[GreenYouth] Fwd: [ANN:734] Fwd: protest The illegal detention of two political activists in kerala
-- Forwarded message -- From: kerala koottayma [EMAIL PROTECTED] Date: 3 Sep 2008 01:34 Subject: [ANN:734] Fwd: protest The illegal detention of two political activists in kerala To: NUAIMAN [EMAIL PROTECTED] -- Forwarded message -- From: Thushar Nirmal [EMAIL PROTECTED] Date: Tue, Sep 2, 2008 at 6:28 PM Subject: The illegal detention of two political activists To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Dear friend, JANAKEEYA MANUSHYAVAKASA PRASTHANAM' strongly contempts the police atrocity against two political activists at Agaly, Palakkad. Two political activists Sunil Vinod belonging to PORATTOM were taken to custody by the Agaly Police on 31/08/2008 around 6.30 PM. The two above named where taken to the Police Station by the local trade union leaders while they were conducting a campaign against the recurring suspicious/unnatural death in Agaly- Attappadi area.This area is notorious for the operation of Ganja liquor Mafia. There are allegations against the political leaders of almost all the parties,Bureaucrats and Police for aiding the Mafia.Porattom was organising a mass campaign against these illegal/unloly ally and for a thorough enquiry in suspicious deaths occured in this area. Nearly within one year there were about 24 unnatural death reported from this area.In this jencture the campaign of Porattom created panic among the mafia -Bureaucrat-politicians ally and the illegal detention of porattam activicts is a counter blast. JANAKEEYA MANUSHYAVAKASA PRASTHANAM calls all the democratic forces and human rights organisations to oppose this illegal detention of Porattom activists and to oppose the Mafia-Bureaucrat-Politician unholy alliance. With Best Regards *Adv.Thushar Nirmal Sarathy* *Convenor* *Janakeeya Manushyavakasa Prasthanam,kerala* *cell: 09495218579* *here is petition sent to State Human Rights Commission regarding the issue.* Hon'ble chairman, I am an Advocate practicing at Ernakulam and conveener of 'JANAKEEYA MANUSHYAVAKASHA PRSTHANAM' On 31st August 2008 at about 9.pm I received a phone call and I was informed that two political activists are detained at Agaly police station with out any reason.The person who called me sought my intervention in this matter. Considering the seriousness of the matter I called to the agaly police station over phone(0492-4254222).The person who took the phone introduced himself to be the Dy.S.P.He admitted the detention of two political activists namely Vinod and Sunil and they were brought by the local people following a quarrel. He further told me that the intorrogation is in progress and no crime is charged so far. Today I recevied a phone call from palakkad informing me that the above said detenues were not produced before the Magistrate till this time.Immediately I called the Agaly police station over my phone.It was informed that they will be produced today evening. The above action of Agaly police is clear violation of constitutional rights.The direction given by our HON'BLE SUPREM COURT in D.K. BASU v STATE OF WEST BENGAL is not followed by the police . I humbly request your good office an immediate intervention in this matter. THANKING YOU YOURS FAITHFULLY Thushar Nirmal Sarathy -- Bobby Kunhu http://community.eldis.org/myshkin/Blog/ --~--~-~--~~~---~--~~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups Green Youth Movement group. To post to this group, send email to greenyouth@googlegroups.com To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~--~~~~--~~--~--~---
[GreenYouth] Fwd: [ANN:736] A.G. Noorai on Jammu Accord
*AN IMMORAL ILLEGAL ACCORD* * ** By A. G. NOORANI** * The accord bfetween the JK Government and the Shri Amarnathji Yatra Sangharsh Samity (SAYSS) on 31 August 2008 is far worse than the order by the JK Government only three months earlier on 26 May 2008. It grants the SASS concessions beyond what the order did. It is one-sided and marks an abject surrender to violence, blockade and to communal forces. The differences between the order and accord are glaring. Here is a list: 1. The order was made pursuant to a decision on 20 May 2008 by the Cabinet in which Jammu Kashmir were both represented. The accord ignores completely Kashmir where the land is to be given. Jammu alone was represented. A week earlier there was a clampdown in the Valley and top leaders were arrested. 2. Even the controversial order nowhere used the word exclusive. The SAYSS felt so emboldened as to demand it and wreck the deal if it was not conceded. The Government yielded in the early hours of 31 August. Para 6A says that the Government shall set aside for use by Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board exclusively the land in Baltal and Domail. This order unknown anywhere in the world is cloaked under a lie by calling it traditionally under use for the annual yatra purpose. The traditional route for over a century is the Pahalgam route. The Baltal route is a recent demand. It was regarded by the Army and Nitish Sengupta Report as dangerous. It is also unnecessary if the limit of yatris set by the Report (1 lakh) is observed. 3. This violates the citizen's fundamental right under Art. 19 (1) D to move freely throughout India. The demand of exclusivity was not made even in May 2008 or in decades earlier. It is pure communal aggression using the yatra for political demonstration not religious piety. 4. The duration of use is widened to cover pre and post yatra period. Para 6 C first says that the land will be used for the duration of the yatra including the period of preparations and winding up. But the very next para has these sinister words: The aforesaid land shall be used according to the Board's requirements *from time to time*, including for the following. There follow 9 measures including construction, setting up of then sheds etc. These can be done even beyond the yatra period from time to time and according to the Board's requirements; may be all the year around. 5. Para 8 of the order insisted that the land shall return to the State. This is dropped in the accord. This accomplishes S.K. Sinha's objective-- permanent use the year round. 6. Also dropped totally is Para 4 on payment for user. 7. Dropped too is Para 6. An undertaking of foolproof measures against water pollution and Para 7 on payment of fine for damage to the forest. There is a pious provision in accord Para 6C (ix) among the objectives of land user; namely undertaking measures relating to … preservation of ecology etc. Breach entails no fine. 8. The order of 26 May was rescinded on 1 July. The accord will require a fresh order to implement it. By itself the accord has no legal force. Section 2(a) of the JK Forest (Conservation) Act 1997 says the Government shall not, except on a resolution of the Council of Ministers based on the advice of the Advisory Committee constituted under the Act make any order directing that any forest land or any portion thereof may be used for any non-forest purpose. The earlier phrase Council of ministers merely was revised by an amendment in 2001 and the Forest Advisory Committee's advice was added and made mandatory. Council of Ministers is specific. It is different from JK Government whose powers alone vest now in the Governor. The law intentionally provides the resolution as a safeguard. This Council can come into existence only after the next elections. In any case the Forest Advisory Committees advice on 12 July 2007 cannot apply to this new accord which must be vetted afresh by that Committee. It was given before the Supreme Court's final judgment in the T M Godavarman case on 23 November 2007 which lays down the law and makes important observations on balancing development with protection of environment. Failure to consider it vitiates the decision. Precisely based on misrepresentation of opinion of the deputy CM Muzaffar Hussain Beg and advocate General Altaf Naik both of which were given in entirely difference cases. The accord lacks legal efficacy as well as moral and political legitimacy. Any order in its implementation will be void in law. It is a pity that the State should bend all rules to buy peace with communal forces including promise to consider compensation for law-breakers. What of compensation to the Valley for the blockade? The parivar in Jammu has already begun asking for more. The Government has not bought peace but trouble. It is *gunah be lizzat.* If the State can thus bend its knees before the Sangh parivar on an issue
[GreenYouth] Re: They Ordered Me to Have Sex with the Nun:
This sort of criminality is the result of a long training and mentoring by the communalist organizations. A lot of homework has gone into it. Jaiprakash Raghaviah On Thu, Sep 4, 2008 at 10:04 AM, devika Jayakumari [EMAIL PROTECTED]wrote: What horror! And the heads of the church in Kerala have the gumption to claim that 'attacks on faith' are worse than this kind of violence. --~--~-~--~~~---~--~~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups Green Youth Movement group. To post to this group, send email to greenyouth@googlegroups.com To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~--~~~~--~~--~--~---
[GreenYouth] Dr.Ambedkar on Women Liberation.
