[Ugnet] Re: Bill's Freebies

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula



Microsoft Offers Virus-Removal Programs 




Fri Jan 7, 8:03 AM ET
By TED BRIDIS, AP Technology Writer 
WASHINGTON - Microsoft Corp., whose popular Windows software is a frequent target for Internet viruses, is offering a free security program to remove the most dangerous infections from computers. 










AP Photo 




AP Photo 


Slideshow: Microsoft and Bill Gates

The program, with monthly updates, is a step toward plans by Microsoft to sell full-blown antivirus software later this year. 

Microsoft said Thursday that consumers can download the new security program from the company's Web site — www.microsoft.com — and that updated versions will be offered automatically and free each month. It will be available starting Tuesday. 

Also, Microsoft offered Thursday a free program to remove "spyware," a category of irritating programs that secretly monitor the activities of Internet users and can cause sluggish computer performance or popup ads. 

Microsoft said the virus-removal program will not prevent computer infections and was never intended to replace the need for traditional antivirus software, such as flagship products from McAfee Inc. or Symantec Corp. 

But a senior Microsoft executive confirmed the company's plans to sell its own antivirus software, which would compete against programs from McAfee, Symantec and others. 

Microsoft purchased a Romanian antivirus firm, GeCAD Software Srl., for an undisclosed amount in 2003. Industry rivals expect Microsoft's formal entry into the market as early as the spring. 

"We will have a stand-alone antivirus product that is one of the things you can buy from Microsoft, but we're not announcing anything today," said Rich Kaplan, vice president for Microsoft's security business and technology unit. 

The offers of free virus- and spyware-removal tools were intended to convince consumers that Microsoft is working to improve its software's security, Kaplan said. 

Microsoft and other companies occasionally have offered separate programs to disinfect specific viruses. Microsoft promised its new removal tool will target a variety of infections and will be updated each month to recognize new ones. 

Microsoft is sensitive to criticism about the susceptibility of its Windows operating system software to computer viruses. It has responded by tightening security for its popular Outlook e-mail software and improving the protective firewall utility for Windows. But its reputation largely has hinged on consumers' effective use of antivirus products and other security programs outside Microsoft's control. 

Microsoft has proceeded more cautiously in recent years as it moves to compete against its one-time partners. European antitrust regulators last year fined the company $613 million over charges it abused its software monopoly. Microsoft is operating under restrictions from a U.S. antitrust settlement with the Bush administration until 2007. 

Kaplan encouraged consumers to buy updated antivirus software from vendors such as Symantec and McAfee. He also expressed confidence that an industry organization formed to share details between Microsoft and leading antivirus companies about virus outbreaks would survive Microsoft's decision to compete directly against those same businesses. 

Antivirus vendors have warned investors about the fallout as Microsoft enters the market. McAfee, for example, said in its most recent annual report that its own products could become "obsolete and unmarketable" if Microsoft were to include antivirus protection in Windows software. 

A Symantec executive, Vincent Weafer, said Microsoft's success as an antivirus company at Symantec's expense was not guaranteed. Weafer noted that some leading security companies have decades of specialized experience and skilled researchers. 

"This is an area we certainly think we can differentiate ourselves from Microsoft," Weafer said. "We've worked hard over the years to build trust with customers." 

Microsoft disclosed last month that it planned to offer software to remove spyware programs that are secretly running on computers. But in a shift from past practice, Microsoft said it may charge consumers for future versions of the new protective technology, which Microsoft acquired by buying a small New York software firm. 

Kaplan said the free version of Microsoft's new spyware-removal software will expire July 31 and pricing for future versions is still undecided. Rival anti-spyware tools, such as Lavasoft Inc.'s popular Ad-Aware product, offer similar functions to Microsoft's, and many are free. 
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[Ugnet] On the trail of 400,000 fugitives

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula






 
On the trail of 400,000 fugitives




Thu Jan 6, 7:17 AM ET
By Kevin Johnson, USA TODAY 
On the 12th floor of an East Harlem housing project, Ray Simonse and his four-member squad of federal immigration agents thought they had their man cornered.





 



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For days, the agents had tracked Juan Pablo Goris, 40, a native of the Dominican Republic who was in the USA illegally. The trail led to an apartment where Goris was believed to be staying with friends. The agents gathered there early one morning last month, figuring it would be the best time to catch him. But no one was home, so the frustrated agents moved to their next target. (Related link: Photo gallery)

It was a familiar scenario for the immigration agents, who are among about 80 fugitive hunters nationwide assigned by the Department of Homeland Security to find an estimated 400,000 illegal immigrants who disobeyed orders to leave the USA or who failed to appear at immigration hearings. In an unprecedented effort inspired by post-9/11 concerns about national security, DHS is using 18 teams of immigration agents to hunt for these fugitives and add some bite to immigration laws that for decades have rarely been enforced.

The teams from Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a division of DHS, have been successful, to an extent. Along with border agents, the teams arrested 7,239 people from March through September last year, a 112% increase from that period in 2003. But because the list of fugitives continues to grow, U.S. agents have made modest progress in cutting the overall number, says Victor Cerda, a top ICE official.

Meanwhile, teams such as Simonse's painstakingly track fugitives, one by one, focusing mostly on those with criminal records. "There is enough here to keep me busy for the rest of my career," Simonse says, referring to the roughly 20,000 fugitive immigrants in the New York City area. "We add more (fugitives) day by day."

Huge challenges 

The continuing increase in the number of fugitives, the difficulty in tracking them and the relatively few agents assigned to do so offer a hint of the enormous challenges the government faces as it seeks to clamp down on illegal immigration.

Fugitive immigrants account for only a small fraction of the total number of illegal immigrants in the USA, which the 2000 Census estimated at 8 million. Most of them are unknown to the government. To boost the crackdown on just the known fugitives, Congress recently approved plans for DHS to hire 10,000 more border agents and 4,000 more Customs and immigration agents over the next five years.

But even if more fugitives are caught as a result, U.S. officials face other hurdles in reducing the number of illegals here:

• The immigration detention system has only 19,440 beds, and it's full. An anti-terrorism bill Congress passed last month called for expanding the system, but it's unclear how money will be allocated for that and how quickly space can be added. "We need to have (more) bed space or our efforts are fruitless," ICE spokesman Russ Knocke says.

• Much of the information about immigrant fugitives in government databases is out of date, to the point that Cerda and other U.S. immigration officials acknowledge that they aren't sure whether their estimate of 400,000 fugitives nationwide is accurate.

During the past year, government audits have suggested that as many as 100,000 of the names on the fugitives list could be deleted. Thousands of the fugitives apparently have died, fled the USA or gained legal status since their names went on the list, Cerda says.

Agents have begun to purge the rolls of incorrect names only recently, Cerda says, so other agents almost certainly have wasted time chasing ghosts. "The information just wasn't being kept up to date," Cerda says. "Nobody was tracking this stuff."

• The flow of illegal immigrants into the USA has not abated, and despite significantly tighter security along the borders with Mexico and Canada, it remains easy for illegal immigrants to enter this country through remote areas.

'Catch and release' 

Thousands on the fugitives list gave themselves up to Border Patrol agents shortly after crossing into the USA from Mexico to take advantage of a controversial "catch and release" policy that U.S. immigration officials have used because of crowded detention facilities along the Southwest border. 

The policy allows a captured illegal immigrant to remain free in this country if the person agrees to appear at a court hearing, which often is scheduled in a U.S. city that was the 

[Ugnet] God (or Not), Physics and, of Course, Love: Scientists Take a Leap

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula




Illustrations by Chris Gash 


January 4, 2005
God (or Not), Physics and, of Course, Love: Scientists Take a Leap




hat do you believe is true even though you cannot prove it?"This was the question posed to scientists, futurists and other creative thinkers by John Brockman, a literary agent and publisher of Edge, a Web site devoted to science. The site asks a new question at the end of each year. Here are excerpts from the responses, to be posted Tuesday at www.edge.org. 

