[Marxism-Thaxis] Trotsky biography recommendations

2008-11-19 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]


An academic friend has asked me for recommendations
concerning biographies of Trotsky.
He is interested in something that would
be in his words, not quite pop but easy enough to read  
He wants something that would be not too laden
with historical or technical controversy but would
still give the reader a good sense of what Trotsky
went through and was trying to do.

Thank you,
Jim Farmelant




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[Marxism-Thaxis] Obama

2008-11-06 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

I posted the following earlier this
morning on Marxmail:
--

Obama has made no secret of his intention to
govern as a centrist in the Bill Clinton mode.
He has certainly not hidden from the public
his views concerning a whole range of issues
both foreign and domestic.  

Liberals and progressives, it seems to me,
have managed to do a bang-up job of deceiving
themselves concerning Obama's true political
inclinations. It's as if they have bought into
the characterizations of Obama that the GOP
made during the campaign and put plus signs
where the Republicans had placed minu signs:
that Obaba is really
a closet socialist who intends to engage in
a massive redistribution of wealth and so forth.

So, I expect that after Obama has been
in office a while and he has managed
to make a few crucial decisions, and
perhaps bombed a country or two, that
maybe a certain level of disillusionment
will begin to set in.

The ascension of Obama into the White House
merits comparisons with JFK's ascension of
forty-eight years ago.  Like Obama, JFK's
ascension was greeted with very high expectations
from his supporters.  Eventually, a certain
level of disillusionment set in, and of course
his assassination would be the most disillusioning
event of all.  However, at that time there were
thriving social movements, most notably the
civil rights movement.  So when disillusionment
set in, for many people that would lead not to a
relapse back into apathy but to a radicalization
which would drive much of the politics of
the 1960s.

So, it will be interesting to see how things
play this time around.

Jim F. 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] The playboy philosopher

2008-10-10 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

That is correct too.  In the late 1940s, he was
part of a movement to found a new radical left
party that would provide an alternative to
the PCF.  However, when the cold war began to
heat up in earnest, especially after the outbreak
of the Korean War, Sartre shifted to a very
pro-Soviet stance, and he began to lend his
support to the PCF, without ever joining it.
That lasted until the famous Khrushchev speech
and the Soviet invasion of Hungary.  However,
even after that, Sartre tended to define his
political stances in relation to the PCF, both
on points of agreement and points of disagreement
(Hungary, Algeria, later the 1960s student movement).


Jim F.

-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
I believe that in the late '40s Sartre was anti-Stalinist and highly 
suspicious of the USSR. He tried to found a third way movement, 
which interested Richard Wright, who had recently gone into exile in France.

At 09:08 PM 10/9/2008, Jim Farmelant wrote:

On Thu, 9 Oct 2008 10:09:38 +0900 CeJ [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:


 
  BTW, I admire Sartre's contributions to philosophy, social science
  and
  politics. And his relationships with Camus, De Beauvoir  and
  Merleau
  Ponty have long fascinated me. I think JF you are thinking of
  someone
  else on another list, since you contribute on the philsophy of
  history
  on those lists while at the same time CB cross-posts from those very
  same lists to this list (for example this thread on the playboy
  philosopher, which seems to have sprung up already fully discussed
  somewhere else).

I had your posts confused with the individual who
posts on Marxmail as Ruthless Critic of All
That Exists.  He was the one who got Sartre's
position on Hungary.  However, that is not
to deny that in the early 1950s, had been
very much an uncritical supporter of the
Soviet Union and Stalin.  It was Khrushchev's
1956 speech at the 20th Party Congress
on Stalin that seems to have
removed the scales from his eyes.
In a broader sense Sartre remained
something of a Stalinist and this was
presumably reflected in his involvement
with the Maoists in the early 1970s.

Jim F.

 
  CJ


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] The playboy philosopher

2008-10-08 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

I believe that it was CeJ who when detailing Sartre's
Stalinist politics, asserted that he supported the
Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956.  But everything
I have seen about Sartre's politics indicates that the
opposite was the case.  That is, he denounced the Soviet
invasion of Hungary.  In fact, that was one of the first
times in the 1950s, where he found himself at loogerheads
with the PCF.  Within a few years, he was at odds with
them again, because of their foot dragging over supporting
the Algerian independence struggle, which Sartre avidly
and courageously supported, at a time when that was
not very popular in France, even on the left.

Jim F.

-- Charles Brown [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:


Ralph Dumain 

What a useless piece of shit Badiou is. His politics are even more 
worthless than his philosophy.

As for Sartre, there are others on the anti-Stalinist left who bear a 
grudge against him for his erstwhile apologetics for the Communist 
Party. Some might wonder what he was doing with Maoist students.

As for Sartre's philosophy, the philosophy he is known for seems to 
me a failure. I think one would have to read Critique of Dialectical 
Reason in search of a lasting contribution.

^
CB: Funny, this reminds of the old Marx/Engels rule of intellectual
thumb: Marxism as French politics, British political economy and German
philosophy. Sartre, French, has good politics , but not so good
philosophy. 




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[Marxism-Thaxis] Moderator's Note

2008-07-31 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Today, I received a request from someone who posted
to this list some years ago requesting that his name
be removed from the archives.  He stated that when
he joined the list, he was not informed that his
posts would be publicly archived.  He is almost
certainly mistaken in that regard, since right
on the info page of this list, there is a link
to the list's archives.  I very much doubt that
things were much different back when he was posting
to this list.

Therefore, to avoid any misunderstandings, you
should be aware that all
posts to this list are publicly archived.  That
means that search engines like Google can and
will pick up your posts.  Anyone here concerned
about possible repercussions from employers or
repressive governments, should get themselves
a Yahoo or Hotmail account and post here under
an alias.

Jim Farmelant
Moderator of Thaxis


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Parting of the Ways

2008-06-18 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

To some extent the analytic/continental divide was
reproduced within Marxism.  In eastern Europe
during the 1960s and 1970s sophisticated academic
Marxist philosophers tended to look towards either
continental philosophy or towards analytic philosophy.
For example in Poland, starting after 1956, there
emerged humanist interpretations of Marxism 
such as Leszek Kolakowski's which emphasized the
writings of the young Marx and which drew upon
phenomenology and existentialism in interpreting them.  
By the 1960s this approach to Marxist philosophy 
gained official status when Adam Schaff, who was 
the house philosopher of the Polish CP,
endorsed it.  

On the other hand,
there also emerged in the 1960s and 1970s the Poznan
School which drew upon the analytic philosophy of
the Lwów-Warsaw School in the interpretation of
Marxism.  The Poznan School, among other things,
developed an adaptationist version of historical
materialism that was not unlike the one that
G.A. Cohen and his fellow Analytical Marxists
were developing at roughly the same time.

It is my understanding that parallel developments
in academic Marxist philosophy took place in
other eastern European countries during the
same time period too.

Jim F.

-- CeJ [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 Heidegger sees logical positivism as the culmination
 of a project begun with Descartes, a mode of thinking according to
 which truth is no longer disclosedness of what is and thus
 accommodation of grounding of Dasein in the disclosing being, but
 truth is rather diverted into certainty--to the mere securing of
 thought, and in fact the securing of mathematical thought against all
 that is not thinkable by it. (22)

That was interesting because it explains the so-called analytic vs.
continental division in basically 'Germanic' terms. I would say,
though, Heidegger is reacting more to the attention that logical
positivism was getting among intellectuals. The breaks occur way
before. See, for example, the exchanges between Frege and Husserl. One
reason why Wittgenstein intrigues so many is he moved across the
analytic and the continental 'traditions', baffling the logical
positivists. Rorty seemed original to people in the analytic tradition
mostly because he didn't devalue continental philosophy and understood
it better than most of his peers.