Dr. Ambedkar On Women Liberation By Ratnesh Katulkar 31 August, 2008 Countercurrents. org We shall see better days soon and our progress will be greatly accelerated if male education is persuaded side by side with female education… are the words of Young Ambedkar, during his studies at New York which came out while writing a letter to his father's friend. Interestingly Dr. Ambedkar's first academic paper Caste in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development also begins with his concern towards women, where he located the linkages between caste and gender by observing that Superimposition of endogamy on exogamy means creation of caste and concluded that there is no divine or natural cause of origin of caste but Brahmins of ancient India craftily designed it by enclosing their class through means of controlling and subjugating their woman. He further pointed attention to the fact that in order to maintain endogamy, the only ideal situation is constant sex ratio with in a class, i.e., one man for one woman. As he observed, The problem of caste then, ultimately resolves itself into one of repairing the disparity between marriageable units of two sexes with in it. Left to nature, the much-needed parity between the units can be realized only when a couple dies simultaneously. But this is rare contingency. The Husband may die before the Wife and create a Surplus woman, who must be disposed of, else through intermarriage she will violate the endogamy of man, whom the group, while it may sympathies with him for sad break the endogamy. Thus, both the surplus man and surplus woman constitute a menace to the Caste, if not taken care of, for not finding suitable partners inside their prescribed circle (and left to themselves they cannot find, any for it matter be not regulated there can only be just enough pairs to go round) very likely they will transgress the boundary, marry outside and import offspring that is foreign to caste. Therefore he observed that in the maintenance of strict endogamy surplus men and surplus women were the main challenge, here he also noted that man being powerful and upper hand in society can not be forcibly controlled thus the society let him untouched but the women being inferior to man were easy pray of its victimization. So as a 'protective' measure Sati system was introduced, where by a surplus woman (= widow) was forced to burn along with her deceased husband. But in some cases it was difficult to operate so the second remedy was to compulsory enforce widowhood on her for rest of her life, and in order to guard the her morals and also morals of group, the widows were obliged to follow much restrictions such as shaven head, restriction on diets, wearing of colorless Sari and no intermixing with any one and in this way she is no longer source of allurement. As said above, both these treatments-Sati and Enforced Widowhood were not possible in the case of Surplus Man. Therefore, Surplus man was allowed to re-marry to recruit another bride, but here there is every possibility of increase in competition in consumption of woman in Caste, therefore as a corrective measure, man was allowed to recruit his wife from lower marriageable rank, this resulted in the beginning of Girl Marriage. In this way, the inhuman practices of i) Sati system ii) Enforced Widowhood and iii) Child marriage came into existence. Thus much before the Indian feminist school, Dr. Ambedkar pointed out the direct relationship between caste and gender and observed that gender could not be seen in isolation from caste. Apart from his academic writings when Dr. Ambedkar headed in public life, women were the major force in all his struggles. Women's issue was also main plank in his fortnightly Mooknayak and Bahiskrit Bharat. In historic Mahad Satyagraha there were about 500 women took active part in this procession. On 18th July 1927, Dr. Ambedkar addressed a meeting of about three thousand women of Depressed classes, where he said that 'I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress which women had achieved' and said to the Women, Never regard yourself as Untouchables, live a clean life. Dress yourselves as touchable ladies. Never mind, if your dress if full of patches, but see that it is clean. None can restrict your freedom in the choice of your garments. Attend more to the cultivation of the mind and spirit of self-Help. Then with a little fall in voice he said, But do not feed in any case your spouse and sons if they are drunkards. Send your children to schools. Education is as necessary for Females as it is for males. If you know how to read and write, there would be much progress. As you are, so your Children will be. Dalit Women too responded very positively to Dr. Ambedkar's advice and to the surprise of all the women left early in the morning with wonderful change in the fashion of their Sarees as ordained by Babasaheb. Further Dr. Ambedkar said to Women Learn to be clean. Keep from vices.
