ugnet_: Pastor held over Kony
Pastor held over KonyBy Ahmed WetakaOct 7, 2003 MBALE - Authorities here are holding a born-again pastor who gave false information to security agents to claim an informers reward. The leader of Naboa local church of Christ in Pallisa district, Pastor Jackson Kato, is to be charged with providing the Internal Security Organisation and State House intelligence operatives with false leads on the Lords Resistance Army recruitment drive in Mbale. I was told when you become brave and go to the President with information about Kony rebels, you can be paid some money and other material benefits, Kato said when he was paraded before the press at Mbale Central Police Station yesterday. I knew I was going to lie and make some money, he added. Kato had reportedly told ISO operatives that another pastor, one Bishop Isaac Buyi, was drumming up support for LRA rebels at his Independent Liberty Baptist Church in Busamaga ward, Wanale Division in Mbale municipality. According to the police, Kato wanted President Museveni to give him a mobile phone, an appointment letter, a tape recorder, transport and an e-mail address. Police said that both churches would be closed down as they are investigated. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Wake the House before its too late
OLD MANS CORNER By F.D.R. Gureme Wake the House before its too lateOct 7, 2003 Last Tuesday we missed some Cabinet proposals intended to influence the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC). I undertook to cover today: the hollow offer of federo to Buganda, the see-through lure of a return to multiparty politics, curtailing of Parliaments powers, disempowerment of the Inspectorate of Government and the elimination of Uganda Human Rights Commission. Readers are aware that many writers expressed similar concern. I emboss David Kibiriges bright analysis titled Professors in a Circus in Cabinet Proposals, The Monitor, October 2. Kibirige wonders which intelligent people drafted these inane proposals. A cabinet comprising seven professors, four Ph.Ds, thirteen lawyers and a product of a British Army College: comparable to former president Idi Amins (RIP) initial team of ten university graduates, four lawyers, two university teachers one a professor, four permanent secretaries, two secretaries general, one former minister in Governor Andrew Cohens dress rehearsal cabinet; also being Ugandas first Permanent Representative at the UN. The Inspector General of Police and Commissioner of Prisons respectively; plus a Sandhurst-trained Lieutenant Colonel. But Amins academically impressive cabinet comprised fewer than twenty persons; against President Yoweri Musevenis approaching seventy. Yes, Amin sought no votes, and did not have to please regions, groups or communities. The sooner Cabinet (and Parliament itself) is reduced to say 30 persons, districts reduced to the original community-based sixteen, RDCs re-designated District Commissioners, taming their salaries accordingly, the better for Uganda. It is a strange mind that conceived the trimming of Parliaments powers; subordinating it to the presidency: to appropriate powers mandated by the voters! Kibirige marvels at the sobriety of such an intellectually endowed executive: making preposterous proposals to a commission appointed by its chairman. Hitlers War started in 1939 when I was is P.4 ending 1945 when I was in S.5. Until relatively recently I wondered how a nation arguably having the worlds scientific and intellectual cream, allowed itself to be led by an insane former sergeant; and doing his behest, pitting itself against a world, weary of war, but capable of marshalling to victory. Clearly, upcoming dictatorships may misuse democracy: soaring at critical points. Hitler hated elections. His critical point came when the Nazis burnt down the federal assembly hall, and blamed it on the communists whose deputies they threw out and imprisoned. Given a Bundestag majority, they passed the Enabling Act, empowering Hitler, now Chancellor, to do as he fancied. The top Movement leadership has a pathological fear of fair competition, which party leaders, themselves overstayers, should have discerned upon suspension of party activity in 1986; and especially the National Resistance Councils self-extension of tenure in 1989, to the constitution-making process where candidature of aspiring MPs to the Constituent Assembly was encouraged. The critical point was insider Col. Kizza Besigyes rival candidature; arousing perpetual panic, animosity, rancour, hostility harassment and institutionalised violence. Actually, the federo being dangled under Bugandas nose need not be linked to horse-trading among 56 synthetic districts. Federos blue print existed in 1963/4: when homogeneous communities (c.f. US example) were given federal character regardless of size. We may build from this, mutatis mutandis, not on non-homogeneous regions. Only mutual dialogue may peacefully restore multiparty politics, which National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Kiyonga appears to have recognised. The hyped referendum, essentially unconstitutional, is an accursed roadblock to democracy. Let Parliament, albeit partisan predominated, resist and uproot despotism in the interests of posterity. And recognise that the Inspector General of Government, who, along with the Auditor General, who reports in retrospect, merits more rather than fewer powers to apprehend walking convicts. The contemplated cutback on the rights commissions brief is an example of how the wealthy downplay the plight of the needy: an international outrage! The CRC must, in its conclusions, look not to a transient regime, but to history, democracy and posterity. Critics are not enemies. But I received hostile SMS suggesting I denigrated the president; with threats of me paying heavily through our wrath, and such silly threats. I despise cranks but as a responsible citizen, I took appropriate steps. However, I take exception to the label stupid uttered by the same gutless fellow, hiding behind www, talking of my stupid insults. Indeed? Well, his sneaky and dastardly ways remind me of the behaviour of a neighbours grey chicken said to be of extremely low intellect!