Is it too much to say, though, that German-language analytics were
largely absorbed by the US and UK?

I find the distinction between analytic and continental traditions
rather useless for engaging philosophy seriously (much of Marxist
political philosophy never fit into either rough category), but it can
be used to help explain, for example, what happened in linguistics
after the structuralists. It doesn't mean that there are two schools
of linguistics, but the various schools can be traced back to these
two usually diverging streams of thought.

C

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[Marxism-Thaxis] May Day

2008-05-01 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Today is the tenth anniversary of the launch of two important progressive email 
lists:  Doug Henwood's LBO-Talk List:
http://www.leftbusinessobserver.com/lbo-talk.html

and Louis Prpyect's Marxmail List:
http://www.marxmail.org



Happy anniversary to both lists.

Jim Farmelant
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[Marxism-Thaxis] Fwd from Juan De La Cruz

2008-04-30 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Contra los festejos del Primero de Mayo
| en castellano | en franc�s | en ingl�s | en checo | en portugu�s | en h�ngaro 
|
A continuaci�n reproducimos un panfleto elaborado y difundido por compa�eros 
sudamericanos contra los festejos burgueses del primero de mayo. La claridad 
con que estos compa�eros afirman las posiciones invariantes del programa 
revolucionario, contra el Estado, contra la democracia, contra la liberaci�n 
nacional, contra la esclavitud asalariada, contra el trabajo, contra el 
capital, contra los festejos burgueses del primero de mayo,... hacen 
innecesarias otras observaciones. Queremos resaltar, sin embargo, la defensa 
que los compa�eros hacen del verdadero sujeto de la revoluci�n, el 
proletariado, en un momento hist�rico en que todos los ide�logos est�n 
empe�ados en diluir y dividir a nuestra clase en un conjunto de categor�as 
diversas como vimos en el subrayado Am�rica, arriba los que luchan contra el 
capital y el Estado. Con los compa�eros afirmamos a contracorriente que el 
Primero de Mayo fue, es y ser� un momento y una bandera de lucha contra la 
explotaci�n y con ellos gritamos la consigna: POR LA CONSTITUCI�N DEL 
PROLETARIADO EN CLASE REVOLUCIONARIA.
Primero de Mayo
La utop�a del comunismo tiene en las palabras de Manuel Gozalez Prada, 
arengadas por el 1� de mayo de 1908, como el d�a en que los proletarios, 
esparcidos en todo el mundo, comprenden ya no la iron�a de conmemorar la fiesta 
del trabajo y ve en el 1� de mayo el d�a simb�lico en que los oprimidos y los 
explotados se juntan para contarse, unificar sus aspiraciones y prepararse a la 
acci�n demoledora y definitiva del Estado y del Capital, toda la vigencia 
hist�rica por un mundo nuevo por construir.

El 1� de mayo conmemora el d�a internacional del proletariado, d�a que recuerda 
el, asesinato legal efectuado por el Estado yanqui en 1887 de cuatro militantes 
anarquistas en Chicago. Hay quienes en este d�a tratan de conciliar las 
contradicciones de clase, vociferando que el 1� de mayo es la fiesta del 
trabajo o el d�a del trabajo, palabras tan pat�ticas no pueden venir nada m�s y 
nada menos de todos los agentes contrarrevolucionarios (izquierdistas de toda 
laya) que se mezclan entre nosotros y se apropian de nuestras banderas para 
desviarnos por el camino del pacifismo de la democracia es decir de la 
dictadura legal del capital. Los anarquistas de Chicago no murieron por ello, 
murieron por un mundo nuevo que ganar sin Estado ni democracia ni capital.

Reforzando la l�nea hist�rica de la Revoluci�n, en la que se encuadran Marx, 
Bakunin, Flores Mag�n, Gonz�lez Prada y todos los que supieron identificar al 
Estado, la democracia y al capital como los enemigos m�ximos que niegan nuestra 
humanidad, seguiremos gritando que el 1 de mayo es d�a internacional de la 
lucha proletaria y No la fiesta del trabajo. Festejar el trabajo es festejar 
la explotaci�n, es festejar la acci�n permanente de vender d�a a d�a nuestra 
fuerza de trabajo por dinero, en fin es festejar y dar vivas a la puta 
Comunidad del dinero de los Estados burgueses. Es por ello que desde la ONU, 
que es la Organizaci�n Internacional del Capitalismo (donde est�n representadas 
todas las dictaduras democr�ticas), salen las arengas a la fiesta del trabajo a 
fin de que festejemos la inhumanidad de vivir felices dentro de la explotaci�n 
del Estado y del capital.

El 1� de mayo en estos momentos de reacci�n generalizada del capital, debe ser 
del d�a en que la l�nea hist�rica de la revoluci�n comience nuevamente a 
cobrar vida zanjando posiciones y desmitificando al oportunismo burgu�s radical 
pintado de rojo representadas por todas las izquierdas (la fracci�n intelectual 
de la peque�a burgues�a radical) leninistas, estalinistas, trotskistas, 
maoistas, guevaristas, castristas, mariateguistas, apristas, etc, etc, que en 
todas partes del mundo, nos infunden celebrar el trabajo, seguir con el 
argumento reaccionario de la gesti�n del capital a manos obreras, y el 
reciclado de la democracia Popular y liberaci�n nacional, con lo cual boicotean 
la constituci�n del proletariado en clase revolucionaria y la desv�an 
continuamente a los causes de la mentalidad capitalista.

Entre izquierda y derecha no hay oposici�n ideol�gica ni pr�ctica, ambas son 
l�neas democr�ticas y por tanto hermanos capitalistas diferenci�ndose solo en 
los modelos econ�micos de como gestionar el capital a manos del Estado. En esta 
forma dentro de la democracia en la que juegan izquierdistas y derechistas no 
hay oposici�n hay uniformidad dentro de la cloaca de la gesti�n del capital y 
el trabajo, generando todas sus taras: mercanc�a, acumulaci�n y comercio; 
patrias y guerras; fronteras, explotaci�n y miseria; democracia y esclavos 
asalariados. Por ello y por siempre recordando a Gonz�lez Prada celebrar el 1� 
de mayo como la fiesta del trabajo es hacer el papel de ingenuos, infelices, e 
inconscientes defendiendo la miseria y el rol de esclavos asalariados, es 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Vienna Circle etc.

2008-04-04 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

On Vygotsky:
http://www.mail-archive.com/marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu/msg01947.html


-- CeJ [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
JF:

I am interested in them because of my general interest
in the philosophy of science and the broader implications:
culturally, socially and politically of differing
philosophies of science.  Concerning the Vienna Circle,
I am in agreement with George Reisch that because of
the peculiarities of the reception of logical empiricism
into the anglophone world, especially in the US, people
have generally failed to understand or appreciate
the broader concerns of the Vienna Circle, so that it was generally
understood in the US as having been mainly about
modern logic and the philosophy of science, whereas
they in fact had much broader interests.

I'm interested in issues in philosophy of social sciences (psycho-,
logico-formal, cognitive, linguistic, social, etc.), but my limited
knowledge of the VC leads me to think (perhaps quite wrongly) there
wasn't much fruitful work done amongst them in such areas. I haven't
had time to search down info. on all the official members listed in
that manifesto. And although Popper never got listed as a VC member
(and was down officially as an opponent of the logical positivists),
they published at least of his books, didn't they?