[GreenYouth] Killing Kashmiris By Comparison
*Killing Kashmiris By Comparison* *By Mohamad Junaid* 03 September, 2008 *Countercurrents.org* *T*he debate Nationalism vs. Separatism on NDTV last week looked promising in the beginning, because for once the host, Barkha Dutt, keeping aside her usual national-security mindset, began by asking some pertinent questions, and the academic voices in the panel set the tenor of the debate right. Given, however, NDTV's habit of pulling together a big crowd of relevant and irrelevant speakers, the debate lost track and sank into a pointless and an all-too-familiar noise. This noise, let it be said, works perfectly well for Indian establishment because it gives them a chance to say, Look, we give 'em an opportunity to speak; what a great democracy we are!, and yet Kashmiris, as inarticulate as they are, come off sounding tired and tedious; their voices lost in the din. Sunil Khilnani, who is a US-based academic, put the question right where it must. *The trouble is with the idea of India itself, in the way it seeks to run roughshod over different identities and affiliations with its singular, homogenous Indian identity.* The point, in fact, goes even further, one which Khilnani did not (could not get a chance to) speak about. *The real problem is the twin construction of India and of Hinduism as organic wholes—territorial consolidation of one, and the 'semiticization' of the other—with the former acting as the sacred space where the latter, the sacred community, must act itself out.* That there was nothing called India or Hinduism before the Brahmanical elite and their British colonial masters drew from each other, entirely in self-interest, to engineer these territorial and cultural monoliths, has not been in much popular discussion. *Both concepts are so naturalized and consecrated in public consciousness that questioning them is tantamount to blasphemy. In its present shape India is actually an empire which is masquerading as a modern state. The Indian rhetoric of secular nationalism has acted as a liberal cover in international fora for a swelling Hindu imperium, which was territorially achieved in 1947; Indian elite has gratefully allowed the use, and continuous manufacture, of a Hindu civilizational self-identity to justify the empire.* Khilnani spoke only a little about the idea of India; he did not stretch his argument to reflect on *how the Hindu consciousness underlines the idea of Indian nationalism*; yet even the preliminary remark that there are a number of nationalisms jostling for recognition within the territorial space of the Indian state is appreciable. It, at least, gave a lie to the binary of the show's name: *Nationalism vs. Separatism. To give due recognition to Kashmiri nationalism has been unthinkable in India, so they call it by other names: separatism, terrorism, extremism, and pro-Pakistanism.* *In an **earlier show, on the same TV channel, Swapan Dasgupta, a rightwing columnist for The Pioneer, in fact, criticized the host of the show for allegedly affording a moral-equivalence to Kashmiri separatists on par the Jammu nationalists*( the host was in no way doing that*). No one asked Dasgupta as to why Indian nationalism should be a touchstone of morality. But this becomes easier to explain once we realize how Indian nationalism has become akin to a religious faith and India a god worthy of worship.* It is important here to reflect briefly upon the original issue of the Amarnath Yatra to illustrate the point about Indian nationalism as a religious faith in the service of the Hindu empire. Let me not speak of how India's political elite goaded, duped, threatened, and forced the peoples of different regions of British India and the princely states to merge with India; it was the same process through which Kashmir was annexed. Let me not speak, too, of how most people of the subcontinent that were called We, the People of India had virtually no say in the formation of what was called the Union. Let me just say that Nehru inherited an empire from the British, and he wanted to consolidate his spoils by making it look like a state. Not for nothing did he stand atop the Red Fort (a symbol of the Mughal empire), on August 16, 1947, with a flag that no longer had Gandhi's Charkha, but Ashoka's Chakra (a symbol of the Mauryan empire)—an act to declare continuity with past empires of the subcontinent. Nehru was touted as a secular democrat, but one can find plenty of evidence to show how he gave in to the inexorable march of the Hindu nationalists, many of whom decked his own cabinet.* The rebuilding of the Somnath temple, to assuage the feelings of the Hindu nation for until then they would not think that the real freedom had come (the words of Vallabhbhai Patel), was just a starter.* *Hindu nationalism, which ran amok over, what Ashis Nandy has called the little cultures of Hinduism, actually came in handy in the drive to turn the empire into a state. *Hindu pilgrimages were boosted to this
[GreenYouth] Terrifying Testimonies
*'I would be beaten up if I wanted to say namaz. My torturers would tell me to face them while praying, rather than the Kaaba. They tore my Quran, and while beating me they would scream Bharat Mata ki Jai'. ' ... 'I was mercilessly tortured in prison. I was constantly told that if I had not become a Muslim and had remained a Hindu I would not have been beaten like this',... They even asked him why Muslims have so many children. For two days he was not given anything to eat. His face was kept covered in a black cloth throughout this ordeal. A shoe was stuffed in his mouth and he was told to read the Quran in that condition. In order to further humiliate him he was forced to shout 'Jai Shri Ram'. ... My interrogators heaped abuses on Muslims and Islam.'* How far are indian torture camps from Guantanamo bay and Abu Ghraibs in its racist appeal ? *Terrifying Testimonies* *By Yoginder Sikand* 03 September, 2008 *TwoCircles.net* *F*or several months now, almost no week passes without the media reporting about 'dreaded Muslim fundamentalists' being picked up by the police and allegedly confessing to being involved in bomb blasts or plots to engineer violence across India. It is not my argument that all of these reports are cooked-up and dished-out propaganda. Some of these stories must be true, and those behind such acts must be caught and punished. But, the fact remains, many of these stories circulating in the media are wholly fabricated, and these are being manufactured and highlighted for a particular motive: to fuel anti-Muslim passions and, thereby, justify various forms of discrimination and oppression—even murder—of hapless Muslim citizens who, far from having anything to do with terrorism, are victims of terror—of agencies of the state, especially the police and Hindutva terror outfits. America's 'global war on terror' has provided a convenient cover to the Hindutva lobby and to fiercely anti-Muslim elements within the Indian state machinery to launch a concerted campaign of terror against Muslims. Large numbers of Muslims in various parts of India continue to languish in jails on trumped-up terror charges, suffering brutal torture as well as routine insults to their religion by police officials. Meanwhile, Hindu terrorists, often in league with the police and the state machinery, are allowed to run riot, unleashing violence and bloodshed on a frightening scale, while the state, the police and the courts take no firm action against them. Bomb blasts that are now occurring with frightening frequency, whose perpetrators remain unknown, are automatically blamed on Muslims, while some of these might possibly be engineered by Hindutva outfits or by elements within the state apparatus, or even by foreign intelligence agencies like the CIA or the Israeli Mossad who have a vested interest in demonizing Muslims and thereby driving India closer into the deadly American-Israeli embrace. That, in brief, was what numerous social activists as well as dozens of Muslim victims of police and state terror testified to at a public hearing on brutalities against Muslims in the name of countering 'terrorism' recently organised in Hyderabad by a group of noted human rights' activists. Going by their depositions and the verdict of the jury of eminent social activists, journalists and retired judges, it appears that powerful elements within the state apparatus are deeply implicated, along with Hindu terrorist groups, in a witch-hunt of India's Muslim citizens. * 27 year-old Yakoob Khan from Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, was arrested at the age of 17, accused of being involved in the Coimbatore blasts in 1998, a charge that he vehemently denies. 'On the day of the blast I attended class at the Industrial Training Institute where I was enrolled, and when I was returning home I heard about the blasts'. In the wake of the blasts, the police went on a rampage, indiscriminately picking up Muslim youth. Some days later, Yakoob found himself in prison, where he was to spend almost the next ten years, much of it in solitary confinement in a small cage-like cell. 'I was accused of being in possession of explosive material, and of being associated with the Islamic group Al-Ummah, although I had never even heard its name.' In addition to routine torture, while in jail he was often abused for his religion. 'I would be beaten up if I wanted to say namaz. My torturers would tell me to face them while praying, rather than the Kaaba. They tore my Quran, and while beating me they would scream Bharat Mata ki Jai'. 'They ruined ten precious years of my life, my youth, falsely branding me as a terrorist', he says. Yakoob Khan's friend, 34 year-old Shiv Kumar, alias Abdul Hamid, is a Hindu convert to Islam. He eked out as livelihood selling old newspapers and utensils for recycling. He was accused of being involved in the Coimbatore blasts, a charge that he denies. The police forced him to sign a blank piece of paper which they later
