenager caught on film bludgeoning a man to death with a stone, got sentences 
ranging between three and six months.

The light sentences, some argue, reflected local factors. The verdict was 
handed down by judges in a district court in one of Indonesia's traditional 
hardline Islamic heartlands. About 2000 locals voiced support for the accused 
and intimidated the judges and prosecutors throughout the trial.

But the argument that the case is an anomaly is hard to square against the 
increase in communal violence, invariably attacks by Islamic fundamentalists on 
Ahmadis and Christians.

Recent research by the Pew Research Centre found Indonesia was one of two 
countries that had recorded significant increases in both religious 
restrictions and incidents of social hostilities in the past five years.

Harder still to reconcile with the notion that Indonesia remains abidingly 
tolerant is the tepid response from Indonesia's political elites to the rise in 
religious violence and, in particular, the attacks and court proceedings in 
Banten.

President Yudhoyono failed to condemn the verdicts, citing the need to respect 
the rule of law.

If Islamists are failing to make any political inroads, and Indonesian Muslims 
are overwhelmingly moderate, why does Indonesia's political class refuse to 
speak clearly and loudly for the country's secular constitution that recognises 
freedom of religion? Could it be they have made a political calculation that 
attacks on minorities are popular?

''It's because conservatives are very clever in framing the debate in black and 
white terms,'' argues Yenny Wahid, the daughter of Indonesia's former president 
and moderate Islamic cleric Abdurrahman Wahid and a rare, uncompromising voice 
for tolerance.

''For example, if you condemn attacks on Ahmadiyah, then you are not a good 
follower of the Prophet Muhammad. So politicians are afraid to speak out 
because they don't want to appear un-Islamic.''

Wahid says a steady influx of money from the Middle East to fund mosques and 
schools has had an impact.

The new breed of conservative clerics are not only cashed up, she says, they 
are passionate, noisy and activist.

When Yudhoyono speaks about maintaining harmony, he sometimes talks about the 
need to placate militants, rather than defending diversity.

Asked about perceptions by the American interviewer Charlie Rose that the 
Indonesian state was weak in protecting religious minorities, Yudhoyono 
replied: ''Of course, I have to maintain the climate of brotherhood here in 
Indonesia, because the majority of the population are Muslim, so I try to 
maintain their feelings.''

Wahid counters that ''this policy of appeasement won't work''. ''In the 
short-term, it may create a measure of stability that the government needs,'' 
she says. ''But it gives [conservatives] too much power. The greater good is 
sacrificed. We have to worry about where this will lead us in the future.''


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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