Of their contemporaries, I find Husserl and Vygotsky much more
interesting on scientific approaches to the social and psychological
realms.  And in education, I would cite Freire and his use of
non-positivistic approaches. (You could say variations of positivism
pervade academic social sciences in the anglophone world and much of
Europe. And that would include the way academia co-opts 'practitioner
sciences' in order to make more high-paying work for itself and to
control certification and indoctrination in education and other
applied and clinical specialities. For example, academic approaches to
'qualitative research' , 'classroom resarch', and 'action research'.)

Husserl, I believe, is a hugely under-estimated influence on so much
of modern and post-modern philosophy. Directly and indirectly. He got
somewhat dismissed because of anglo-analytic propaganda about Frege.
Popper seems to have got some of his ideas about open society directly
from Husserl, but Popper is a direct product of the logical
positivists/empiricists and Husserl is not. He is a true opposition to
it. You can dismantle Popper with Kuhn, Lakatos and Feyerabend. You
can find parallels between late Popper and Piaget. But you can also
demolish Popper using Husserl's analysis of why positivist programs
fail in the 'sciences of man'.

Interestingly enough Carnap's itinerant education led to his being
taught by a who's who of philosophy, including Husserl, Frege, and
Bruno Bauch, as well as personal correspondence with Russell. Also,
you could say Heidegger's philosophy starts with the teaching of
Husserl. Even Goedel cited Husserl as an influence. I should like to
re-read Wittgenstein on psychology in light of having read more of
Brentano, Husserl and the gestaltists.
Husserl is that rationalist hinge on which so much modern and
post-modern philosophy swings.

So why did Husserl and Vygotsky refer to a CRISIS in naturalistic and
positivist approach to the 'sciences of man'? (Though it is often
forgotten that to quite an extent positivism originates in attempts to
shift social philosophy into a scientific framework--such as Comte's
sociology.)

(I think RD has reviews and essays that relate to Husserl (such as
Husserl vs. positivism). Could he post some links and excerpts if he
has time? )

Here are some online Husserl and Vygotsky primary sources, typical of
what I have I have been reading off and on for the past two years at
marxists.org.

1.

http://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/ge/husserl2.htm
(by the way, I have the book, but am citing an online source for list
participants)

small excerpt �61. Psychology in the tension between the
(objectivistic-philosophical) idea of science and empirical procedure:
the incompatibility of the two directions of psychological inquiry
(the psychophysical and that of psychology based on inner
experience).

ALL SCIENTIFIC empirical inquiry has its original legitimacy and also
its dignity. But considered by itself, not all such inquiry is science
in that most original and indispensable sense whose first name was
philosophy, and thus also in the sense of the new establishment of a
philosophy or science since the Renaissance. Not all scientific
empirical inquiry grew up as a partial function within such a science.
Yet only when it does justice to this sense can it truly be called
scientific. But we can speak of science as such only where, within the
indestructible whole of universal philosophy, a branch of the
universal task causes a particular science, unitary in itself, to grow
up, in whose particular task, as a branch, the universal task works
itself out in an originally vital grounding of the system

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Vienna Circle etc.

2008-04-03 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

I am interested in them because of my general interest
in the philosophy of science and the broader implications:
culturally, socially and politically of differing
philosophies of science.  Concerning the Vienna Circle,
I am in agreement with George Reisch that because of
the peculiarities of the reception of logical empiricism
into the anglophone world, especially in the US, people
have generally failed to understand or appreciate
the broader concerns
of the Vienna Circle, so that it was generally
understood in the US as having been mainly about
modern logic and the philosophy of science, whereas
they in fact had much broader interests.  For
example, they had a close working relationship
with the Bauhaus.  That was partially because
the Vienna Circle member, Philipp Frank, had a brother,
Josef Frank, who was an architect and a teacher
at the Bauhaus, but it was also the case that
various members of the Circle, including Neurath
and Carnap would regularly give lectures at the
Bauhaus.  The Circle saw the kind of work being
pursued by the Bauhaus as being consistent with
their own work as philosophers and scientists.
Both the Bauhaus and the Circle were part of
the broader social democratic culture that
prevailed in Germany and Austria prior to the
rise of fascism.  

Of the members of the Vienna Circle, Otto
Neurath was probably the one who was the most
concerned with pursuing these broader
implications of logical empiricism.
This no doubt was due to his experiences
of having been an economic planner for
the Austrian government during WW I, 
his participation in the radical left
governments of Bavaria during the 1919
revolution, and his work for the Austrian
SPD and the trade union movement during
the 1920s and 1930s.  

Jim F.
-- rasherrs [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Hi Jim

Interesting!

You seem very familiar with the Vienna Circle. What was it that attracted 
your interest in it?

Paddy Hackett

- Original Message - 
From: Jim Farmelant [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Cc: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Sent: Thursday, April 03, 2008 2:09 AM
Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Vienna Circle etc.



On Wed, 2 Apr 2008 09:53:37 +0100 rasherrs [EMAIL PROTECTED]
writes:
   Thank you for the help in relation to the Vienna Circle. It is a
 circle
 that has been much misunderstood in radical left circles. When I was
 in my
 late teens I was led to the view that it was a crassly reactionary
 group.

The Frankfurters in particular pushed that view of the
Circle, as did many Soviet or pro-Soviet writers,
who emphasized Leninist opposition to Machism.


   Why did Wittgenstein not view himself as a logical positivist?

The Circle admired Wittgenstein, but he was not inclined
to reciprocate.  He thought that they misunderstood
what he was attempting to do.  He was willing
to meet with individual members of the Circle,
with people like Schlick, Carnap, Feigl etc. but
he refused to meet with the Circle as a whole.

 What, if
 any, the principal difference(s) between their philosophies in these
 early
 days. I can see why there is a difference between Popper and Logical

 Positivism --the question of verfiability over falsifiablity.

There were differences with in the Circle over such
issues as physicalist realism versus phenonomenalism,
coherence theories of truth versus correspondence
theories of truth.  Later on there were somewhat
different understandings of what was entailed by
the unity of science.  Did that mean that a straight
forward reductionist program was possible with
everything being ultimately reduced to the laws
of chemistry and physics, or did it simply mean that
all meaningul propositions about the world,
whether those propositions be from the
natural sciences, or the behavioral and
social sciences, were expressible in terms
of physicalist language?

Neurath tended to champion holistic
conceptions of truth and knowledge
and he shied away from extreme
reductionism.  His positions were
thus akin to those that many Marxists
have held over the years.

Jim F.


 Paddy Hackett

 
 - Original Message - 
 From: Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
 Cc: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
 Sent: Wednesday, April 02, 2008 7:47 AM
 Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Vienna Circle etc.


 Interesting.  I wonder if I should put this or similar items into
 my
 bibliography.  This is a Marxist advocating the Popperian approach
 as
 a way of circumventing doctrinal rigidification.  Can you think of
 other Marxists who have taken this road?



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[Marxism-Thaxis] Me on Popper (was Re: Vienna Circle ettc.)

2008-04-01 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

http://archives.econ.utah.edu/archives/marxism/2005w00/msg7.htm
http://archives.econ.utah.edu/archives/marxism/2005w00/msg00027.htm

http://lists.econ.utah.edu/pipermail/marxism-thaxis/2002-May/017655.html

Also see Ralph's Emergence Blog

http://www.autodidactproject.org/my/emergence-blog-03.html
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Vienna Circle ettc.