[GreenYouth] Singur: Let's Talk About The Farmers
*Singur: Let's Talk About The Farmers* *By Atul Jadia* 03 September, 2008 *Countercurrents.org* *T*ATAs have stopped the work at the factory and announced the possible pull-out due to violence and uncertainty. They have stopped the work and so have their ancillary units. WB Government has requested the state Governor to intervene in the matter. Mamta Banerjee of Trinamool Congress has announced the pull-out to be an internal matter of TATAs. Media and industry is talking about the NANO car, its great features and price points, the setback to the industry, the respect of the country in the world as an investment destination, the investment environment, faith of the investors in West-Bengal etc. No one is talking about the future of the farmers whose land has been forcibly taken-over by the WB Government and handed over to the TATAs. No one is talking about the moral and Governmental responsibility of the WB Government towards its citizens-farmers whose land is supposed to be the base on which the Billion $ empire of Tatas will get a push-forward. The fact the progress of the state cannot be at the cost of livelihood and lives of these farmers and the future of their families. No one is talking about the Corporate Responsibility of Tatas, who, are said to be pioneers in the area of Corporate Responsibility. The current players in the issue are : 1. Farmers whose future is at stake ( thus the future of the state's growth); 2. The WB Government, who, though known for its Land-reforms program is not bent on snatching the livelihood of the farmers just to increase its GDP figure; 3. Mamta Banerjee of Trinamool Congress who is supporting the farmers who have declared that their land has been taken-away forcibly by the Government. 4. TATAs who are bent on playing the victim, forgetting their role and their Corporate Social Responsibility The Humanist proposal in this situation : 1. First of all, this project should not have been brought to this situation. The WB Government's view that making of a car in India is more important than helping improve the farmers' lives goes against their own ideology and experience of governing the state for over 3 decades. They as well as all the state Governments alongwith Central Government should declare that no project will be brought henceforth on Agricultural land, except if it is a cooperative based project involving the land-owners as equal and responsible partners. 2. Since the project has progressed thus far, a truly participative meeting of the stake holders can take place (Farmers, Government, Opposition, Tatas) to explore these possibilities : That the land owners are paid a 80% of the price of land based on not the Government fixed price but a market price that the company would have paid if they had to negotiate and pay the price on their own to the farmers. The fair price is estimated to be 3 to 6 times of that paid to the farmers. The farmers be paid the same amount (80% as mentioned above) in the form of share-holding in Tata Sons (that owns all the Tata companies) as a long-term investment with conditions not to be able to re-sell it for atleast 3 years. Tatas to open schools, colleges and ITI (of a level with which the TATA name can get attached) to take care of free-equitable-compulsory education of all the children of all the farmers whose land is involved in this project. Tatas are said to be known to be pioneers in the matter of Corporate Social Responsibility. It is time that Ratan Tata himself steps forward and create an example for other Industrialists to follow. He can take it as a personal responsibility to ensure that the future of the children of each of the families is guaranteed to be safe and secure. This can help create an environment where all the stake-holders sit across the table and following the principal of Treat others as you would have them treat you, reach a conclusion that would be of benefit to all the stake-holders. We request the Honourable Governor of West Bengal to initiate the reconciliation process based on this principal. Incase a solution, primarily based on the interest of the livelihoods of farmers is not possible, the Government has no right to declare a private project to be a matter of public interest and act on behalf of private industries. The poorest people must be the first and top-priority interest of the Government. People are well aware of the Government's public interest and will not become the victim of false propaganda. We know what happend to the Maruti project for which the land was grabbed similarly and finally the successful company was sold off to a Japanese company for a song. If the land owners were made the share holders of the company, they would have actually benefited. We are also aware of the stringent pro-labour policies to which the same Tatas have had to agree before being able to take over even the publicly owned companies in the so-called free market economies like the UK.
[GreenYouth] The Revolutioanry Patriarchs
See this interesting piece by * Sarbani Bandyopadhyay*in the September issue of HIMAL-Southasian The revolutionary patriarchs *An emancipatory politics cannot liberate unless it confronts the patriarchy within.* Cath SluggetThe relationship between feminism and the left movements in India has long been a contested one. Marxists accuse feminists of trying to subvert the politics of class, while feminists criticise Marxists for underplaying gender discrimination. But is 'class' itself an adequate tool of analysis? Is an understanding of class that is divorced from extra-class factors such as caste and gender really capable of handling the complexity of today's reality? Such a question may be described as too broad, but it is of particular interest with regards to the Naxalite movement in India. Let us take a deeper look at this matter in the context of rural Bihar. For many, the mention of rural Bihar conjures up visions of inequality, lawlessness and mindless violence. But there is a definite method to the madness. The violence that wracks this part of the country has its basis in the existing order, which is increasingly being challenged by the labouring poor under the leadership of the Naxalites. Upheavals among the underclass are not new here, and they have often failed in their campaigns. As far back as in the 1930s, the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha (BPKS)-led movement failed to address the grievances of the truly oppressed sections of Bihari society, largely because it did not take into account the caste system that structured agrarian relations. The BPKS was dominated by traditional landholding upper castes, which did not move to organise landless labourers and sharecroppers, who were mostly Dalits and Adivasis. It also failed to take into account issues of gender discrimination, particularly the sexual abuse of lower-caste women by the dominant-caste landholders. Reports show that even during the 1990s, control over land was vested in only 10 percent of the population in rural Bihar, and that most of this group was upper caste. The underclasses were forced to work as sharecroppers or daily-wage labourers under oppressive economic and social conditions. It is not surprising, therefore, that it was the Dalit, Adivasi and low-caste sections – and women among them – who came to form the Naxalite backbone. The issues they raised included the underclass's right to own land, to minimum wages, to a life of dignity and, specifically for women, to an end to sexual abuse perpetrated by the dominant-caste landholders. In certain pockets of rural Bihar, such as the Bhojpur, Jehanabad, Gaya and Patna districts, the Naxalite-led movements have indeed achieved a fair degree of success in terms of economic and political rights, including the right to a life of dignity. But how emancipatory are these politics? *Gender compromises* The Naxalites use violent means in order to end what they term the 'violence of the status quo'. So threatening is this challenge that it has invited violent and organised reprisals almost unprecedented in India's history. Unlike earlier movements, the Naxalites have not relegated caste to a secondary level, and they have also to some extent addressed the question of sexual abuse of women labourers. But while its members have demanded that stipulated minimum wages be paid, they have not