ugnet_: Fwd: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (1)
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ugnet_: Fwd: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (4)
Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (4) Date: Tue, 7 Oct 2003 12:56:36 EDT External Factors One of the weaknesses of this autobiography is its attempt to play down or ignore external factors that have influenced the history of Uganda. For instance, the involvement of Obote in the internal affairs of the former Zaire, Rwanda and Sudan gave much political ammunition to his enemies at home. For instance, Obote's hatred of Moise Tshombe, the then Zairian Prime Minister, whom he regarded as an agent of neocolonialism, made him support the National Liberation Committee, located in north-eastern Zaire, which opposed Tshombe's government. Buganda was sympathetic to Tshombe, and this explains the genesis of the "gold scandal" allegations which almost brought the government of Obote down. Also, the immediate cause of the overthrow of Obote's government in 1971, was the discovery of a conspiracy between the Israeli government and Uganda Defense Minister, Felix Onama and Idi Amin., Army Commander, to support the rebels in Southern Sudan. At the request of Israel, the two had been channeling large amounts of funds from the defense budget and arms from Uganda's reserves to the southern Sudanese rebels. When the deficit in the defence budget was discovered, Obote demanded explanation, on his return from Commonwealth Conference in Singapore, from Amin and Onama. Threatened with discovery in the act of deflecting public funds into the wrong channels, Amin and Onama, encouraged by the Israeli government whose role in the Sudan was bound to be exposed, decided to stage a coup to save themselves. In the case of Museveni himself, he has said almost nothing about his involvement in the Rwandese revolution which installed the Tutsi-dominated regime. To what extent was Uganda involved in this war? What about America and other European Countries? What about Southern Sudan? Is Museveni supporting the Southerners? Is America playing the role formerly played by 229 Israel of using Uganda to contain Arab nationalism and Islamic fundamentalism? These are important foreign policy issues which affect not only Eastern Africa, but Africa, and indeed, the whole world, and Museveni should have shared his knowledge and insights with us. One country whole role in the history of independent Uganda is discussed extensively by Museveni is Tanzania. In particular, the significant contribution of her former President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, who is greatly admired by both Obote and Museveni, is highly appreciated in the book. But even in this case, Museveni failed to understand why the Tanzanians in general, and Nyerere in particular, had a high regard for Obote as a nationalist and pan-Africanist. He complains that the Tanzanians had "tended to overestimate Obote whom they regarded as a socialist, a nationalist and a patriot and therefore, as a positive force in politics not only of Uganda, but of Africa as a whole. The reality, however, was the opposite. The fact of the matter was that not only was Obote useless as far as the pan-African struggle for liberation was concerned, he was actually a very negative force whose sectarianism further aggravated Uganda's problems." (p. 103). Unfortunately for Museveni, many African leaders, including Nyerere and Kaunda, recognised Obote's contribution to the liberation struggle, especially his firm stand on Rhodesia and South Africa. His lack of appreciation of external factors is particularly revealed in his account of the origin of the Moshi Conference called by Nyerere in March, 1979 to form a new, broad-based movement, the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF). Museveni gives himself much of the credit in persuading Nyerere to convene it because the latter had lost confidence in Obote. He writes: "the Tanzanians were anxious to put together a Ugandan front, other than Obote, whom they now knew was a liability both inside and outside Uganda." (p. 105) The truth is quite different. As the Tanzanian invading forces proceeded apace from South-western Uganda towards Kampala, Nyerere decided that Obote and Vice-President Rashidi Kawawa should fly to Masaka to be ready to move into Kampala with the victorious invaders. Obote and Kawawa actually went as far as Bukoba, before they were recalled to Dar-es-Salaam by Nyerere. The reason was not because Nyerere had changed his mind about Obote: The reason was that the British intervened. As David Owen, who was Foreign Secretary m James Callaghan's Labour Government has revealed in his autobiography,5 the Tanzanian government had approached Britain for logistical help in the war with Uganda. But the Buganda lobby in London succeeded in convincing the British government that Obote would be totally unacceptable in Buganda as president of Uganda. They, instead, suggested Yusufu Lule. Hence, the British government offered military assistance to Tanzania on condition that Obote 230 played no
ugnet_: Fwd: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (3)
Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (3) Date: Tue, 7 Oct 2003 12:51:57 EDT Salaam. They received arms from FRELIMO and the Tanzania government and later from Gaddafi and infiltrated these into Uganda in order to end what he calls "the monopoly of arms by the northerners." By the time of the collapse of Amin's regime, on 11 April, 1979, the Fronasa force (largely Museveni's personal army) 227 had grown to 9000 while Obote's Kikoosi Maalum numbered only 1500. Under both Presidents Y. K. Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, Oyite Ojok for Obote and Museveni continued to recruit their kinsmen into the army with the latter accusing the former of recruiting only the northerners and the former accusing Museveni of recruiting only the Banyarwanda. By the time they took over in 1986, the National Resistance Army had 20,000 soldiers under its command. The few northerners remaining in the army were either eliminated or forced into exile. Museveni's prejudice and hatred against the northerners is further revealed in his assertion that "the whole community in Acholi and Lango had become involved in the plundering of Uganda for themselves." (p. 178). Some of the northerners might have been corrupt, but to condemn whole communities indiscriminately as Museveni does is merely to express some deep-seated hatred. He uses this condemnation to justify his punitive measures against the northerners probably in search of a "final solution." As Museveni continues, with the help of the Americans, to hunt for "bandits" - as he calls northern leaders who are fighting for human dignity - thousands are dying in the unending civil war while others are herded into "protected camps." Is this not genocide? Recently, Museveni has even defended the activities of his eldest son, Mohoozi Kainerugaba, who was accused by several Uganda M.P.s of recruiting 200 fresh graduates from Makerere University to serve in the army's Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) that protects his father. His son has no right to carry out army recruitment, and many of these recruits were, in the father's words - "his friends" (read Westerners).4 Can one be more secretarian and authoritarian than this? It is easy, in retrospect, to demonize Obote and the "northerners" and make it appear as if he was merely responding to the ethnic paranoia of his people. The reality, however, was much more complicated as we have tried to suggest. Looking at the evidence presented in this book, it is obvious that Museveni sees himself as the Earnest "Che" Guevara (the legendary South American guerrilla leader) of Africa. He gives details of war strategies, plans and battles, ending up with a kind of guerrilla warfare manual which he expects other progressive African leaders to adopt in order to "Sow the Mustard Seed" in their countries. Is it any wonder that since he came to power in Uganda, he has used people like Paul Kagame in Rwanda and Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo, to apply the teachings of his manual in their countries. Kagame was of course, an officer in the National Resistance Army of Uganda, and many of the so-called Kabila Tutsi death squads operating in Congo where they have been accused of killing scores of Hutu children and women refugees, 228 as well as innocent Congolese civilians, are actually Ugandans or Rwandese trained by Museveni. No wonder the New York Times of June 15, 1997 was so lavish in its praise of Museveni. It wrote: Yoweri Museveni is a "leader secure in his power and his vision. The recent victory of Laurent Kabila's troops over Mobutu Sese Seko's government army in Congo marked perhaps the most impressive of Museveni's moves in the international area." Obviously the United States and other European powers, seem to see the role of Museveni in the Eastern and Central Africa as that of removing certain regimes from power and replacing them with those that will put the interests of foreign business before the needs of their pe ople. This is tantamount to recolonisation of Africa with the collaboration of native guerrilla leaders! MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (2)
Sent: Tuesday, October 07, 2003 6:48 PM Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (2) Museveni writes, for example, that as school boys in Westem Uganda between 1965 and 1966, he and his friends - Martin Mwesiga, Mwesigwa Black, Valeviano Rwaheru and Eriya Kategaya - were "staunchly anti-Obote." (p. 19) He himself hated Obote at that time because he frustrated the East African Federation idea against the support of Nyerere and Kenyatta (p. 18). This is far from the truth. In January 1963, for instance, Prime Minister Obote accompanied Prime Minister Rashidi Kawawa of Tanganyika to England to discuss independence for Kenya, because the East Afncan Common Services could not function properly while Kenya remained a colony. As Harold Macmillan, the then Prime Minister of Britain has recorded in his memoirs, At the End of the Day 1961 - 1963,2 Duncan Sandys, the Colonial Secretary for Commonwealth Affairs, spent several hours on January 28, 1963, "being reproached (and almos t insulted) by Mr. Kawawa and Mr. Obote." Kenya became independent on 12 December, 1963 and early in 1964, a meeting was held in Uganda, which led to the signing of the Kampala Agreement which created the East African Common Market. It was this agreement which was revised in 