2008-04-01 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

I don't think it's in Ayer's book.  I don't think it's available online in 
English, although I have seen it online in German and in Hebrew.

Jim F.
-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
I can't find an English translation on the 
web.  But I could have sworn I've seen it in 
print somewhere else.  Could it be in Ayer's anthology LOGICAL POSITIVISM?

At 08:56 PM 3/31/2008, Jim Farmelant wrote:

On Tue, 1 Apr 2008 02:36:44 +0100 rasherrs [EMAIL PROTECTED]
writes:
  Interesting!
 
  Are there available any English copies of The Scientific Conception
  of the
  World?
 
 

Wissenschaftliche Weltauffassung. Der Wiener Kreis, 1929.
English translation The Scientific Conception of the World.
The Vienna Circle in Sarkar, Sahotra, ed., The Emergence of
Logical Empiricism: from 1900 to the Vienna Circle,
New York : Garland Publishing, 1996, pp. 321�340.

Also can be found:

  Hahn, Hans, Rudolph Carnap, and Otto Neurath.  The Scientific
Conception of the World: the Vienna Circle.   in Neurath, Otto.
Empiricism and Sociology.  Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1973.  299-318.
Also in Analytic Philosophy.  Ed. Jordan J. Lindberg.
Mountain View, CA: Mayfield, 2000. 147-158.



  People yakkity yak a streak and waste your time of day
But Mister Ed will never speak unless he has something to say.


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[Marxism-Thaxis] Fw: Please post to MARXISM-THAXIS

2008-03-19 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]


Please note: forwarded message attached


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[Marxism-Thaxis] Rethinking Marxism

2008-03-19 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Dear Mr. Farmelant,

I would like to post a message to your listserv, which I have included below; 
it includes information about the various events related to the 20th 
anniversary of our journal Rethinking Marxism (for further information, please 
visit the webpage at 
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pdf/announcements/rrmx_anni.pdf) which I think 
will be useful for your members. With that in mind, I hope you deem it a 
suitable announcement to share with your list.
 
If you have any queries at all, or requests for further information, please do 
not hesitate to contact me.

Kind regards,
Sophia Blackwell
Routledge, Taylor and Francis, 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, 
Oxfordshire, OX14 4RN
Phone: (+44) 020 7017 6571 Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Fax: (+44) 020 7017 6713
 

RETHINKING MARXISM

20th Anniversary Events

 

20th Anniversary Issue of Rethinking Marxism

Volume 20, Issue 4 (October 2008)

The special issue commemorating 20 years of Rethinking Marxism’s publication 
will include contributions from Etienne Balibar, Stephen Resnick  Richard 
Wolff, Kojin Karatani, J. K. Gibson-Graham, Antonio Negri, Gayatri Chakravorty 
Spivak  Benjamin Baer, Susan Jahoda  Jesal Kapadia.

 

The issue will also contain a special interview with the past and present 
editors, in which they discuss some of the ideas and issues shaping both the 
emergence and trajectory of the journal.

 

Special sessions will be held at each of the following four conferences 
addressing the status of Marxism in contemporary politics, and the particular 
role of the journal Rethinking Marxism:

 

Left Forum

Cooper Union, New York City (14-16 March 2008)

“Rethinking Marxism and the Future of Global Struggles: Class Theory, Political 
Subjects, and

Contemporary Capitalism.”

The session’s participants will be: David Harvey, Joseph Buttigieg, Richard 
Wolff, Maliha Safri, Graham Cassano, and David F. Ruccio

Routledge and Rethinking Marxism will also sponsor a 20th anniversary reception 
at the conference.

 

Surplus/Excess

University of California-Riverside (4-5 April 2008)

“Exceedance: 20 Years of Rethinking Marxism,”

The session’s participants will be Jack Amariglio, Joseph Childers, Philip 
Kozel, Susan Jahoda, Erik Olsen, and David F. Ruccio

Routledge and Rethinking Marxism will also sponsor a 20th anniversary reception 
at the conference.

For more information: http://rethinkingmarxism.org/cms/node/1072

 

Cultural Studies Association

(22-24 May 2008)

“Culture/Economy: 20 Years of Rethinking Marxism,”

The session’s participants will be: S. Charusheela, Susan Jahoda, Jesal 
Kapadia, Yahya Madra, Richard Wolff, Maliha Safri, and Joseph Childers.

 

AESA Conference/Celebration

(September 2008,TBA)
The Association for Economic and Social Analysis will sponsor a conference in 
Amherst, MA celebrating 20 years of Rethinking Marxism.

For more information visit: 
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pdf/announcements/rrmx_anni.pdf
 

Informa plc (Informa) Registered Office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer 
Street, London, W1T 3JH. Registered in England and Wales - Number 3099067
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Religion Marx

2007-09-27 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Feuerbach as many people here are probably aware was, despite or perhaps even 
because of his atheism, an important influence on 20th century theology.  
People like Karl Barth, Karl Rahner, Martin Buber, and Paul Tillich all wrote 
about and wrestled with Feuerbach's critique of Christianity and religion.  On 
the secularist side of the fence, both Friedrich Nietzsche and Sigmund Freud 
were very much influenced by Feuerbach as well.  It's a vulgar mistake to take 
Feuerbach as simply a transitional figure from Hegel to Marx.

Jim F.

-- CeJ [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Religion  Marx

This might  be on the bibliographies, I haven't checked. At any rate,
this ten page article looks to take an interesting approach. I don't
have a copy though. This is the cheapest (USD 25.00) online price I
could find for this article. But as I said, it would be tempting to
work out an understanding of Marx not only up against Feuerbach but
with some other contemporaries. So we get this paper on F, M and
Bloch.

A far different but interesting approach for me would be a
reconciliation of socialism and Islamist movements, such as Hezbollah
and the Sadrist Resistance in Iraq. The US and much of Europe under
the tutelage of the hegemon have taken the world down a path to hell
in this regard.

CJ
---


http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~content=a713994384~db=all

Religion and communism: Feuerbach, Marx and Bloch
Author: Vincent Geoghegan
DOI: 10.1080/1084877042000306352
Publication Frequency: 7 issues per year
Published in: journal The European Legacy, Volume 9, Issue 5 October
2004 , pages 585 - 595
Subjects: European History; European Studies; Philosophy;
Formats available: PDF (English)

  Purchase Article: US$25.00 - buy now buy now add to cart buy now
[ show other buying options ]



Abstract
Whilst Marx made scattered positive remarks about the details of
communist society, he also made important negative indications.
Religion features in this negativity: his critique of religion is
withering, there is no mention of religious life in communism, and he
is emphatic that religion will play no role in such a society. For
Marx, one of the tangible freedoms of communism was freedom from
religion. The critique of religion is fundamentally inscribed in the
very genesis of Marx's thought, and Feuerbach is crucial to
understanding Marx's strictures on religion. Yet Feuerbach also
figures in Ernst Bloch's very positive approach to religion, which
argues that communism involves the freedom to be religious, in the
sense of opening up oneself and society to the gold-bearing seams of
the religious experience. This essay explores how such different
conceptions of the relationship between religion and communism both
draw sustenance from Feuerbach.

-

MLA style citation:

Geoghegan, Vincent. Religion and communism: Feuerbach, Marx and
Bloch The European Legacy 9.5 (2004). 25 Sep. 2007
http://www.informaworld.com/10.1080/1084877042000306352

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Religion Marx

2007-09-26 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Marx Wartofsky's massive study, Feuerbach (Cambridge University Press,1977),  
would, I think be an exception to that rule.