highlighted equal wages for women and men. They are fighting for land-ownership rights for the labouring castes, but entitlements in the names of women are not on the agenda. During the 1970s, women were in the forefront of the land-acquisition movement being waged by Party Unity, at the time one of the main Naxalite groups in Bihar, against the head priest or mahant of the Bodh Gaya temple, one of the biggest landowners in the area. Subsequently, however, the women's demand that these lands be registered in their own names aroused the indignation of the male Party Unity cadres. The line of argument followed the familiar logic that, since it was men who were the 'real' tillers, they should own the land. When the women subsequently refused to be involved until this demand was met, the party leadership compromised by registering in the name of women 10 percent of the 1100 acres of land that had been won. Such tokenism on the part of male Naxalite leaders does not fit with their analysis of gender inequality being rooted in the economic structure of society. Although it has not been stated explicitly by the Naxalites, they appear to have recognised that the withdrawal of women from the production process is legitimised by the institution of caste, which prescribes that because women embody the honour and prestige of the family and community, they should be closely monitored, kept behind the purdah, and must not work outside the home. According to this approach, the lower castes also occupy lower positions because their women are 'visible', as they work outside the home. By extension, a woman who
[GreenYouth] Re: The Revolutioanry Patriarchs
Looks like a refreshing piece of reading for all whom liberation matters in all its nuanced ways and meanings! On Sep 4, 5:11 pm, Rajeev Ram [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: See this interesting piece by * Sarbani Bandyopadhyay*in the September issue of HIMAL-Southasian The revolutionary patriarchs *An emancipatory politics cannot liberate unless it confronts the patriarchy within.* Cath SluggetThe relationship between feminism and the left movements in India has long been a contested one. Marxists accuse feminists of trying to subvert the politics of class, while feminists criticise Marxists for underplaying gender discrimination. But is 'class' itself an adequate tool of analysis? Is an understanding of class that is divorced from extra-class factors such as caste and gender really capable of handling the complexity of today's reality? Such a question may be described as too broad, but it is of particular interest with regards to the Naxalite movement in India. Let us take a deeper look at this matter in the context of rural Bihar. For many, the mention of rural Bihar conjures up visions of inequality, lawlessness and mindless violence. But there is a definite method to the madness. The violence that wracks this part of the country has its basis in the existing order, which is increasingly being challenged by the labouring poor under the leadership of the Naxalites. Upheavals among the underclass are not new here, and they have often failed in their campaigns. As far back as in the 1930s, the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha (BPKS)-led movement failed to address the grievances of the truly oppressed sections of Bihari society, largely because it did not take into account the caste system that structured agrarian relations. The BPKS was dominated by traditional landholding upper castes, which did not move to organise landless labourers and sharecroppers, who were mostly Dalits and Adivasis. It also failed to take into account issues of gender discrimination, particularly the sexual abuse of lower-caste women by the dominant-caste landholders. Reports show that even during the 1990s, control over land was vested in only 10 percent of the population in rural Bihar, and that most of this group was upper caste. The underclasses were forced to work as sharecroppers or daily-wage labourers under oppressive economic and social conditions. It is not surprising, therefore, that it was the Dalit, Adivasi and low-caste sections – and women among them – who came to form the Naxalite backbone. The issues they raised included the underclass's right to own land, to minimum wages, to a life of dignity and, specifically for women, to an end to sexual abuse perpetrated by the dominant-caste landholders. In certain pockets of rural Bihar, such as the Bhojpur, Jehanabad, Gaya and Patna districts, the Naxalite-led movements have indeed achieved a fair degree of success in terms of economic and political rights, including the right to a life of dignity. But how emancipatory are these politics? *Gender compromises* The Naxalites use violent means in order to end what they term the 'violence of the status quo'. So threatening is this challenge that it has invited violent and organised reprisals almost unprecedented in India's history. Unlike earlier movements, the Naxalites have not relegated caste to a secondary level, and they have also to some extent addressed the question of sexual abuse of women labourers. But while its members have demanded that stipulated minimum wages be paid, they have not highlighted equal wages for women and men. They are fighting for land-ownership rights for the labouring castes, but entitlements in the names of women are not on the agenda. During the 1970s, women were in the forefront of the land-acquisition movement being waged by Party Unity, at the time one of the main Naxalite groups in Bihar, against the head priest or mahant of the Bodh Gaya temple, one of the biggest landowners in the area. Subsequently, however, the women's demand that these lands be registered in their own names aroused the indignation of the male Party Unity cadres. The line of argument followed the familiar logic that, since it was men who were the 'real' tillers, they should own the land. When the women subsequently refused to be involved until this demand was met, the party leadership compromised by registering in the name of women 10 percent of the 1100 acres of land that had been won. Such tokenism on the part of male Naxalite leaders does not fit with their analysis of gender inequality being rooted in the economic structure of society. Although it has not been stated explicitly by the Naxalites, they appear to have recognised that the withdrawal of women from the production process is legitimised by the institution of caste, which prescribes that because women embody the honour and prestige of the family and community, they should be closely
[GreenYouth] (fwded text) Patriarchy ,Brahmanism and the Left-Right Men's Alliance
*Excerpted from an earlier long Post by Rajeev Ram in one of the groups.. ( from an article by Sarbani Bandopadhyaya -in Sept issue of HIMAL Southasian, captioned as Revolutionary Patriarchs)* 'Bad' women* *How do Naxalites conceptualise the issue of feminine modesty and honour? Feminine modesty in India has been viewed in terms of Brahminical patriarchy, and the Naxalites seem to have accepted this framework as legitimate. In one incident during the 1980s, reported on by journalist Manimala, an activist with the Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti (MKSS, the Party Unity mass front) from Aurangabad, Bihar, was killed in a police encounter, and the organisation declared him a martyr. His widow, also a party worker, was subsequently revered as the widow of a martyr. Meanwhile, she developed a relationship with another party worker, and the two decided to get married. Thereafter, the Aurangabad villagers complained about the situation to the MKSS leadership, which formed a council to decide on the case. The woman was denied permission to remarry, and the man was expelled from the organisation for harbouring 'immoral' thoughts. The situation did not end there. The woman refused to accept the verdict, and instead resigned from the MKSS. Deeming this action an insult to the memory of the martyr, the organisation expelled both the man and the woman, and, to add insult to injury, ordered them to leave the village. Initially, the villagers' complaint had been that allowing the widow to remarry would 'pollute' the village, and affect its reputation. In turn, the Naxalites had justified their decision with the logic that the organisation needed to be at one with the masses. That it was a patriarchal decision forced on the two comrades did not seem to matter much. * --~--~-~--~~~---~--~~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups Green Youth Movement group. To post to this group, send email to greenyouth@googlegroups.com To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~--~~~~--~~--~--~---
[GreenYouth] Chengara : (Pioneer)