Roger SchankPsychologist and computer scientist; author, "Designing World-Class E-Learning"
Irrational choices.
I do not believe that people are capable of rational thought when it comes to making decisions in their own lives. People believe they are behaving rationally and have thought things out, of course, but when major decisions are made - who to marry, where to live, what career to pursue, what college to attend, people's minds simply cannot cope with the complexity. When they try to rationally analyze potential options, their unconscious, emotional thoughts take over and make the choice for them.
Richard Dawkins Evolutionary biologist, Oxford University; author, "The Ancestor's Tale"
I believe, but I cannot prove, that all life, all intelligence, all creativity and all "design" anywhere in the universe, is the direct or indirect product of Darwinian natural selection. It follows that design comes late in the universe, after a period of Darwinian evolution. Design cannot precede evolution and therefore cannot underlie the universe.
Judith Rich HarrisWriter and developmental psychologist; author, "The Nurture Assumption"
I believe, though I cannot prove it, that three - not two - selection processes were involved in human evolution. 
The first two are familiar: natural selection, which selects for fitness, and sexual selection, which selects for sexiness. 
The third process selects for beauty, but not sexual beauty - not adult beauty. The ones doing the selecting weren't potential mates: they were parents. Parental selection, I call it.
Kenneth FordPhysicist; retired director, American Institute of Physics; author, "The Quantum World"
I believe that microbial life exists elsewhere in our galaxy.
I am not even saying "elsewhere in the universe." If the proposition I believe to be true is to be proved true within a generation or two, I had better limit it to our own galaxy. I will bet on its truth there.
I believe in the existence of life elsewhere because chemistry seems to be so life-striving and because life, once created, propagates itself in every possible direction. Earth's history suggests that chemicals get busy and create life given any old mix of substances that includes a bit of water, and given practically any old source of energy; further, that life, once created, spreads into every nook and cranny over a wide range of temperature, acidity, pressure, light level and so on.
Believing in the existence of intelligent life elsewhere in the galaxy is another matter.
Joseph LeDouxNeuroscientist, New York University; author, "The Synaptic Self"
For me, this is an easy question. I believe that animals have feelings and other states of consciousness, but neither I nor anyone else has been able to prove it. We can't even prove that other people are conscious, much less other animals. In the case of other people, though, we at least can have a little confidence since all people have brains with the same basic configurations. But as soon as we turn to other species and start asking questions about feelings and consciousness in general we are in risky territory because the hardware is different. 
Because I have reason to think that their feelings might be different than ours, I prefer to study emotional behavior in rats rather than emotional feelings. 
There's lots to learn about emotion through rats that can help people with emotional disorders. And there's lots we can learn about feelings from studying humans, especially now that we have powerful function imaging techniques. I'm not a radical behaviorist. I'm just a practical emotionalist.
Lynn MargulisBiologist, University of Massachusetts; author, "Symbiosis in Cell Evolution"
I feel that I know something that will turn out to be correct and eventually proved to be true beyond doubt.
What? 
That our ability to perceive signals in the environment evolved directly from our bacterial ancestors. That is, we, like all other mammals including our apish brothers detect odors, distinguish tastes, hear bird song and drumbeats and we too feel the vibrations of the drums. With our eyes closed we detect the light of the rising sun. These abilities to sense our surroundings are a heritage that preceded the evolution of all primates, all vertebrate animals, indeed all animals. 
David Myers Psychologist, Hope College; author, "Intuition"
As a Christian monotheist, I start with two unproven axioms:
1. There is a God.
2. It's not me (and it's also not you).
Together, these axioms imply my 

[Ugnet] Diet and Lose Weight? Scientists Say 'Prove It!'

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula




 


January 4, 2005
Diet and Lose Weight? Scientists Say 'Prove It!'By GINA KOLATA 




ith obesity much on Americans' minds, an entire industry has sprung up selling diets and diet books, meal replacements and exercise programs, nutritional supplements and Internet-based coaching, all in an effort to help people lose weight.
But a new study, published today, finds little evidence that commercial weight-loss programs are effective in helping people drop excess pounds. Almost no rigorous studies of the programs have been carried out, the researchers report. And federal officials say that companies are often unwilling to conduct such studies, arguing that they are in the business of treatment, not research.
"In general, the industry has always been opposed to making outcomes disclosures," said Richard Cleland, the assistant director for advertising practices at the Federal Trade Commission. 
"They have always given various rationales," Mr. Cleland said, from "'It's too expensive,' to even arguing that part of this is selling the dream, and if you know what the truth is, it's harder to sell the dream." The study, published in today's issue of Annals of Internal Medicine, found that with the exception of Weight Watchers, no commercial program had published reliable data from randomized trials showing that people who participated weighed less a few months later than people who did not participate. And even in the Weight Watchers study, the researchers said, the results were modest, with a 5 percent weight loss after three to six months of dieting, much of it regained.
Advertisements for weight loss centers often make it seem that success is guaranteed for anyone who really wants it. They feature smiling, thin, healthy people - results, the advertisements imply, of simply following the program.
Scientists, however, want something more. They would like to see carefully controlled studies that follow program participants over a couple of years and compare their success with that of nonparticipants. 
But that sort of study is almost never done, said Dr. Thomas Wadden, director of the weight and eating disorders program at the University of Pennsylvania and the lead author of the new study.
It is not as if no one has asked the companies to conduct such research, he and others said. About a decade ago, Dr. Wadden, Mr. Cleland and others met with commercial weight loss companies at the Federal Trade Commission to discuss getting some solid data on the programs' effectiveness. 
"We tried to come up with a set of voluntary guidelines with the idea that these would be disclosures that weight loss centers would make prior to consumers' signing on the bottom line," said Mr. Cleland.
"At the end of the day we agreed to disagree on the issue of outcomes disclosure. I was convinced that it could be done, but it was not something the industry was going to voluntarily do." 
The F.T.C., he said, could not force companies to do the studies.
Lynn McAfee, the director of medical advocacy for the Council on Size and Weight Discrimination, was aghast at the conclusion.
"I don't understand how you can have a product you never evaluate for effectiveness," Ms. McAfee said. "It was a slap in the face to all people of size."
Still, patients and their doctors need information, Dr. Wadden said. So he and his colleague, Dr. Adam Gilden Tsai, collected what information they could on the prices, the methods, and the success of nine commercial weight loss programs, like Jenny Craig, eDiets and Optifast and self-help programs, like Overeaters Anonymous. 
The investigators looked at the data presented on company Web sites, called the companies and searched medical journals for published papers. In their review, they included studies published from 1966 to 2003, finding 108 that assessed commercial programs. Of those, only 10 met their criteria. For example, the studies had to have lasted at least 12 weeks and to have assessed weight-loss outcomes after a year.
Dr. Wadden said that even in that handful of studies, hardly any of them reported data for everyone who enrolled in the weight-loss programs. Most included only people who had completed the programs, making the outcomes "definitely best-case scenarios," he said.
The costs of commercial weight-loss programs can vary from $65 for three months on eDiets to $167 for the same time in Weight Watchers to more than $2,000 for a medically supervised low-calorie diet. 
"Given the lack of good comparative data, it may make sense to try the cheaper alternatives first," Mr. Cleland said.
Other experts said that patients might want to forgo the programs altogether. 
"Doctors could do as well as these programs" in helping people lose weight, said Dr. George Blackburn, an obesity specialist at Harvard Medical School, simply by counseling people to diet and exercise. 
He added, "Doctors can, ought to and are qualified to get involved."
The Weight Watchers study, published in 2003 in The Journal of the 