Jim F.

-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Expositions of Marxism have tended to limit treating Feuerbach as a 
thinker in his own right, but not all scholars, Marxist and 
non-Marxist, have imposed such limitations.

I don't know whether Marx or Kierkegaard even knew of one another's 
existence, so I don't know what is to be said on that score in terms 
of the development of either.

The Engels piece is interesting in various respects. I would be 
tempted to find it unsatisfactory, but Engels does mention the 
importance of the inherited concept of sacrifice.  I am not so 
impressed with the similarities between primitive Christianity and 
communism, though they might hold propaganda value for many. There 
are many equally as important factors to consider.

Hermeneutics was originally Christian, and I think this includes 
Schleiermacher, a contemporary of Hegel.  But hermeneutics got a big 
boost in an extra-religious context in the person of Dilthey,a key 
figure in the development of 19th century thought.

At 05:16 PM 9/25/2007, CeJ wrote:
One problem is Feuerbach often gets schematized as a stepping stone
from Hegel to Marx in the 'progress' of the history of thought. It
would tempting to deal with a host of other 19th century thinkers AND
Marx. For some in European traditions, it might be interesting to
re-visit Sartre, as a synthesis (put simplistically) of Marx and
Kierkegaard.

Not looking so much at 'Marxist approaches to religion' but simply
religion and Marx at what is on the web, and I find the following of
interest:

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/subject/religion/index.htm

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/subject/religion/book-revelations.htm

Still, in the Engels' piece I think we could say this is a Marxist
approach to religion (to hermeneutics, which were, as far as I know,
originally German Christian hermeneutics before the post-modern
episteme gave us things like 'Wittgenstinian approaches to
hermeneutics').

CJ




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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] [marxistphilosophy] Religion Marx (1)

2007-09-25 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Another Marxist book on religion was by the social democrat, Michael 
Harrington, The Politics at God's Funeral: The Spiritual Crisis of Western 
Civilization (Baltimore: Penguin, 1985). ISBN 978-0140076899.

Jim F.

-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Wise, Rick B. A.
Religion  Marx.
Austin, TX: American Atheist Press, 1988.
xv, 268 p.

I must have purchased this book within a few years of its 
publication.  I even remember Madelyn O'Hair talking about it and 
mentioning the dialectic on some video of some American Atheists 
Conference program or TV show if they had one.  But I never even 
looked at it until a couple days ago, when I was suddenly seized with 
the impulse to ferret it out and look it over.  I was curious not 
only for the analysis of Marx's view of religion but to check out 
what kind of a book American Atheist Press would publish on Marx, 
seeing as no American atheist or humanist association possesses the 
depth or breadth to analyze social structure and causality in a 
manner that would take into account Marx or Marxism.

Wise claims his book is the first attempt to analyze the relation 
between religion and other aspects of Marx's thought.  He says the 
analysis of the Marxian approach to religion has never got beyond two 
articles Lenin wrote on religion by 1909. I find this assertion 
mighty hard to swallow, but offhand I can only think of a few books 
on Marx and religion, one being Trevor Ling's book on religion in the 
West and India, which I read a few months ago. A search of the 
Library of Congress database by subject yielded only a few books in 
English.  But I have to think I'm overlooking something.

There are some glitches and some odd twists and turns in this book, 
but also much interesting content, scarce in English let alone 
atheist circles.  One might being with the impression that there was 
something fundamentally wrong when the author sets out to examine the 
dialectical materialism of Marx, since Marx had nothing to do with 
the creation of what we know as dialectical materialism, though 
indeed his world view was dialectical and materialist. The author 
also sees no warrant for treating Marx distinct from Engels, as they 
both substantially agreed on everything and Engels acknowledged Marx 
as the master. However, these faulty starting points do not damage 
the book.  Wise points out the conceptual discrepancies between Marx 
and Soviet Marxism throughout the book. He also organizes his 
presentation of Marx's development into thesis (Hegel), antithesis 
(Feuerbach), and synthesis (Marx's dialectical materialism), but this 
too does not damage the author's actual analysis.

Wise draws on some curious sources. He draws on Soviet sources for 
Soviet Marxism, naturally, and other introductions to dialectical 
materialism, which does not confuse with Marx's thought.  He also 
draws upon Christian socialists of an earlier era, whom no one thinks 
about today--Julius Hecker and John Macmurray, for example.

Before we get to a treatment of Marx's own views, Wise presents 
something one does not often find in English, and even more rarely in 
atheist circles--a summary of the development of Hegelian thinking on 
religion between Hegel and Marx. Wise does rely heavily on Engels' 
characterizations of Hegel and begins with the dichotomy of method 
and system and the inversion metaphor. Nevertheless, the key issue 
under examination is the notion of world as the manifestitation of 
the Idea and the contradiction between Hegel's logicism and the 
empirical content of his view of historical development.

Of greatest interest, though, is the simplicity and clarity of Wise's 
explication of Feuerbach, the weaknesses Marx found in him, and the 
development of Hegelian thought via Strauss, Bauer, Feuerbach, and 
Stirner.  You don't get this often in philosophical works in English, 
with quotes as well, and not in atheist literature where this 
material most emphatically belongs.







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[Marxism-Thaxis] Test - Please ignore

2007-08-21 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Test - Please ignore


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] cell phone

2007-07-12 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Yes.

http://www.snopes.com/politics/business/cell411.asp

Jim F.

-- Charles Brown [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Is this an urban legend


 7/2/2007 3:29 PM 

REMINDER9 days from today, all cell phone numbers are being
released to telemarketing companies and you will start to receive
sales
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It is the National DO NOT CALL list. It will only take a minute
of your time.
It blocks your number for five (5) years.
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You cannot call from a different phone number.

HELP OTHERS BY PASSING THIS ON TO ALL YOUR FRIENDS.
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[Marxism-Thaxis] The slow death of Social Democracy?

2007-07-12 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

TLS - July 11, 2007

Holiday reading for Gordon Brown
Vernon Bogdanor

Sheri Berman
THE PRIMACY OF POLITICS
Social democracy and the making of  Europe's twentieth century
218pp. Cambridge University Press.
£40; paperback £14.99 (US $65; paperback, $23.99).
978 0 521 81799 8

Gordon Brown has moved into Ten Downing Street after ten years of  
Labour government, the longest and most successful period of social- 
democratic rule in Britain's history. Yet he finds himself heir, not  
to a living and viable philosophy of government, but to a collection  
of ideological ruins. His success will depend on whether he can  
construct anything new out of these ruins, whether he can breathe new  
life into the dry bones, whether he can discover a new philosophy of  
government for the centre-left as fruitful as social democracy was in  
the past.

In undertaking this enterprise, he will have much to learn from The  
Primacy of Politics by Sheri Berman; he would find it a great  
stimulus to thought, and even, on occasion to disagreement. It would,  
however, be difficult for him to disagree with the view that The  
Primacy of Politics is one of the most thought-provoking books on  
twentieth-century ideologies to appear for many years.