Chengara heaves a sigh of relief Pioneer News Service | Pathanamthitta The march by the workers belonging to different trade unions in Pathanamthitta district and led by the pro-CPI(M) CITU to the estates of Chengara where thousands of Dalits and Adivasis were staging a 13-month-long agitation passed off peacefully on Wednesday with the timely intervention of the Marxist leadership and the efficient deployment of the police personnel in places by the District Administration. The march, which had shot up the social and political temperatures in the State and spread panic among the more than 7,000 agitators demanding land livelihood for their family, was blocked by the police about a kilometer away from the estate and the workers dispersed after a dharna there. The intention of the march was meant to forcefully evict the agitators from the estate so that the workers of the estate would get their jobs back. The CPI(M) leadership had reportedly spoken to the district CITU leaders on Tuesday night after the agitators in the estate reiterated their resolve to commit suicide en masse if anybody forcefully entered into the agitation camp. Following this, the leaders of the various trade unions including CIYU, AITUC and BMS agreed to the request of District Collector PC Sanal Kumar to avoid violence in the estate. However, the BMS had even earlier said that their workers would withdraw from the march at the first hint of any violent action from the marchers. But the tension and panic in Kerala over the Chengara issue refused to subside with the trade unions giving an ultimatum to the District Administration on Wednesday that they would again march to the estate and take appropriate action to evict the agitators if the issue was not settled before September 10. Till then, the workers would continue their siege on the paths leading to the estate. This raised the fear of yet another humanitarian crisis in the estate as the workers threatened not to allow any of the agitators to get into or get out of the estate during the siege. The fear and tension in the entire Pathanamthitta district and also in Kerala had risen after the trade unions refused to abandon their march and the Sadhu Jana Vimochana Samyuktha Vedi spearheading the agitation for land declaring that they would commit suicide en masse if the workers entered the estate. On Wednesday, police blocked the march which started at Konnappara by more than 3,000 workers, including women, at Athumbunkulam, about a kilometer away from Chengara estate. The District Administration had mobilised more than 1,000 police personnel, even drawing them from the neighbouring districts with all implements to meet any type of emergency in estate. District Collector Sanal Kumar had reviewed the situation with visit to the place on Tuesday evening. Deputy Collector V Balakrishnan and tahsildars of Kozhenchery, Ranni and Thiruvalla taluks had stationed in Athumbunkulam as executive magistrates to issue necessary orders if things got out of hand for the police. All the Dy SPs in the district under Superintendent of Police AJ James had been present there to lead the more-than-one thousand strong police force to handle any kind of mishap. N Mahesan, Revenue Divisional Officer, Adoor coordinated the entire team. Reacting to the day's developments, Opposition leader Oommen Chandy said the LDF Government had failed in settling the Chengara issue. The Government should provide land for the landless and to protect the interests of the workers, he said while speaking at a fast held by Chengara Agitation Solidarity Committee in Thiruvananthapuram. Meanwhile, reports came out that a campaign was on to spread wrong messages that the Dalits and Adivasis under the Sadhu Jana Vomochana Samyuktha Vedi were preparing to face the challenge from the trade unions in the same coin. Vedi leaders said that there were efforts from some interested quarters to spread wrong reports that the agitators were preparing for a Muthanga-like attack against intruders. They said that they had held this agitation for the past 13-months in the most peaceful manner without causing any problems for anyone. The greatest strength for them was in their power to tolerate anything and everything and there was no effort to pursue the path of violence, Vedi leaders said. -- Dileep R I thuravoor --~--~-~--~~~---~--~~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups Green Youth Movement group. To post to this group, send email to greenyouth@googlegroups.com To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~--~~~~--~~--~--~---
[GreenYouth] Chengara: From DSU blog JNU
From Democratic Students' Union (DSU)'s Blog , Jawaharlal Nehru University Unit. September 04, 2008Chengara Exposes the Pseudo-Communists Once More! The Myth and Reality of Land Struggle in Keralahttp://dsujnu.blogspot.com/2008/09/chengara-exposes-pseudo-communists-once.html The question of land and caste has once again come to the centre of debate with the Chengara land struggle in Kerala. So much so that the Finance Minister of Kerala is on record branding anyone and everyone who talk about land and land reforms as Naxalites! There is also the commonsensical reaction that there is hardly any land for distribution in a densely populated state like Kerala. In this context when the issue is deliberately being side-stepped by SFI and its parliamentary master CPI(M) with Goebblesian conspiracy theories and sensational rhetoric taking precedence, it is important to historically look into the age old problem of land and the centrality of land as a means to political power in such semi-feudal, semi-colonial countries like India and in Kerala in particular. *Contextualising land reforms in India:* Even after the transfer of power in 1947 (which the ruling classes have tried to sell as 'independence') till today, India has primarily remain an agrarian country with the vast majority of masses dependent on agriculture. The comprador ruling classes of India and the imperialist forces led by the U.S.A. were deeply alarmed by the severe agrarian crisis that faced India since 1947. Imperialism and its subservient Indian ruling class which has grown sadder and wiser after their defeat in China in 1949 was wary of shimmering peasant discontent across India. It was to contain this widespread discontent, which in the age of Third World Revolutions threatened to sweep away the powers of the landlord-big bourgeoisie led Indian state that the idea of 'land reforms' was floated. It was not initiated to address the basic problems plaguing Indian society. The problem of landlessness was not solved by the agrarian legislations: there was no fundamental change in the ownership of land in rural India. Feudalism was not to be liquidated, but to curb its grosser manifestations and introduce capital penetration in agriculture to some extent, so as to give an impetus to a section of landlords and rich peasants to increase agricultural production. The land reforms were intended to serve another purpose, no less important: this was to sow illusions among the peasantry, make sentimental gains, as Nehru said, and draw the bulk of the peasantry away from revolutionary struggles. In this task, the ruling classes found a willing ally in the Communist Party of India the leadership of which was steeped in opportunism from the very beginning. It is within this sub-continental context that one needs to locate Kerala, and thereby look at the ongoing Chengara Land Struggle, no matter how much the CPI(M) or SFI wishes to fool us by lies and misinformation. *The farce of land reforms in Kerala:* In Kerala the high tide of anti-caste movements had capitulated to the emerging big bourgeoisie and to the post-47 idea of building a new Kerala which was primarily an appendage of the imperialist economy. It is at the same time that the ruling classes felt the immediate need to accommodate a section of the upper strata of the emerging anti-caste movements as the new economic agents of post-47 Kerala. And it was specifically for this purpose of accommodation of the capitulating new economic agents that made the land reforms a necessity. It is thus important for us to note that there was no radical-ness in the conception of the idea of land reforms. In fact it was first discussed by the Congress government in 1951 and was later merely implemented with an unchanged agenda by the Left with a radical façade. The land reforms were instrumental in promoting a particular form of agricultural economy- the cash crop based economy- binding it more closely to the international imperialist market nexus. It is quite interesting to note that the ruling classes in Kerala in Post-47 Kerala—be it the Congress or the erstwhile CPI—had the same development programme for the state, that propelled by a cash crop economy. And today the Congress and the CPI (M) have a similar development programme for the ailing Kerala economy— where IT, ITES and Tourism emerges as the prime movers of growth! This unanimity and convergence of the developmental path for Kerala economy jointly charted out by CPI(M) and Congress shows that both are equally subservient to the interests of the imperialist market. *The integration of the Kerala economy with the imperialist world market* has ensured that none of the regressive social structures and production relations holding back the Kerala economy is weakened. Rather all these structures have been reproduced and reinforced in ever new forms. For example, the state-sponsored cash crop economy has only ensured further alienation of the small and poor
[GreenYouth] Fwd: [smc-discuss] Khadi Board visits the GNU/Linux installfest at Technopark today ..