[Ugnet] Dominicans Take Their Place as an American Success Story

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula




 


January 5, 2005ON EDUCATION 
Dominicans Take Their Place as an American Success StoryBy SAMUEL G. FREEDMAN 




ETTE KERR made sure to arrive at the restaurant early so she could arrange for the waitress to give her the check. There was no way she was going to let a former student, not even one as successful as Mirkeya Capellan, pay for lunch.
They had been talking about this reunion for six years, since Professor Kerr had retired from Hostos Community College in the Bronx, and as Ms. Capellan had gone from a bewildered new immigrant to an information-technology consultant with a master's degree and a Mercedes sedan.
No sooner did Ms. Capellan reach the table, though, than she blushingly admitted she had left something back in the adjoining bar. She skittered off, and returned a moment later with the missing article - 17 other Hostos alumni who had secretly gathered to thank both Professor Kerr and a faculty colleague, Lewis Levine. All but a handful of the celebrators had come to America, like Ms. Capellan, from the Dominican Republic.
During their student days, Professor Levine had taught them in his intensive, accelerated course in English as a Second Language. He required them to read The New York Times and visit the Metropolitan Museum of Art and explore the culinary mysteries of Zabar's. He pretended not to know Spanish, even as he understood every curse they uttered when he returned an essay covered with so much red ink the students called it an arbolito, a little Christmas tree.
Professor Kerr had gleaned the best of Professor Levine's progeny and, as director of academic advisement, trained them to be peer advisers to other Hostos students. She had all those rules, about not chewing gum or wearing jeans, and the only excuse for missing her Tuesday afternoon session was death. When it came time for Professor Kerr's protégés to finish their associate's degrees and apply to senior colleges, she alerted them to scholarships and wrote recommendation letters so eloquent that several students ultimately framed them.
And on this festive Saturday shortly before Christmas, they surrounded her. There sat Robinson de Jesus, the son of a barber with a second-grade education, now working as a corporate auditor. Nearby was Fenix Arias, who arrived in New York at age 17 in 1993 knowing only a few English words from a Dominican pop song. These days she is the director of testing for York College in Queens.
Beyond its poignancy to the participants, this reunion touched on a much larger phenomenon. It attested to the striking and yet unheralded success of Dominican immigrant students in higher education, and specifically in the City University of New York system, that legendary ladder of upward mobility for earlier waves of newcomers. 
All but invisibly to much of Anglo society, the percentage of Dominicans age 25 or older with some college education more than doubled from 1980 to 2000 to 35 percent of American-born Dominicans and 17 percent of Dominican immigrants, according to a new study by Prof. Ramona Hernandez, a sociologist who directs the Dominican Studies Institute at CUNY. (For all Americans, the percentage with some college is 52, the study found.) These accomplishments occurred even though, of all the ethnic and national groups in CUNY, Dominican students were from the poorest households and had the least-educated parents. 
Clearly, however, those parents are investing their children with some classic immigrant aspirations. "We came here to make it," said Professor Hernandez, who moved to New York herself in her late teens. "When we leave home, we really leave. This is it for us. You have this immigrant courage, energy, desire."
Parents who work at draining jobs for meager wages - janitors, cabbies, seamstresses, hairdressers - point to their own toil as the fate their children must avoid. A popular Dominican aphorism, mindful not only of low-wage labor but the presence of some Dominicans in drug-dealing, makes a similar admonition. "No quiero ser una más del montón," it says, which translates as, "I don't want to be part of the pile."
Ms. Arias remembers her father's rewarding her with $10 and a dinner of the savory soup known as sancocho for every A on her college transcript; he cried on the day she received her acceptance as a transfer student to Columbia University. Mr. de Jesus's father took such pride in Robinson's graduation from Baruch College that every afternoon for a month before commencement exercises he would put on his only suit.
In the 39 years since the United States reopened its doors to large-scale immigration, it has become sadly routine to hear and read criticisms of these arrivals from Asia, Africa, the Caribbean Basin and Latin America as somehow more clannish, less devoted to America and the English language than their European forebears in the period from roughly 1850 to 1920. Any cursory look at the nativist lobby's publications and Web sites would lead one to believe 

[Ugnet] NYTimes.com Article: Editorial Observer: In War-Torn Africa, Young Girls Are Very, Very Old

2005-01-07 Thread musamize
The article below from NYTimes.com 
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Editorial Observer: In War-Torn Africa, Young Girls Are Very, Very Old

January 3, 2005
 By HELENE COOPER 



 

About three months ago, while visiting my birth country,
Liberia, I walked into a local restaurant for a prearranged
meeting with the father of an old school friend. His
daughter and I had attended grammar school together as
children, and although I don't see her much these days, I
still identify her with my childhood: Girl Scout troop
meetings; field trips up country to the zoo; sixth-grade
class dances. I was delivering to her father some shirts he
had requested from Ghana. 

He was sitting at a table in the corner of the restaurant
with a young girl. As soon as I saw them, I felt the anger
rising in my throat. She couldn't have been any more than
16; he is pushing 70. This is my little friend, he
introduced her to me. 

There was no shame or embarrassment in his tone; he was
perfectly comfortable with parading a teenage war orphan
with no other means of support around town as his new
girlfriend. 

Indeed, his behavior was not out of the ordinary. Just the
night before, another mature man of means, this one a
former government minister, had bragged at a wedding
reception that his current girlfriend was getting too old
for him. She just turned 17, he said, laughing. People
around him shook their heads in a boys will be boys way. 

The news last month that the United Nations has uncovered
150 allegations of sexual abuse committed by its
peacekeepers stationed in Congo against an already
traumatized population of mostly teenage girls was a sad
reminder of what young women are up against in Africa. 

The allegations leveled against United Nations personnel in
Congo include sex with under-age partners and rape.
Investigators said they found evidence that United Nations
peacekeepers paid $1 to $3 for sex or bartered sexual
relations for food or promises of employment. 

To be sure, sexual, psychological and physical abuse of
teenage girls is not limited to Africa. Indeed, the United
Nations reports that the accused peacekeepers came from
Nepal, Pakistan, Morocco, Tunisia, South Africa and Uruguay
- a veritable gallery of international perverts. But in
Congo, as in other places where endless war has broken down
normal social constraints, innocence is robbed with
impunity, and unrelenting poverty and desperation make old,
bitter and used women out of the young girls. 

African girls have long lived with the fear of being raped
by power-drunk soldiers representing various government or
rebel groups. The life of a teenage girl on the continent
is almost never easy, and the threats she faces are
uncountable, from female genital mutilation to teenage
prostitution. The raping of women and young girls has
become practically de rigueur in Africa's wars, from Sierra
Leone to the Ivory Coast, from Burundi to Rwanda to Sudan. 

Beyond rape in war zones, there's a mentality that says
that sex between a desperate refugee and a wealthy old man
is somehow consensual. In Monrovia, which is a postwar mess
with war orphans sleeping alongside open roads, electricity
a distant dream and food scarce, young girls living in the
refugee camps engage in a ritual as old as time. 

In the evenings, as the sun is beginning to set, they leave
the fetid, trash-strewn camps and assemble along the main
roads. Dressed in the best attire they can muster - tight
jeans, strappy high-heeled sandals and halter tops - they
wait for the fancy S.U.V.'s that slow down, then stop to
pick them up and take them into the city for the night. 

The United Nations says home countries are responsible for
punishing any of their military personnel who violate the
U.N. code of conduct. That's a prescription for inaction,
because, regrettably, too many leaders, and not just in
Africa, see no problem with picking up young girls on the
side of the road at night. 