Sheri Berman begins by asking why it is that the history of Europe  
since 1914 falls so neatly into two contrasting periods. Between the  
wars, the continent was marked by turbulence and crisis, but, for  
nearly sixty years, its western half has known political stability  
and high rates of economic growth. What caused this transformation?  
To this question, two answers have been given. The first suggests  
that it was a result of the triumph of democracy over its enemies,  
Stalinism, Fascism and National Socialism; the second claims that it  
was the philosophy of the market which had triumphed over socialism  
and communism. Historically, however, democracy and the market have  
been regarded as in conflict with each other. Liberals from  
Tocqueville to Hayek feared that the market could not survive the  
coming of democracy, for universal suffrage would give power to the  
unpropertied and ill-educated; Marxists in a sense confirmed their  
fears by predicting that the majority in a bourgeois democracy, the  
working class, would not tolerate capitalism but would overthrow it,  
by peaceful means if possible, by violent means if not. Yet, both  
liberals and Marxists came to be confounded when, in the post-war  
era, capitalism and the market came to be reconciled. How did this  
come about? That is what Sheri Berman seeks to explain in The Primacy  
of Politics.

Her answer is that it was an undervalued ideology, social democracy,  
which formed the ideological basis of the post-war settlement and  
resolved the central challenge of modern politics: reconciling the  
competing needs of capitalism and democracy. Social democracy,  
Berman argues, offers, a genuine third way that preserves both.  
Historians, she believes, have not noticed this because they have  
overemphasized the role of the middle classes and liberal parties  
in achieving this synthesis; yet the key role was played, not by  
liberals, but by parties of the moderate revisionist Left and by  
the institutions of the Labour movement.

Social democrat was originally a term applied to anyone from the Left  
who rejected the nineteeth-century liberal economy; it was applied to  
Karl Kautsky and H. M. Hyndman as well as to Eduard Bernstein and  
Anthony Crosland. Today, however, it forms but one element in the  
socialist spectrum, the revisionist element which began with the  
German social democrat, Eduard Bernstein, the hero of Berman's story.  
Revisionist social democracy was not, she believes, a mere half-way  
house between Marxism and liberalism, cobbled together from elements  
of incompatible traditions; nor were social democrats merely  
socialists without the courage of their convictions; nor should  
they be defined, as they were by Crosland, in terms of particular  
values such as equality. The essence of social democracy lies rather  
in a distinctive belief in the primacy of politics, and an appeal  
to social and communal solidarity through mass political  
organizations – people's parties.

These, however, are features that social democracy shares with its  
ideological enemies, Fascism and National Socialism. Social democracy  
and Fascism, so Berman believes, share a common genealogy, although,  
of course, social democracy is distinctive in being the only  
democratic movement of the three. The cover of The Primacy of  
Politics provocatively juxtaposes posters from the Swedish social  
democrats between the wars and the Nazis. Both promised work for all.  
For social democracy, like Fascism and National Socialism, arose out  
of the crisis of liberalism and Kautskyite Marxism at the end of the  
nineteenth century, philosophies which denied the primacy of politics  
and therefore seemed 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] The slow death of Social Democracy?

2007-07-12 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Vernon Bogdanor argued that:
--
Social democrat was originally a term applied to anyone from the Left  
who rejected the nineteeth-century liberal economy; it was applied to  
Karl Kautsky and H. M. Hyndman as well as to Eduard Bernstein and  
Anthony Crosland. Today, however, it forms but one element in the  
socialist spectrum, the revisionist element which began with the  
German social democrat, Eduard Bernstein, the hero of Berman's story.  
Revisionist social democracy was not, she believes, a mere half-way  
house between Marxism and liberalism, cobbled together from elements  
of incompatible traditions; nor were social democrats merely  
socialists without the courage of their convictions; nor should  
they be defined, as they were by Crosland, in terms of particular  
values such as equality. The essence of social democracy lies rather  
in a distinctive belief in the primacy of politics, and an appeal  
to social and communal solidarity through mass political  
organizations – people's parties.

These, however, are features that social democracy shares with its  
ideological enemies, Fascism and National Socialism. Social democracy  
and Fascism, so Berman believes, share a common genealogy, although,  
of course, social democracy is distinctive in being the only  
democratic movement of the three. The cover of The Primacy of  
Politics provocatively juxtaposes posters from the Swedish social  
democrats between the wars and the Nazis. Both promised work for all.  
For social democracy, like Fascism and National Socialism, arose out  
of the crisis of liberalism and Kautskyite Marxism at the end of the  
nineteenth century, philosophies which denied the primacy of politics  
and therefore seemed to countenance quietism, an approach which  
proved disastrous during the Depression. Thus, although, in both  
Germany and Italy, the socialists were the strongest political party  
after the First World War, they proved unable to defend democratic  
institutions.

Moreover, social democracy found itself in retreat in the inter-war  
years everywhere in Europe except for Scandinavia, because it failed  
to appreciate the force of patriotism. The doctrine that the worker  
had no fatherland might, Bernstein conceded, have been true for the  
German worker of the 1840s deprived of rights and excluded from  
public life, but by the beginning of the twentieth century, by which  
time he had voting rights and rights to social security, it had lost  
much of its truth; and it was given the coup de grâce in 1914 when  
the German SPD voted for war credits and the Second International  
disintegrated. On August 2, 1914, declared Adrien Marquet, the  
French neosocialist who later identified himself with Fascism, the  
notion of class collapsed before the concept of the Nation.
--


In the case of Germany, the Nazis were able to successfully implement
social democratic economic and social policies that the German business
community would have accepted, if an SPD-lead government had attempted
to implement.  And the reason for that IMO, is that the Nazis had also
taken care to smash the trade unions, thereby alleviating any fears on
the part of big business in Germany, that such policies would lead to
excessive (from their standpoint) wage hikes.  The Nazis were able to,
in effect, offer social democracy without Social Democrats.  And the
business community was willing to put up with this.  



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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Emailing: attachment

2007-07-12 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

The German business community was willing to accept from the Nazi
regime economic policies that they never would have accepted from an
SPD government. When the SPD was in power, their policies were much
more cautious than the ones that the Nazis would follow later on.

Jim F.


-- Charles Brown [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 -- In the case of Germany, the Nazis were able to
successfully implement social democratic economic and social policies that
the German business community would have accepted,
^
Would or would not have accepted



 if an SPD-lead government had attempted to implement. And the reason for
that IMO, is that the Nazis had also taken care to smash the trade unions,
thereby alleviating any fears on the part of big business in Germany, that
such policies would lead to excessive (from their standpoint) wage hikes.
The Nazis were able to, in effect, offer social democracy without Social
Democrats. And the business community was willing to put up with this. 



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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] footnote on Darwin

2007-07-05 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

I believe that in the passage quoted from Marx's letter of Lassalle,
Marx wrote not only is he the first to strike a fatal blow to
'teleology'in natural science, NOT 'theology'. In other words Marx was
noting that Darwin had shown it possible to provide causal explanations
for the apparently designed nature of biological organisms as opposed
to teleological explanations.  That was certainly a blow to natural
theology which had long relied upon the argument from design to
establish the existence of God. But it also marked the beginning of the
assimilation of natural history (i.e. biology) into the natural
sciences, where supernaturalist explanations, including teleological
explanations, were barred.
 


-- Charles Brown [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 
 

CeJ jannuzi

I didn't use the main thread title on West and Marxism.

--

In a speech over Marx's grave, Engels (1883) pointed out the
relations between Marx and Darwin in the following terms: 'Just as
Darwin discovered the law of development of organic nature, so Marx
discovered the law of development of human history.' (G. Politzer in
his 'Elementary Principles of Philosophy' cites the source as PS
Foner, ed., 'When Karl Marx Died, Comments in 1883').

Politzer continues:

In 1860, Marx had already written in a letter to Engels with regard
to Darwin's principal work, 'On the Origin of the Species (1859)',
which had just been published: 'Although developed clumsily in the
English manner, this book contains, from the point of view of natural
science, the foundation which conforms to our point of view.' 