with usual apologies of cross posting -- Forwarded message -- From: ashik salahudeen [EMAIL PROTECTED] Date: 2008/9/4 Subject: [smc-discuss] Khadi Board visits the GNU/Linux installfest at Technopark today .. To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] Hi all, We at the installfesthttp://www.ilug-tvm.org/content/schedule-program-gnulinux-install-fest-technopark-trivandrumwere lucky enough to have that heady feeling that accompanies a picture of FOSS working its magic and people benefitting from it. Today we had a visit from Khadi board. Khadi board has been using Fedora and Ubuntu to run their office for quiet sometime now. They had to obey a ruling from the government which mandated the use of FOSS. Instead of waiting around and shoving miles of red tape over it , they went into action and started using FOSS. Of course they ran into problems. They went to CDAC for help. Unfortunately , its another government body and they proved it. CDAC started bull shitting , promising stuff and delivering nothing , demanding ever increasing amounts of money for it and being secretive about it. Frustrated , the people from Khadi board turned to the FOSS community and voila !! things started to go right. Their major problem was Malayalam rendering and input which was solved by the leading Malayalam language computing group , Swathanthra Malayalam Computing ( http://fci.wikia.com/SMC ) . Its members provided support to Khadi board, over web. And Khadi board kept coming back to the community which never let them down. Today they were here to offer support for FOSS communities , in their own words We saved over fifteen lakh rupees on OS licensing costs alone. Donating money as sponsorship to the FOSS communities and the events that they organize is nothing com[ared to the help and support they provided us And you know what ? We are proud of them . We are proud of ( and to be the ) members of FOSS community that helped this organization which is a beacon of hope to the dying traditional weavers community. Khadi board is going to be the first public sector organization in Kerala to go completely paperless. And they did this because the FOSS community was right behind them supporting them. Not the government , not the so called software and research organizations sposored and funded by government, but the community who owns and maintains FOSS. A video that we managed to capture (pardon the poor video quality and awful reporting ) : http://in.youtube.com/watch?v=BuyfLUzFz9E -- സ്വതന്ത്ര മലയാളം കമ്പ്യൂട്ടിങ്ങ് - എന്റെ കമ്പ്യൂട്ടറിന് എന്റെ ഭാഷ വെബ് താള്:http://smc.org.in/ ഗൂഗിള് കൂട്ടം:http://groups.google.com/group/smc-discuss സാവന്ന സംരംഭം: https://savannah.nongnu.org/projects/smc ഐആര്സി ചാനല്: irc.freenode.net ലെ #smc-project ഓര്ക്കൂട്ട് കൂട്ടം :http://www.orkut.com/Community.aspx?cmm=20512120 --~--~-~--~~~---~--~~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups Green Youth Movement group. To post to this group, send email to greenyouth@googlegroups.com To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~--~~~~--~~--~--~---
[GreenYouth] Six-month prison sentences for four cyber-feminists in Iran
-- Forwarded message -- From: Reporters without Borders [EMAIL PROTECTED] Date: Fri, Sep 5, 2008 at 12:46 AM Iran, 4 September 2008 - Reporters Without Borders is outraged by the six-month prison sentences which a Tehran court has passed on four cyber-feminists - Parvin Ardalan, Jelveh Javaheri, Maryam Hosseinkhah and Nahid Keshavarz - on charges of publishing information against the government under article 500 of the Islamic criminal code. The four, who are still free pending the outcome of their appeals, were prosecuted for writing articles for two online newspapers that defend women's rights in Iran - Zanestan (Women's City) and Tagir Bary Barbary (Change for Equality). These four journalists post their articles online because their magazines have been censored, Reporters Without Borders said. They are the victims of persecution by the authorities, who repeatedly summon to them to court for interrogation about their activities. They are the victims of discriminatory measures. We call on the government to drop these proceedings against them. Under article 500 of the Islamic Republic's criminal code, anyone who undertakes any form of propaganda against the state will be sentenced to between three months and one year in prison. Nobel peace prize winning lawyer Shirin Ebadi, who is acting for the cyber-feminists, says they plan to appeal. She told Reporters Without Borders: These four journalists have been convicted just for writing articles and criticising laws that are unfair to Iranian women (...) I am worried because I see the situation getting worse. If parliament ratifies the new law increasing sentences for crimes against society's moral security, bloggers could get prison sentences. Ardalan, who edits the Tagir Bary Barbary website, has already been convicted three times on similar charges, and has a one-year prison sentence and suspended sentences of five and a half years in prison hanging over her. Javaheri, 30, writes for Tagir Bary Barbary. She was already arrested with Keshavarz on 14 February for attacking state security. She was previously held from 1 December to 3 January in Evin prison (in north Tehran) with Hosseinkhah on charges of disturbing public opinion, publishing false information and publicity against the Islamic Republic for writing articles demanding recognition of women's constitutional rights. Keshavarz, who writes for both Tagir Bary Barbary and Zanestan, was already arrested twice and interrogated by intelligence officers for participating in two street demonstrations in defence of women's rights. She spent 12 days in prison in April 2007. She currently has three complaints pending against her. Hosseinkhah, 32, also writes for both websites. She was held in Evin prison from 18 November to 3 January with Javaheri. She currently has two cases pending against her. Meanwhile, Jila Bani Yaghoub, a journalist who writes for the Sarmayeh daily newspaper and the Canon Zeman Irani website (http://www.irwomen.com), was summoned by a Tehran revolutionary court on 2 September without any charge being specified. She was arrested with eight other journalists on 12 June while covering the third anniversary of the biggest-ever feminist protest in the capital - on 12 June 2005. They were released the next morning. Iran was ranked 166th out of 169 countries in the latest Reporters Without Borders world press freedom index. --~--~-~--~~~---~--~~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups Green Youth Movement group. To post to this group, send email to greenyouth@googlegroups.com To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~--~~~~--~~--~--~---
[GreenYouth] Chengara Land Struggle: A conspiracy that apparently precedes another Nandigram : Compiled by Dr Jiju P Alex Kerala Agricultual University
Friends found this article circulating on the net. Another spokesperson for the party. I have a feeling that now a days teachers/ professors in Kerala are teaching the malayalam version of CPI(M) manifesto Chengara Land Struggle: A conspiracy that apparently precedes another Nandigram A grand conspiracy is being contemplated by certain elements owing allegiance to religious forces along with Naxal-Maoist groups in Kerala to thwart the historic efforts of the ruling LDF Govt. to provide the downtrodden sections with land and houses, on a massive scale. That it is a conspiracy has become clearer of late with several reports on the real endowments of the so-called landless activists of the Chengara strike coming out. There are telling evidences to substantiate that these unlawful act of encroachment is aided and abetted by imperialist forces in collusion with the anti left forces mentioned above. However, in elite media and among the liberal intellectual circles, it is being deliberately portrayed as a landmark struggle for land reforms, redistribution of excess land and ever so many other radical transformations in Kerala. This section of the media leaves no opportunity to celebrate this incident as an indication of some grave crises in the agrarian sector in Kerala and that it is going to be a harbinger of greater changes in agrarian relations, something that a CPI (M) refuses to implement. They try to accuse the CPI (M) of anti peasant and anti working class attitudes by citing Chengara strike as a symbol of