Looking at the face of my friend's father that afternoon in
the restaurant, I could see my friend's features. His lunch
companion was the same age my friend and I had been when we
cavorted around as teenagers. We watched Charlie's Angels
and experimented with makeup and went to the Saturday
afternoon matinees. Our biggest problems revolved around
crushes on various boys and hoping 

[Ugnet] Wonders never cease: 120-year old mother adopts 1-year old

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula






 





Thu Jan 6,10:02 AM ET




 

Owen, a one year-old baby Hippotamus gets close to his adopted 'mother', a giant male Aldabran tortoise at Kenya's Haller Park, January 6, 2004. The 120-year old giant tortoise living in the Kenyan sanctuary has become inseparable from the baby hippo rescued by game wardens, sanctuary officials said on Thursday. (Peter Greste/Reuters) 


  Owen(L), a baby hippopotamus that survived the tsumani on the Kenyan coast snuggles up to a giant tortoise near a century old in an animal facility in Mombasa,(AFP/Peter Greste) 
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[Ugnet] Re: [FedsNet] An all-inclusive federo system would be a great help!

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula
Mr Lugemwa:

Buganda is the 'favorite child'? My, oh my! IMHO, with friends like the Movement, Buganda hardly needs enemies. 

Lets see: As a group, the Baganda are now poorer than they were in 1950. Baganda are not allowed to own land outside of Buganda. Within Buganda, the Movement is making concerted efforts to make the Baganda landless. At least one government official has openly incited other Ugandan to grab machetes and hack down any Baganda they happen on. Museveni is moving hean and earth trying to dismantle the Kingdom of Buganda,witness his actions and utterances in places likeBuruli. have someone read and interprete the Land Act -- and its subsequent ammendments. Scan recent headlines and see what Museveni and his Movement are planning and enacting for Buganda. Look at who hold what topjob in the civil service and the UPDF.
Some favorite child Buganda is indeed. What an irony!

Lugemwa FN [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:



The Basoga are complaining that the Movement is not doing enough for Kyabazinga. 

Buganda is the 'favorite child' whileKyabazinga and Busogaare forgotten! 


FN Lugemwa



‘Muvumenti esuuliridde Kyabazinga’
Bya Muwanga Kakooza ABASOGA beemulugunyizza nti gavumenti eyitiridde okutiitiibya Buganda ne yeerabira Kyabazinga waabwe ne Busoga. "Kino kiyinza okukendeeza obuwagizi bwa Muvumenti mu kitundu kyaffe," bwe baalabudde. Mu kiseera kino mmotoka ya Kyabazinga teriiko mipiira, Olubiri lwe ssi luddaabirize. Busoga yeerabiddwa nnyo gavumenti ng'ogeraganyizza ne Buganda," bwatyo omubaka Frank Nabwiso (Kagoma) akulembedde okwemulugunya kuno, bwe yagambye. Yabadde ayise bannamawulire ku palamenti okubategeeza ku bbaluwa gye yawandiikidde minisita w'ebyamateeka Jannat Mukwa-ya nga yeemulugunya ku Busoga obutabaayo mulamuzi wa kkooti nkulu wa nkalakkalira kye yagambye nti kireetedde emisango naddala egy'obuliisamaanyi okwetuuma mu kkooti. Yawadde eky'okulabirako nti e Busoga ne Mukono waliyo emisango 680 egy'obuliisamaanyi egitanawozesebwa ng'ate e Mbale waliyo 70 .
Published on: Friday, 7th January, 2005

FN Lugemwa


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[Ugnet] An all-inclusive federo system would be a great help!

2005-01-07 Thread Lugemwa FN



Musamize,

You make astrongcase forself-determination. With the an inclusive-federo system in place, "okutiitiibya!" Buganda wouldnot be necessary. Gtr, ttyl, and stay away from the rough weather.

FN Lugemwamusamize ssemakula [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

Mr Lugemwa:

Buganda is the 'favorite child'? My, oh my! IMHO, with friends like the Movement, Buganda hardly needs enemies. 

Lets see: As a group, the Baganda are now poorer than they were in 1950. Baganda are not allowed to own land outside of Buganda. Within Buganda, the Movement is making concerted efforts to make the Baganda landless. At least one government official has openly incited other Ugandan to grab machetes and hack down any Baganda they happen on. Museveni is moving hean and earth trying to dismantle the Kingdom of Buganda,witness his actions and utterances in places likeBuruli. have someone read and interprete the Land Act -- and its subsequent ammendments. Scan recent headlines and see what Museveni and his Movement are planning and enacting for Buganda. Look at who hold what topjob in the civil service and the UPDF.
Some favorite child Buganda is indeed. What an irony!

Lugemwa FN [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:



The Basoga are complaining that the Movement is not doing enough for Kyabazinga. 

Buganda is the 'favorite child' whileKyabazinga and Busogaare forgotten! 


FN Lugemwa



‘Muvumenti esuuliridde Kyabazinga’
Bya Muwanga Kakooza ABASOGA beemulugunyizza nti gavumenti eyitiridde okutiitiibya Buganda ne yeerabira Kyabazinga waabwe ne Busoga. "Kino kiyinza okukendeeza obuwagizi bwa Muvumenti mu kitundu kyaffe," bwe baalabudde. Mu kiseera kino mmotoka ya Kyabazinga teriiko mipiira, Olubiri lwe ssi luddaabirize. Busoga yeerabiddwa nnyo gavumenti ng'ogeraganyizza ne Buganda," bwatyo omubaka Frank Nabwiso (Kagoma) akulembedde okwemulugunya kuno, bwe yagambye. Yabadde ayise bannamawulire ku palamenti okubategeeza ku bbaluwa gye yawandiikidde minisita w'ebyamateeka Jannat Mukwa-ya nga yeemulugunya ku Busoga obutabaayo mulamuzi wa kkooti nkulu wa nkalakkalira kye yagambye nti kireetedde emisango naddala egy'obuliisamaanyi okwetuuma mu kkooti. Yawadde eky'okulabirako nti e Busoga ne Mukono waliyo emisango 680 egy'obuliisamaanyi egitanawozesebwa ng'ate e Mbale waliyo 70 .
Published on: Friday, 7th January, 2005

FN Lugemwa


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[Ugnet] Rwenzururu king dilemma

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula
Rwenzururu king dilemmaBy Charles EtukuriJan 5, 2004 




Charles Wesley Mumbere is back in the country and at the centre of a kingship row among the Bakonzo of western Uganda. Two claimants have laid out their claim to the throne: Prince Swaleh Tibamwenda and Charles Mumbere. Mumbere's claim to kingship is based on the fact that he is heir to Isaya Mukirania who was the brainchild of Rwenzururu kingdom. Whereas Tibamwenda claim rests on the fact that his father George Mubinga Basikania ruled from 1948 before passing the throne over to him three years ago. Another group led by Hon Chrispus Kiyonga opposes the whole structure.Press war has become defining elements in the war between the pro and anti Obusinga camps. Recent press reports by the anti-Obusinga stated that Mumbere was no royalty since his clan is the Abahira clan that produces only traditional healers, on the other attacks have been leveled on the Kiyonga camp as that belonging to commone
 rs not
 worth talking to. The issue of re-establishing the Kingdom came up for a discussion in 1994 during the Constituent Assembly debate that led to the 1995 Constitution. It failed and it was even reported in a section of the press that a private army was being trained in waiting for the establishment of the kingdom.The Kiyonga camp maintains that the Rwenzururu Movement was proscribed as an illegal rebel organisation. There argument is premised on Article 246 clause 6 which defines traditional/cultural leader to mean a king or similar traditional leader or cultural leader by whatever title, who derives allegiance from the fact of birth or descent in accordance with the customs, traditions, usage or consent of the people led by that traditional or cultural leaderSsempebwa Report on constitutional review also made a finding that "it is acknowledged by all parties that the Rwenzururu Movement was a political struggle. It is not clear how the struggle took on a c
 ultural
 dimension to the extent of transforming into demands for the recognition of the Obusinga.Since there was no recognised territorial area which might have acted as the jurisdiction of the institution the Obusinga was not formed together with other constitutional heads of districts in 1963".This means that there is no legitimacy on either parties claim for the Obusinga and the Kiyonga camp could have an upper hand in law. This argument seems to be the only thing that keeps the two pro-Obusinga camps united. They have openly come out to fight the anti-Kiyonga camp, which has maintained that the Bakonzo had no king. All the parties have stepped their campaigns for and against the Obusinga. The Mumbere camp seems to be getting the upper hand since they have been given an audience with the President and they were scheduled to meet him on Sunday, but the appointment was pushed forward to Monday last at Rwakitura.The anti-Kiyonga forces within State Ho
 use seem
 to have found an ample opportunity to fight Kiyonga politically. That possibly explains why Kiyonga finds it comfortable going to court than having to resort to political resolution of the matter.Government had attempted to resolve the question as was reflected in the commissioning of research by the President's Office into the Rwenzururu and Obusinga issue. Although the findings of the research were broadly supportive of Obusinga, very strong opposition to the institution remains. The matter remains as controversial as it ought to be and is taking anew dimension which might make the little remote districts of Kasese and Bundibugyo more divided and weakened.It may also have an effect of having the powers of the political stakeholders more reduced than before if it’s not resolved early. 
© 2005 The Monitor Publications.
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[Ugnet] Just who is the true king of the Rwenzururu?