^
CB: Yes, this is precisely the comment I was referring to.

 By the way, I believe the clumsy English manner may be that Darwin didn't
recognize the Hegelian leaps or quantum leaps. That is Darwin doesn't talk
Hegelese. Darwin always emphasizes the gradualness of the changes, i.e. he
was an evolutionist , not a revolutionist , revolutions being the leaps,
when new species arise. However, Darwin did note that there were gaps
in the
fossil record without intermediate species between existing species.  The
Gould-Eldrige punctuated equilibrium thesis puts the leaps into the
Darwinian thesis. The punctuations are the leaps in the otherwise slow
change. Punctations are things like mass extinctions followed by
re-speciation. There is a lot of debate and discussion on this in earlier
Thaxis threads, around 1999, 2000 or so. I'll see if I can find the
threads,
later as I have to go now.

^^^

He makes
similar remarks in a letter to Lassalle, 'Darwin's work is
considerable and suits me as a foundation, from the point of view of
natural science, for class struggle in historyDespite all his
faults, not only is he the first to strike a fatal blow to 'theology'
in natural science, but he empirically establishes the rational
meaning of the latter' 



See also Engels' 'Evolution of Socialism'.

CJ





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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] A note on positivism

2007-06-14 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Actually, a lot of critics of Marxism have branded Marx as a
positivist.  They of course were using the word as a perjorative. 
There have been Marxists who were explicitly positivists.  The
Bolshevik, Alexander Bogdanov and his allies were avowed disciples of
Ernst Mach and Richard Avenarius, who were important influences on 20th
century neo-positivism.  Otto Neurath was both a logical empiricist and
a Marxist.  BTW the sociologist, Tom Bottomore, placed great emphasis
on the Saint-Simonian influence on Marx.

Jim F.

-- CeJ [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Haven't had time to follow up on all the places the discussion went
to; this is more a supplement of what JF posted about positivism. I
found it a good review from a 'philosophy of sociology' perspective.

Link and excerpt follows.

CJ

---

http://www.bangladeshsociology.org/CV%20of%20Nazrul%20-%20Pub%20-%20Positivism.htm

Early Sociological and Marxist Positivism·



excerpt:

Perhaps it amounts to heresy to call Karl Marx a positivist. By the
same token, with the exception of a few like Comte or Mach, no one
ever claimed to be a Positivist, though Mill, Spencer, Durkheim Trade,
Wundt or Lundberg were all as positivists. This paper also does not
make Marx into a positivist; it only attempts to point to the
similarities between the Marxist methodology and those of the early
sociologists, like Comte and Spencer, who were positivists.

No attempt is made here to denounce the dialectical basis of Marx's
methodology. Nor is positivism posed against dialectics as is done by
a number of German sociologists (see Adorno et. al. 1976 and Gellner
1985). This essay is not even directed at exploring the merits or
demirits of positivism vis a vis dialectics, nor even to salvage
positivism by anchoring it in the works of Marx. It is, however,
expected here that a demonstration of parallelism between Marxist
methodology and early sociology will go a long way to bridge the ever
widening gap between Marxist science of society and modern sociology
and can be immensely beneficial to the latter.

Over the period of one and a half centuries positivism has acquired
various meanings and seen numerous shifts in the emphasis of its
contents. Though its origin is intertwined with that of sociology and
had the social sciences as its focus, much of the later development of
positivism is attributed to the natural scientists and philosophers of
science in general. The derogatory connotation associated with
positivism may be imputed to the easy passage it provides towards
empiricism or scienticism, which have always remained only a step
beyond. Left within its bounds, positivism provides a strong
foundation on which the social sciences, and sociology in particular,
or at least the main stream of it, continue to build themselves.

Because of its chequered history, a unitary definition or even a
simple explanation of positivism is difficult to attempt. According to
Keat and Urry (1978) the main arguments of positivism are as follows.
For the positivist, they say, science is an attempt to gain predictive
and explanatory knowledge of the external world (1978: 4). Toward this
end the positivist constructs theories, or highly generalized
statements (laws) expressing the regular relationships that are found
in the external world discovered through systematic observation and
experimentations. To explain or to predict something is to show that
it is an instance of these regularities. Statements expressing these
regularities cannot be known by a priori means, nor are their truth a
matter of logical necessity, it is only contingently so. All such
statements must therefore be objectively tested through observation
and experiments, which are the only source of sure and certain
empirical knowledge. Science does not go 'behind' or 'beyond' the
phenomena revealed to us through sensory experience to attain
knowledge of the unobservable, essence or mechanisms that somehow
necessitate these phenomena. For the positivist there is no necessary
connections in nature, there are only regularities, meaning succession
of phenomena, which are systematically presented in terms of universal
laws of scientific theory. The region beyond this is the realm of
metaphysics. (Keat and Urry 1978: 4-5).

The positivist, thus, looks for regularities in the external world,
presented in the form of sensory data. These are built into universal
laws verified through observation and experimentations. No
metaphysical speculation or search for the essence of phenomena is
entertained. Such philosophical orientations and methodological
requirements obviously relate to the domain of the natural sciences.
But sociology, or part of it, has sought to emulate these standards
since its inception. Thus the natural sciences became the model for
sociology. Giddens (1978) identifies this positivistic attitude in
sociology as comprising of the position (a) that the methodological
procedures of natural science may

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Cornel West Marxism (1)

2007-06-07 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Ralph wrote concerning West:

Furthermore, the language he falls back at crucial junctures on smacks
of pragmatism, and his focusing on anti-foundationalism occasionally
skews his analysis in the same direction.

As I am sure that Ralph is well aware, Cornel West has long been an
admirer of the young Sidney Hook's attempt to read Marx in light of
Deweyian pragmatism, which in Hook's case meant taking Lukacs's and
Korsch's readings of Marx and reinterpreting them in light of Dewey. 
In West's case, he reads Marx in light of Rorty, and so manifests both
the strengths and weaknesses of his mentor.

Jim F.

-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
As much as I hate to admit it, I'm finding Cornel West's THE ETHICAL 
DIMENSIONS OF MARXIST THOUGHT a worthwhile read.  A critique of this 


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[Marxism-Thaxis] Angry atheists are hot authors (AP)

2007-05-25 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Angry atheists are hot authors

By RACHEL ZOLL, AP Religion Writer
Thu May 24, 2:16 PM ET

The time for polite debate is over. Militant, atheist
writers are making an all-out assault on religious
faith and reaching the top of the best-seller list, a
sign of widespread resentment over the influence of
religion in the world among nonbelievers.

Christopher Hitchens' book, God Is Not Great: How
Religion Poisons Everything, has sold briskly ever
since it was published last month, and his debates
with clergy are drawing crowds at every stop.

Sam Harris was a little-known graduate student until
he wrote the phenomenally successful The End of
Faith and its follow-up, Letter to a Christian
Nation. Richard Dawkins' The God Delusion and
Daniel Dennett's Breaking the Spell: Religion as a
Natural Phenomenon struck similar themes — and sold.

There is something like a change in the Zeitgeist,
Hitchens said, noting that sales of his latest book
far outnumber those for his earlier work that had
challenged faith. There are a lot of people, in this
country in particular, who are fed up with endless
lectures by bogus clerics and endless bullying.

Richard Mouw, president of Fuller Theological
Seminary, a prominent evangelical school in Pasadena,
Calif., said the books' success reflect a new
vehemence in the atheist critique.