its subjugation to the rich and influential sections of the society. This is evidently a distorted version of the affair that deserves to be refuted. It is nothing but a premeditated attempt to tarnish the face of the LDF government and the CPI(M). The Chengara agitation was started on August 3, 2007, by two organizations that claim to be of dalits and adivasis under the common banner of Chengara bhoosamara aikyavedi samathi, for grabbing and distributing the land of Harrison plantation, Chengara, Pathanamthitta District. Now, almost about a year since then, the agitators have literally seized the area rendering hundreds of plantation workers jobless. The agitation was initiated under the guise of an innocent demand for land for the landless dalits. The occasion of launching the struggle is particularly significant since it was the time when the LDF government had emphasized its resolve to grab all the unlawful possessions of the land mafia across the state. It is widely known that the LDF government is seriously pursuing this with a view to create a land bank, which could be duly distributed to dalits, adivasis and other landless people. As we understand it clearly now, the agitation has other intentions, much greater and far-reaching than what they say. They intend to divert the attention of the public from the visionary steps taken by the government and attract a section of apolitical intellectuals towards a non-issue to create chaos and unrest in the state. The initial steps of the struggle somehow or the other resemble the covert sprout of a Nandigram model debacle. One of the startling observations regarding this struggle is that these organizations receive substantial monetary assistance from several domestic and foreign agencies such as the Ford foundation, USA. This struggle would have been justifiable if the LDF government had shown an iota of aversion to the cause of landless dalits and adivasis in the state. In fact, the LDF government has already announced its commitment to the concerns of the poor and initiated many a landmark decision to safeguard the interests of the landless. One major step towards this direction has been the unprecedented resolve to find out all illegal possessions of the land mafia as stated earlier. This has been widely acclaimed as the most daring step a government could ever take. No UDF government has attempted it before. Since comprehensive land reforms have already been enacted in the state, the second stage would be to ensure land and house for all, particularly the poor. The LDF government has been largely successful in cracking down the land mafia and grabbing unlawful possessions, without letting these steps go into irresolvable legal complexities. When a government, which is unambiguously committed to such serious concerns rules the state, why should someone come out with a struggle on such a non-issue? It is in this context, we doubt the intentions of the Chengara struggle, which is sponsored by forces of dubious backgrounds with the support of Naxals and Maoists. Though there had been constant attempts to provoke the police and create untoward incidents, which could flare up, the government has maintained exemplary restraint and foiled the efforts of the samara samithi. The agitating groups now show signs of disintegration as evinced by the several voices of dissent from within the group. Initially, followers were enticed by
[GreenYouth] Re: Chengara Land Struggle: A conspiracy that apparently precedes another Nandigram : Compiled by Dr Jiju P Alex Kerala Agricultual University
and who is the author of this great Communist Manifesto of Harrison On Fri, Sep 5, 2008 at 10:51 AM, anil tharayath [EMAIL PROTECTED]wrote: Friends found this article circulating on the net. Another spokesperson for the party. I have a feeling that now a days teachers/ professors in Kerala are teaching the malayalam version of CPI(M) manifesto Chengara Land Struggle: A conspiracy that apparently precedes another Nandigram A grand conspiracy is being contemplated by certain elements owing allegiance to religious forces along with Naxal-Maoist groups in Kerala to thwart the historic efforts of the ruling LDF Govt. to provide the downtrodden sections with land and houses, on a massive scale. That it is a conspiracy has become clearer of late with several reports on the real endowments of the so-called landless activists of the Chengara strike coming out. There are telling evidences to substantiate that these unlawful act of encroachment is aided and abetted by imperialist forces in collusion with the anti left forces mentioned above. However, in elite media and among the liberal intellectual circles, it is being deliberately portrayed as a landmark struggle for land reforms, redistribution of excess land and ever so many other radical transformations in Kerala. This section of the media leaves no opportunity to celebrate this incident as an indication of some grave crises in the agrarian sector in Kerala and that it is going to be a harbinger of greater changes in agrarian relations, something that a CPI (M) refuses to implement. They try to accuse the CPI (M) of anti peasant and anti working class attitudes by citing Chengara strike as a symbol of its subjugation to the rich and influential sections of the society. This is evidently a distorted version of the affair that deserves to be refuted. It is nothing but a premeditated attempt to tarnish the face of the LDF government and the CPI(M). The Chengara agitation was started on August 3, 2007, by two organizations that claim to be of dalits and adivasis under the common banner of Chengara bhoosamara aikyavedi samathi, for grabbing and distributing the land of Harrison plantation, Chengara, Pathanamthitta District. Now, almost about a year since then, the agitators have literally seized the area rendering hundreds of plantation workers jobless. The agitation was initiated under the guise of an innocent demand for land for the landless dalits. The occasion of launching the struggle is particularly significant since it was the time when the LDF government had emphasized its resolve to grab all the unlawful possessions of the land mafia across the state. It is widely known that the LDF government is seriously pursuing this with a view to create a land bank, which could be duly distributed to dalits, adivasis and other landless people. As we understand it clearly now, the agitation has other intentions, much greater and far-reaching than what they say. They intend to divert the attention of the public from the visionary steps taken by the government and attract a section of apolitical intellectuals towards a non-issue to create chaos and unrest in the state. The initial steps of the struggle somehow or the other resemble the covert sprout of a Nandigram model debacle. One of the startling observations regarding this struggle is that these organizations receive substantial monetary assistance from several domestic and foreign agencies such as the Ford foundation, USA. This struggle would have been justifiable if the LDF government had shown an iota of aversion to the cause of landless dalits and adivasis in the state. In fact, the LDF government has already announced its commitment to the concerns of the poor and initiated many a landmark decision to safeguard the interests of the landless. One major step towards this direction has been the unprecedented resolve to find out all illegal possessions of the land mafia as stated earlier. This has been widely acclaimed as the most daring step a government could ever take. No UDF government has attempted it before. Since comprehensive land reforms have already been enacted in the state, the second stage would be to ensure land and house for all, particularly the poor. The LDF government has been largely successful in cracking down the land mafia and grabbing unlawful possessions, without letting these steps go into irresolvable legal complexities. When a government, which is unambiguously committed to such serious concerns rules the state, why should someone come out with a struggle on such a non-issue? It is in this context, we doubt the intentions of the Chengara struggle, which is sponsored by forces of dubious backgrounds with the support of Naxals and Maoists. Though there had been constant attempts to provoke the police and create untoward incidents, which could flare up, the government has maintained exemplary