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula
Just who is the true king of the Rwenzururu?CROSSFIRE: By Charles Etukuri Jan 5, 2004 




The kingship of the Rwenzururu, a small community of mostly little people who live in the Rwenzori mountains in western Uganda, is being bitterly contested.CHARLES ETUKURI talks to Dr. Arthur Syahuka Muhindo, spokesperson for Charles Wesley Mumbere "king " Rwenzururu Kingdom and Prince Swaleh Tibamwenda Basikania a prince of the Bakonzo who claims to be the true King.
Allegations are rife that the current Iremangoma of Bakonzo Charles Mumbere is no royal, because he hails from the Abahira clan, which produces royal guards and traditional healers, not kings. How true is this?
Syahuka: The Iremangoma comes from the family that started the Rwenzururu Kingdom. We are not talking about the Bakonzo kingdom we are talking about the Rwenzururu kingdom, whose starting point is Charles's father. It doesn't matter whether he had royal blood or not what is a fact is that his father was the founder of a kingdom and he inherited it from his father and that entitles him to claim kingship.
Tibamwenda: In Bakonzo culture, the Abahira clan to which the Mumbere belongs, are royal guards and traditional healers. The grandfather of Mumbere is a well-known healer who came from Congo after being chased by the other traditional healers there.The history of the Bakonzo line up of kings doesn't have any body from the Abahira clan as king. In fact I am the true heir to the throne of the Iremangoma. My royalty is visible. 
Neither claimant has been crowned Kings, what legitimacy do they claim to the crown? 
Syahuka: Legitimacy at what level? The Rwenzururu was a political movement, which created its own structures. It formed a state and a government and took the form of an independent state that considered itself outside the government of the Uganda. Our people know the Kingdom exists and they want it formally recognised. 
Tibamwenda: I am the legitimate claimant to the throne because my father was crowned in 1948 as king of all the Bakonzo, Abatuku, Abanyabindi in Kasese, Basongora and Bakonzo Bamba. It's him who three years ago, before he died, enthroned me to succeed him. At the time of his death he had already crowned me and that is proof enough to show that I am the legitimate heir to the throne. I have the written evidence that he ordained me his successor. All this evidence is at the ministry of Justice and is registered.
Mumbere claims he is the King of Rwenzururu and not the Bakonzo. What is the difference between the Bakonzo and the Rwenzururu?
Syahuka: It's not as if we are giving Rwenzururu a name. It has existed for decades and what we want is recognition. Rwenzururu is not about Bakonzo only, we have different tribal groupings under the Rwenzururu. Rwenzururu is a name used for identification since it comes from the name Rwenzori Mountain.





MY MAN IS THE MAIN MAN: Dr. Arthur Syahuka Muhindo
The name Rwenzururu kingdom makes it open so that people come in and go out without losing their identity. This however needs much more explaining and people who are arguing against it are not even attempting to explain its meaning. The Rwenzururu people understand what it means. It's only a section of mis-informed people who are trying to distort the kingdom. Rwenzururu is not a tribe and goes beyond tribe. It's a multi- tribal kingdom tribe. It's open to those who want join and those who don't want should feel free to leave; not oppose us.
Tibamwenda: The Rwenzururu was started by Isaiah Mukirane, Mumbere's father, in opposition of the domination by the Batooro against the Bakonzo. It was a political movement to fight for the liberation of the Bakonzo from the yoke of oppression. Mukirane was educated, compared to our fathers since he was a teacher. He was thus appointed to present our complaints to the colonial Government in Entebbe.This was accepted and we were recognised as independent. However in 1966 the monarchies were abolished so we kept silent. The 1962 Constitution did not recognise the Bakonzo as a tribe in Uganda and because of this Isaiah Mukirane declared a separate entity known as the Rwenzururu state. At this time the majority of the Batoro had given up on the war option and opted for dialogue but Mukirane insisted on war. The Rwenzururu state was a creation of Mukirane and it has never 
 existed
 as a cultural entity. If he was a right King he would have declared himself King of Bakonzo. But he lacks legitimacy and is taking us to the war era and divisionism. I am not a local cultural leader but a king.
Mumbere is has been equated to Joseph Kony for the murders of Bakonzo in early 1960, 70s, and 80s. What is the basis of this allegation?
Syahuka: Mumbere descended over from the mountain and handed over his entire government to the Central Government in 1982. Those who are sending this negative image of the King don't understand the significance of this handing over. Do they call him a murderer because he led an 

[Ugnet] FWD: Can someone here explain this mistake? Why did officials stop this earlier?

2005-01-07 Thread musamize ssemakula




Mr. Chadiha,

What is remarkable about this episode is the complete abscence of due process. How come Mr. Nyakaana was not taken to acourt of law before his investment was so blithely destroyed? Does Mr. Nyakaana have recourse to legal redress of his losses or does the law of the jungle apply in Uganda today? Is anyone responsible for this crime? 

Is this a safe environment for anyone to invest in the real estate sector or any other sector in Uganda, if a Councillor's investment can be destroyed with such impunity?

here are photos of the demolition from the New Vision (1st foto) Monitor (last 2 fotos):

 
TREACHEROUS EQUIPMENT: Policemen look on helplessly as bulldozers failed to bring down Kampala councillor Nyakaana’s house yesterday



DEMOLITION JOB: Bulldozers demolishing the house (Photo by James Akena)







YOU SEE: Nyakaana talks to builders and supporters at his site in Bugolobi yesterday. 