I don't believe in conspiracy theories, Mouw said,
but it's almost like they all had a meeting and said,
'Let's counterattack.'

The war metaphor is apt. The writers see themselves in
a battle for reason in a world crippled by
superstition. In their view, Muslim extremists, Jewish
settlers and Christian right activists are from the
same mold, using fairy tales posing as divine
scripture to justify their lust for power. Bad
behavior in the name of religion is behind some of the
most dangerous global conflicts and the terrorist
attacks in the U.S., London and Madrid, the atheists
say.

As Hitchens puts it: Religion kills.

The Rev. Douglas Wilson, senior fellow in theology at
New Saint Andrews College, a Christian school in
Moscow, Idaho, sees the books as a sign of secular
panic. He says nonbelievers are finally realizing
that, contrary to what they were taught in college,
faith is not dead.

Signs of believers' political and cultural might
abound.

Religious challenges to teaching evolution are still
having an impact, 80 years after the infamous Scopes
Monkey trial. The dramatic growth in homeschooling
and private Christian schools is raising questions
about the future of public education. Religious
leaders have succeeded in putting some limits on
stem-cell research.

And the recent U.S. Supreme Court decision upholding a
national ban on a procedure critics call
partial-birth abortion — the first federal curbs on
an abortion procedure in a generation — came after
decades of religious lobbying for conservative
justices.

It sort of dawned on the secular establishment that
they might lose here, said Wilson, who is debating
Hitchens on christianitytoday.com and has written the
book Letter from a Christian Citizen in response to
Harris. All of this is happening precisely because
there's a significant force that they have to deal
with.

Indeed, believers far outnumber nonbelievers in
America. In an 2005 AP-Ipsos poll on religion, only 2
percent of U.S. respondents said they did not believe
in God. Other surveys concluded that 14 percent of
Americans consider themselves secular, a term that can
include believers who say they have no religion.

Some say liberal outrage over the policies of
President Bush is partly fueling sales, even though
Hitchens famously supported the invasion of Iraq.

To those Americans, the nation's born-again president
is the No. 1 representative of the religious right
activists who helped put him in office. Critics see
Bush's Christian faith behind some of his worst
decisions and his stubborn defense of the war in Iraq.

There is this general sense that evangelicals have
really gained a lot of power in the United States and
the Bush administration seems to represent that in
some significant ways, said Christian Smith, a
sociologist of religion at the University of Notre
Dame. A certain group of people sees it that way and
that's really disturbing.

Mouw said conservative Christians are partly to blame
for the backlash. The rhetoric of some evangelical
leaders has been so strident, they have invited the
rebuke, the seminary president said.

We have done a terrible job of presenting our
perspective as a plausible world view that has
implications for public life and for education,
presenting that in a way that is sensitive to the
concerns of people who may disagree, he said.
Whatever may be wrong with Christopher Hitchens
attacks on religious leaders, we have certainly
already matched it in our attacks.

Given the popularity of the anti-religion books so
far, publishers are expected to roll out even more in
the future. Lynn Garrett, senior religion editor for
Publishers Weekly, says 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Nappy-headed Hos of the World Unite!

2007-04-16 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Over on Marxmail, Shane Mage suggested that a probably decisive aspect
for CBS was that Don Imus's remarks exposed the network to possible
litigation.  You simply cannot call people whores on the public
airwaves and not expect to be sued for libel. If litigation should
occur, CBS and Imus can expect to be paying out millions of dollars in
damages. That and the prospect of organized boycotts of network
sponsors, I think, made this a rather easy business decision for the
powers that be at CBS and MSNBC.

Jim F.
-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
This story has been approached from a number of different angles. While 
Ehrenreich's approach is a legitimate one, there is a slightly different 
conclusion to be drawn from her argument. I don't buy the reappropriation 
of language line.  It's probably true that a lot of stupid white people 
have borrowed a slang they don't really understand.  (I see young white 
boys in the subway chanting I'm a  n***a while listening to rappers on 
their ipods.) That was my initial impression of Imus' remarks.  But if
they 
were in fact back-handed compliments, they were still insulting, and would 
have been insulting no matter who uttered them.  If Imus wanted to lust 
over black girls, which he certainly has the right to do, better he should 
have gotten himself in trouble by making a rather different set of remarks 
than picking up on a demeaning stereotype to do so.  One can certainly
lust 
over classy young ladies as I did at the Kennedy Center while all this was 
going on. There's an issue of respect. The problem, however, is not merely 
in the imitation, but in the original.  This whole language, which nobody 
will ever convince me means anything but low self-esteem, needs to be 
proscribed.

If this were a one-off, I'd say fugeddaboudit. But apparently this fellow 
has a track record, so good riddance.  But the hypocrisy of the media and 
all of the players involved ought to be highlighted, including the
monetary 
interdependency of all the politicians and media people mixed up in this.

At 01:24 PM 4/16/2007 -0400, Charles Brown wrote:
This article can be found on the web at
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20070423/ehrenreich

Nappy-headed Hos of the World Unite!
by BARBARA EHRENREICH
[posted online on April 13, 2007]


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] God is Nietszche - dead

2006-08-20 Thread [EMAIL PROTECTED]

For Carnap, see

The Elimination of Metaphysics Through Logical Analysis of Language.
In: A. J. Ayer, ed., Logical Positivism. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press,
pp. 60-81. Translation of Carnap 1931.

I don't think that's avaliable online.

Jim F.
-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
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This is all a load of shit, but first, I could use some specific
references 
for Carnap's evaluation of Nietszsche.  I've seen stray references to 
Nietzsche, but no sustained commentary.

BTW, I don't think Trotsky's 1900 essay on Nietzsche was translated into 
English, unless it's happened over the past decade.  I'd like to take a 
look at it.

At 09:49 PM 8/20/2006 -0400, Jim Farmelant wrote:
Thus concerning Nietzsche, it is interesting to note that while the
logical positivist, Rudolf Carnap let loose on Heidegger in The
Elimination of Metaphysics Through Logical Analysis of Language, he had
nothing but praise for Nietzsche. There, Carnap discerned similarities
between Nietzsche's critique of metaphysics as found in say Human, All
too Human and his own. He seems to have regarded Nietzsche as a
metaphyscian who had the good sense to avoid the errors for which he
reproached other metaphysicians. He admired the empirical content of
Nietzsche's work, including especially its historical analyses of
specific artistic phenomena, or a historical-psychological analysis of
morals. And he praised Nietzsche for having chosen the medium of poetry
in such works as Thus Spake Zarathustra for presenting his ideas rather
attempting to present them in a theoretical treatise. The fact that
Carnap found much to praise in the work of Nietzsche is significant since
in The Elimination of Metaphysics Through Logical Analysis of Language,
Carnap went on the attack against Heidegger, whose metaphysical
statements, Carnap dismissed as meaningless. Apparently for Carnap, part
of Nietzsche's greatness was the fact that he used poetic means for
expressing himself. This fit in with Carnap's view that metaphysics fails
because it makes meaningless statements. For Carnap, language had a
variety of functions to perform. One of those is the making cognitively
meaningful statements. Other functions include the making of what Carnap
described as emotive statements. Such language can express Lebensgefühl.
Metaphysics attempts to express Lebensgefühl too but fails because it can
only issue meaningless statements. The appropriate means for expressing
Lebensgefühl is art rather than metaphysics, and Nietzsche was praised by
Carnap for realizing that. For Carnap, Nietzsche was the metaphysician
who had the greatest artistic talent.


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