Jonathan Chadiha [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Nyakaana shot, house demolishedBy Solomon Muyita, Emma Mutaizibwa  Jane NafulaJan 8, 2005 BUGOLOBI — Heavy gunfire yesterday rocked Bugolobi, aKampala suburb, as the police battled angry residentsprotesting the demolition of city councillor andformer international boxer, Mr Godfrey Nyakaana’smulti-million bungalow built in a wetland.Eyewitnesses said that in the ensuing clash, thepolice shot Nyakaana in the arm. But police saidNyakaana was injured in the scuffle and they were notsure whether the injury was caused by a bullet. Theysaid they were investigating the cause. Nyakaana’s storeyed house was pulled down by theNational Environment Management Authority (Nema) asangry residents beat up a policeman into coma andinjured several others. YOU SEE: Nyakaana talks to builders and
 supporters athis site in Bugolobi yesterday. Several residents were also injured in the runningbattles with the police. Another group of angry residents siphoned petrol froma motorcycle and burnt a Nema double cabin pick-uptruck Reg. No. UAA 563E. This provoked the police to open fire at theresidents. The mob tore apart the trousers of JinjaRoad Police commander, Mr Wilson Kwanya. Over 100 policemen oversaw the demolition. At least 12police patrol cars were deployed at the scene. About 50 anti-riot policemen fired teargas canistersin the air for over 40 minutes, sending residents ofthe swampy Bungalow III Zone and its neighbourhoodscampering for safety.The Police Officer in charge of Serious Crime, MrEdison Mbiringi, told The Monitor that Nyakaana hadfiled a case at CID headquarters yesterday.He said they CID was investigating how Nyakaana gotinjured.On Thursday Nema tried to raze the
  house,
 but Nyakaanaand the residents resisted. The bulldozers, which had been deployed to raze thehouse, too reportedly broke down and frustrated thedemolition on Thursday.Last year, Nema stopped Nyakaana from constructing thehouse, saying the plot was in the Nakivubo wetland,which separates Kampala city from Lake Victoria. DEMOLITION JOB: bulldozers demolishing the house(Photos by James Akena) Nema says the wetland is a natural filter forwastewater before it drains into the lake and anyconstruction on it would be an environmental hazard.About an hour before the demolition started yesterday,Nyakaana alleged that Nema targeted only his housebecause he had declined to bribe its officials.He said he invested over Shs300 million in grading theplot in the swamp and constructing the house. He said most of his neighbours had given bribes toNema to secure clearance to build their houses there.Ny
 akaana
 alleged that Nema’s soil and aquaticspecialist Mr George Lubega, demanded a Shs4 millionbribe from him to get clearance. But Lubega dismissedNyakaana’s allegation. “Nyakaana only called me yesterday (Thursday) and wastelling me that I was witch-hunting him. I have nevermet him nor asked for a bribe...I think the police canably investigate that,” Lubega said.Nyakaana said he bought the land from Kampala DistrictLand Board in 2003 and obtained a title deed from theMinistry of Lands in October the same year. “My housing plan was approved by Kampala City Councilin January 2004 and I started constructing in February2004,” Nyakaana said.He said that upoin approval of construction plan byKCC, he started building.“Now I wonder why Nema comes to me and it does not goto the people who issued me with the land title orapproved my building plan,” he said. Nyakaana said had instructed his lawyers to fi
 le
 acivil suit in court. © 2005 The Monitor Publications.East African | About Us | Feedback | Site Map |License | Monitor Yahoo! Groups Links* To visit your group on the web, go to:http://groups.yahoo.com/group/UNAANET/* To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:[EMAIL PROTECTED]* Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
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[Ugnet] Fwd: Government cannot prevent the ICC from investigating crimes

2005-01-07 Thread Ochan Otim

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PRESS RELEASE
AI Index: AFR 59/008/2004 (Public)
News Service No: 289
16 November 2004
Uganda: Government cannot prevent the International Criminal Court from
investigating crimes
Amnesty International is concerned about reported statements by government
officials suggesting that crimes against humanity and war crimes committed
in Northern Uganda would be addressed in traditional reconciliation
procedures, rather than in fair trials before independent and impartial
courts in accordance with international law and standards.
Uganda cannot 'withdraw' its referral, in January 2004, to the Prosecutor
of the International Criminal Court (ICC) of the situation in the northern
part of the country, the organization declared today.
Yesterday, 15 November 2004, the New Vision newspaper, which is believed to
be close to the government, reported that President Museveni stated that
leaders of the Lord¹s Resistance Army (LRA), which has been engaged in an
internal armed conflict with the government for more than two decades, could
cease fighting and engage in internal reconciliation mechanisms put in
place by the Acholi community such as mataput or blood settlement. He added
that if this were to occur, [t]he state could withdraw its case [in the
ICC]. Similar statements have been made by Information Minister and
government spokesperson, Nsaba Buturo, on the same day.
Uganda referred the situation in the northern part of the county to the ICC
Prosecutor in December 2003. The referral was made public on 29 January 2004
pursuant to Article 14 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court (Rome Statute), which permits state parties to that treaty to refer
to the Prosecutor a situation in which one or more crimes within the
jurisdiction of the Court appear to have been committed. On 29 July 2004,
the ICC Prosecutor announced that he had opened an investigation into crimes
against humanity and war crimes committed in that region since 1 July 2002.
The reported statement by President Museveni that he intended that members
of the LRA, which include some of those most responsible for crimes against
humanity and war crimes, participate in traditional reconciliation
procedures instead of facing investigation and possible prosecution in
Ugandan courts further confirms that Uganda is neither able nor willing
genuinely to investigate and prosecute such crimes, whether committed by LRA
members or by members of government forces.
The ICC Prosecutor should today make clear publicly that he intends to
continue to investigate vigorously the crimes against humanity and war
crimes committed by all sides in northern Uganda. Yielding to pressure from
the state that referred the situation to stop the investigation would
neither be in the interests of justice nor in the long-term interests of
peace and reconciliation, urged Erwin Van Der Borght, Deputy Director of
the Africa Programme at Amnesty International.
Background
There is not a scrap of evidence in the drafting history or in commentaries
by leading international law experts on the Rome Statute suggesting that
once a state party has referred a situation that it can withdraw the
referral. As soon as the situation has been referred, the ICC has
jurisdiction and the state cannot withdraw its referral. Under Article 86
of the Rome Statute it then has the absolute duty to cooperate fully with
the Court in its investigation and prosecution of crimes within the
jurisdiction of the Court.
For nearly two decades, with complete impunity, members of the LRA have
committed arbitrary killings, maimings, abductions, forced recruitment and
use of children as soldiers and, in particular, using them as sex slaves.
Members of government forces have been responsible for forcing children
returning from the LRA, voluntarily or as a consequence of military action,
to join government armed forces to the fight against the LRA, as well as the
massive forcible displacement of civilians and other crimes against humanity
and war crimes. Most of these crimes committed are covered by a national
amnesty law that prevents prosecutions in Ugandan courts.
Traditional reconciliation measures do not involve judicial determinations
of innocence or guilt, effectively ensure that the full truth about crimes
will be known or provide victims or their families with full reparations. In
the face of the continuing failure of Uganda to investigate and prosecute
these crimes, the ICC may exercise its jurisdiction under Article 17 of the
Rome Statute over all crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in
the northern part of the country, regardless whether they were committed by
members of the LRA or of government forces.
The reported statement of President Museveni recalls his previous effort in
July 2004 to prevent any investigation by the ICC Prosecutor of crimes
against humanity and war crimes reportedly being committed by members of
Ugandan armed forces in the Ituri region of the Democratic 

[Ugnet] KAGAME IS DAMAGING HIS COUNTRY

2005-01-07 Thread Edward Mulindwa




"Rwanda's Kagame is Damaging his 
Country"German Minister for Economic 
Cooperation and Development Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul (SPD) discusses the 
president of Rwanda, the war in Central Africa and Germany's potential role in 
the Africa crisis 





  
  

  

  
  DPA
  Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul: "Germany provides 
  no budgetary aid to 
Rwanda."SPIEGEL: There are 
currently 350,000 refugees in eastern Congo. Rwanda bears much of the blame for 
the conflict, but it still receives foreign aid from Germany. Why do you support 
these warmongers?Wieczorek-Zeul: We don't. We provide direct 
assistance to people in a country that still faces tremendous burdens as a 
consequence of the 1994 genocide.SPIEGEL: About 70 percent of the 
Rwandan government's national budget consists of Western development aid. It 
would be easy to exert pressure on the Rwandans by removing their source of 
funds.Wieczorek-Zeul: Germany provides no budgetary aid to 
Rwanda. Our foreign aid is designed to support the reconciliation process. This 
includes, for example, bringing the perpetrators of the genocide to trial. We 
also help survivors and the families of victims.SPIEGEL: Germany 
has spent more than 150 million euros on projects in Rwanda since 1994. The 
money also benefits the country's politicians.Wieczorek-Zeul: Ten 
years ago, the global community looked the other way when 800,000 people were 
slaughtered in Rwanda. We owe a profound debt to this country, and our way of 
repaying that debt is to help its civil society.SPIEGEL: Are you 
lenient with Rwanda because of its horrendous 
history?Wieczorek-Zeul: Absolutely not. But I refuse to punish 
the widows and children of those murdered because of their government's 
behavior.SPIEGEL: Rwandan President Paul Kagame is a repeat 
offender. His troops have already invaded eastern Congo twice before -- in 1996 
and 1998. Now he's threatening to invade again.Wieczorek-Zeul: I 
find his behavior completely incomprehensible. He is damaging himself and his 
country. But one mustn't forget that Rwanda is also setting an example in many 
respects. Kagame has done a lot to educate children and fight poverty. There is 
no point in portraying him as a tyrant.SPIEGEL: Rwanda is clearly 
intent upon pursuing its own interests in the eastern Congo. Many different 
groups and governments have been fighting for years to gain control over 
valuable natural resources. About four million people have already died as a 
result.Wieczorek-Zeul: Nothing is black and white in this region. 
Rwanda also has security interests. The Interahamwe rebels, who were responsible 
for the 1994 Rwandan genocide, are committing serious crimes in eastern Congo. A 
lot of people in Rwanda are still terrified of these groups.


  
  

  

  
  AP
  A young Rwandan survivor lights a candle at a 
  mass grave to mark the 10-year anniversary of the 1994 
  genocide.SPIEGEL: What would 
you propose as a solution for the region?Wieczorek-Zeul: We need 
a stable peace process. This means that the UN Security Council must pay serious 
and not half-hearted attention to the region's problems.SPIEGEL: 
And then?Wieczorek-Zeul: It must be made clear to everyone 
involved that threats or even military action are unacceptable. Those who 
violate this principle should expect to face the consequences. This also applies 
to Rwanda.SPIEGEL: That sounds rather 
ineffective.Wieczorek-Zeul: No, it isn't. The global community 
certainly has ways to exert pressure. In March, the World Bank will decide 
whether to forgive Rwanda's international debt -- several hundred million euros 
-- once and for all. If the country fails to seriously take part in the peace 
process, I will argue for cancellation of the debt forgiveness 
program.SPIEGEL: It appears that Rwanda is already active in the 
Congo. Observers report that small numbers of regular troops have already 
crossed the border.Wieczorek-Zeul: That hasn't been verified yet. 
But the fundamental problem is that the entire region is extremely difficult to 
navigate and control. For this reason, the most important requirement is that 
the UN introduce aerial monitoring. This would enable UN peacekeepers to detect 
and prevent troop movements and weapons shipments.SPIEGEL: The 
United Nations have had thousands of troops deployed in the Congo for a long 
time. The locals mock them as "tourists," because they don't get 
involved.Wieczorek-Zeul: The UN force in the Congo must exercise 
its mandate. One thing is clear, however: There is no military solution for this 
region. Everyone involved must realize that they are better off working together 
than shooting at one another.INTERVIEW: HORAND KNAUP, 
ROLAND 
NELLES
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[Ugnet] LETTER

2005-01-07 Thread Abayombo




Published on: Sunday, 2nd January, 2005

  
  
A letter to MP John Kazoora
  

  


  

  
THE WRITER: Kabushenga
  Dear John, IT was good to exchange greetings at a wedding 
  recently. I hope you recall asking me in Runyankole what we were doing in 
  our mashansha (dry banana leaves that symbolise the removal of 
  the presidential term limits). I did not respond at that time because you 
  had to attend to a phone call. Now I do. Your remark reminded me of 
  another encounter with one of your colleagues who referred to me as 
  kisanja boy. You get what I mean. I took all this in good humour, although 
  in both cases I found the attitude rather patronising. This attitude 
  assumes that we are misguided in our thinking, blinded in views by young 
  age or immaturity or driven by opportunistic self-interest. In a word: 
  sycophants. Well, there are those who thought the same of you as a young 
  revolutionary in the eighties and others who do so today. But that is for 
  another day. I have written to let you know that I intend to vote 
  again for Yoweri Kaguta Museveni if he stands for president. I want you 
  and your fellow MPs to give me the opportunity to do so. Whether you do so 
  by complete removal of term limits or the Namibian option (suspending the 
  operation of Article 105/2 on term limits for five years or until Museveni 
  retires voluntarily or is defeated in an election) is up to you. I know 
  many other people who are of the same view and are simply waiting to 
  pronounce themselves on polling day. Let me share with you our thinking. 
  As you know very well, Museveni is the chief architect of the rebirth 
  of this country. The rest of you played a supporting role in various 
  capacities. For this we are grateful. Now he has the obligation to midwife 
  a new order through the transition. It is regrettable, but not fatal, for 
  the country that he has not done it in this term as promised. It would be 
  worse if he was not the one to do it and anyway, we are loath to trust 
  anyone else. You need to take into account that the transition from 
  Museveni to another individual as president is a process, not an event. It 
  is one that needs sufficient preparation. Look at Ghana. They moved to 
  partisan politics for ten years and then felt sufficiently confident to 
  let go of Rawlings. The same goes for Daniel arap Moi of Kenya. In Burundi 
  they were stampeded into a multiparty, winner-takes-all electoral 
  arrangement. The rest is violent history. We have to be cautious 
  because any slight complication can cause a miscarriage or even a 
  stillbirth. If it is nothing serious, just a bit of pressure perhaps, then 
  we can get away with a caesarian. We are interested in a normal process, 
  otherwise we risk losing either the mother (stable country) or the child 
  (advancement of democratic process) or both. In any case, none will live 
  happily after such an experience. Some of you are saying that 
  amending Article 105(2) to lift term limits is intended to create a life 
  presidency for Museveni. This argument is as contradictory as it is 
  defeatist. For starters, the Constituent Assembly did not see this as such 
  crucial provision for democracy in Uganda, otherwise it would have been 
  entrenched like the others. They would have made it very difficult if not 
  impossible to amend it. As it is, they thought it simple enough to be 
  resolved by two-thirds majority vote in Parliament. By the way, none 
  of you in Parliament has since sponsored an amendment seeking to entrench 
  this provision. It may be a desirable but not a primary component of the 
  democratic process but if some people think it is, then why should it not 
  apply to MPs as well to allow for a wider process of renewal? So all the 
  noise about life presidency is just hot air. If the principle of lengthy 
  incumbency in elective office is bad then it should be prohibited across 
  the board not restricted to only the presidency. This argument also 
  contradicts your actions in the opposition. The way you are organising to 
  take part in the 2006 election shows you have confidence in the process. 
  You must believe that you can win, otherwise why are you bothering to put 
  a party together to contest for power? So it is possible after all, in the 
  Uganda of today, for the voter to get rid of an incumbent through an 
  election. In any case the entrenchment of the LC system ensures that the 
  people are sufficiently enfranchised. Indeed quite a few LC offices are 
  occupied or dominated by opposition politicians. Let us not delude 
  ourselves, a tyrant can take power 

[Ugnet] Cry, hope for the bleeding country

2005-01-07 Thread gook makanga





Hello Mr. President

By David Ouma Balikowa Cry, hope for the bleeding country Jan 8, 2005




Ugandans ushered in the New Year on yet another false start. A week before, they had come close to peace in northern Uganda only to elude them, courtesy of stubborn wills both on the rebel and government sides.But all is not lost yet. Both the rebels and government seem to have come to a conviction that war will not deliver the desired results for either party. War will not beget the LRA power. Neither will government deliver peace to the bleeding region through military means. Last year when the Sudanese rebels, the SPLA reached an understanding with the Khartoum regime, there was a sense of relief on the Ugandan side of the border. The feeling was that the Ugandan rebels, the LRA would lose their supply lines and hence their ability to wage war.The optimism kicked post-war plans into motion. The donor community saw their next challenge as how to help the war-torn 
north recover from the scars of war.Business people too have been busy laying plans on how to make money in post war Uganda and Sudan.I recall sounding some caution to some of the parties above. Even if the peace deal materialised, it would take some time and hard work before peace reigned fully in the region. It would take a lot of good will and patience on both sides to allow peace to hold.I also warned that signing peace agreements is the easiest thing for an African president or rebel leader to do. Even before the ink on their signatures dries, they will have resumed hostilities. It is often better to get to the heart of hostilities than rushing to appendage signatures on peace agreements.To this extent, the LRA perhaps did the right thing not to sign a peace deal they were not prepared to respect soon after. It was better to iron out the stinging issues 
instead of hoodwinking the world by signing a deal they would have violated the next day. So as the country sobs over the missed peace opportunity, chances are that war would still have resumed even after signing the peace deal.Some opposition politicians have been quick to remind the country of how in 1985 President Museveni, then a rebel, signed a peace agreement with then president, the late Gen Tito Okello Lutwa even when he was not ready to abide by it. President Okello addressing the nation soon after his return from signing the peace agreement in Nairobi, proudly announced -- to the disbelief of everyone -- that government had de-fanged the snake (the Museveni's NRA). It turned out too that Museveni had simply used the cover of peace talks to put final plans on his push to capture Kampala.The history above teaches us that it is not so much the 
signing of peace agreements as the spirit behind that matters. If the latest peace efforts failed, it could be because the spirit to end the war is still lacking. Failure by the rebels to sign the peace agreement as scheduled was for example not enough reason for government to resume hostilities. What is a month or two of waiting where 18 years of fighting has failed to achieve peace?The war might have resumed but all is not yet lost. The recent peace attempts were a major stride in the right direction. It softened the ground between both sides for yet another attempt.Who would have ever imagined a senior government minister like Dr Ruhakana Rugunda going to the bush to meet LRA top rebels? Or legislators and civic leaders rubbing shoulders with the much feared rebel commanders? It demonstrates that peace could be achieved if both parties are genuine and made 
realistic demands.Government should for example not insist so much on rebels assembling in any designated area prior to signing the peace agreement. That should instead be one of the peace outcomes, not a precondition. In the real world, no rebel would do that unless they want to surrender. The LRA did not certainly send all their fighters to the designated assembling peace zone. Any claim by the LRA to that effect is hot air.In order to sustain the peace initiative, confidence building must be stepped up. Government is proposing joint monitoring teams between the LRA and UPDF. This is a commendable suggestion the rebels should seize since it is them that are most wary of being tricked.The international community should also seize the opportunity to engage the LRA in dialogue. The rebels need external encouragement and talking to sections of the donor community would help them gain recognition and confidence.
Contact: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
© 2005 The Monitor Publications

Gook 
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[Ugnet] Affirmative Action, Cuban Style

2005-01-07 Thread Vukoni Lupa-Lasaga
Affirmative Action, Cuban Style
By Fitzhugh Mullan, M.D.
//
/This article originally appeared in the New England Journal of Medicine 
http://content.nejm.org/cgi/content/full/351/26/2680, and was 
republished in Portside http://www.portside.org/. Most recently it 
appeared in the Black Commentator (www.blackcommentator.com)
/

I feel as if I'm standing on the backs of all my ancestors. This is a 
huge opportunity for me, Teresa Glover, a 27-year-old medical student, 
told me during a recent visit to her medical school. Nobody in my 
family has ever had the chance to be a doctor. Glover's mother is a 
teacher, and her father a dispatcher for the New York subway system. Her 
background is a mix of African American, Barbadian, and Cherokee. She 
graduated from the State University of New York at Plattsburgh. I 
wanted to be a doctor, but I wasn't sure how to get into medicine. I had 
decent grades, but I didn't have any money, and even applying to medical 
school cost a lot.

This young woman from the Bronx may be helping to rectify the 
long-standing problem of insufficient diversity in the medical 
profession in the United States. Twenty-five percent of the U.S. 
population is black, Hispanic, or Native American, whereas only 6.1 
percent of the nation's physicians come from these backgrounds. Students 
from these minority groups simply don't get into medical school as often 
as their majority peers, which results in a scarcity of minority 
physicians. This inequity translates into suffering and death, as 
documented by the Institute of Medicine 
http://www.iom.edu/report.asp?id=4475. Poorer health outcomes in 
minority populations have been linked to lack of access to care, lower 
rates of therapeutic procedures, and language barriers. Since physicians 
from minority groups practice disproportionately in minority 
communities, they are an important part of the solution to the 
health-disparities quandary.

In her third year, Glover is negotiating the classic passage from the 
laboratory to the clinic. But her school isn't in the United States. She 
is enrolled at the Latin American School of Medicine 
http://www.ifconews.org/medschool.html (ELAM, which is its Spanish 
acronym) in Havana  a school sponsored by the Cuban government and 
dedicated to training doctors to treat the poor of the Western 
hemisphere and Africa. Twenty-seven countries and 60 ethnic groups are 
represented among ELAM's 8000 students.

Glover's mother heard about ELAM from her congressman, Representative 
Jos Serrano (D-NY). Mom calls me. 'I have news. There's a chance for 
you to go to medical school.' She waits for it to sink in. 'You'd get a 
full scholarship.' She waits again. 'But it's in Cuba.' That didn't faze 
me a bit. What an opportunity!

The genesis of Glover's opportunity dates to June 2000, when a group 
from the Congressional Black Caucus visited Cuban president Fidel 
Castro. Representative Bennie Thompson (D-MS) described huge areas in 
his district where there were no doctors, and Castro responded with an 
offer of full scholarships for U.S. citizens to study at ELAM. Later 
that year, Castro spoke 
http://www.afrocubaweb.com/fidelcastroriversidespeech.htm at the 
Riverside Church in New York, reiterating the offer and committing 500 
slots to U.S. students who would pledge to practice in poor U.S. 
communities.

That day, 26-year-old Eduardo Medina was at his parents' house in New 
York, listening to Castro's speech on the radio. Castro announces that 
Cuba has started a new medical school and has invited students from all 
over Latin America to come, train, and return to treat the poor in their 
countries. Then he starts quoting figures about poor communities in the 
U.S. 'We'll be more than happy to educate American medical students,' he 
says, 'if they'll commit to going home to take care of the poor.' The 
place went nuts. I'm standing in my basement saying, 'Yes! Yes! Yes!'

Medina was raised in Brooklyn and Queens, the child of a Colombian 
father and a mother of Puerto Rican, Jewish, and Irish descent  both 
public-school teachers who pushed their children to work hard in school. 
When I was little, they sent me to a summer enrichment program in 
Manhattan, recalls Medina. I would travel on the subway every day with 
this huge book bag. I was young and it was hot. But I was excited. The 
work paid off, and Medina won partial scholarships to a boarding school 
and to Wesleyan University. There weren't many students of color at 
either private school, particularly in the sciences, he says. 
Culturally, economically, ideologically, it was a real culture clash 
for me, but the education was good.

Medina was found to have diabetes when he was 12 years old and spent a 
week in the hospital. When I saw what the doctors could do for me, I 
knew I wanted to be a doctor. In college, I spent a year in Ecuador, and 
I knew I wanted to practice community medicine. But medicine wasn't 
going to come easily. Medina had a