1966 to create the East African Community which functioned fairly 224 well until it collapsed in 1977. But until Obote was overthrown in 1971, he and the Uganda government supported the regional grouping. Hence, Museveni's schoolboy hatred for Obote for opposing the idea of the East African Federation is one of the many distortions and fabrications in the book aimed at demonizing Obote. Furthermore, Museveni asserts that Obote would rather support Nkrumah's notion of a continental union because he knew it was impractical. "In the case of an East African Union which was feasible, opportunists such as Obote, who were also political dwarfs, feared its realisation because they wanted to remain big fish i n small ponds." (p. 18). The historical facts do not support Museveni's strictures. During the meeting of African Heads of States and Governments, Addis Ababa in May 1963, at which the Organisation of African Unity was formed, Nkrumah made a passionate speech in support of union government. It is on record that Milton Obote was one of the African leaders at the conference who strongly argued in favour of regional groupings. There is also the need to critically assess the Obote I period, 1962-1971. Museveni characterizes it as a time of intrigues and corruption, with no meaningful development. But any objective evaluation of the whole period would show it as the greatest era of prosperity in Uganda. The economy was kept on a sound and expanding basis and much of the money generated was used to expand education and health facilities throughout the country. Politically, Museveni accuses Obote of being unscrupulous and cites the way in which he misled the traditi onalists in Buganda and then, after some years, "made an about-turn over the same issues." (p. 19). He, however, does not discuss the issues. For instance, the independence constitution, which established Buganda in a federal relationship with the rest of Uganda, created more problems than it set to solve. Both Obote and Kabaka of Buganda believed that they could establish a working relationship between UPC and Kabaka Yeka. Museveni condemns this alliance as opportunistic and sectarian, but he does tell us what could have been done, given the independent constitution, which attempted to marry a monarchical and authoritarian regime with a parliamentary system. Moreover, the same independence constitution had provided for the holding of a referendum in the Lost Counties - a disputed area between Buganda and Bunyoro. This area had been excised from Bunyoro and given to the Baganda at the close of the nineteenth century as a reward for their loyalty. For sixty years the Banyoro demanded their counties back but the British were not able to make amends. Buganda had become too powerful for any ruler to offend it. During the constitutional conference in London, it had been resolved that within two years of independence a plebiscite should be taken in the Lost Counties. 225 Nobody thought that Obote would have the courage to implement that resolution. But he did and forever incurred the wrath of the Baganda. The overwhelming majority of the inhabitants voted to return to Bunyoro. This is what ruptured the UPC/KY alliance, and not Obote's unscrupulousness. The Kabaka, as President of Uganda, refused to sign the Bill transfering the Lost Counties to Bunyoro - this in itself was unconstitutional. Buganda leaders then engaged in a series of maneuvers intended to engineer the overthrow of Obote. The election of Grace Ibingira from Ankole as UPC Secretary General to replace John Kakonge, was part of the conspiracy supported by Buganda leaders, to oust Obote, with the help of the Americans and the British who were made to
ugnet_: M7- The Ugandan narkisses-Small Correction!
Two words are missing from the last sentnece of the first installmet of the article, "Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses" The missing wors are "..met Obote." Please insert the words so that the line should read: "Professor of History at Makerere University and a former Nominated Member of the Uganda Legislative Council where he first met Obote." Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses
Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses A Review Article Sowing of the Mustard Seed by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, Macmillian Publishers Ltd, London, 1997. In Bethwell A. Ogot, Building on the Indigenous: Selected Essays 1981 - 1998 (Kisumu: Anyange Press Ltd., 1999), pp. 223-232.The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English defines narcissism as a "tendency to self-worship, absorption in one's own personal perfections." It is derived from the name of a Greek youth Narkissos, who fell in love with his reflection in water. Museveni's autobiography shows him as the Ugandan Narkissos who has fallen in love with his reflection in Uganda's muddy political waters. He has turned Uganda's historical record into a narrative of self-justification. And although all autobiographies are narcissistic to some degree the careful shaping of a public self-image, monuments to self-love built for posterity - not all are as trapped in narcissism as this book is. For Museveni, it is not so much how the past dictates the present that is important, but rather how the present manipulates the past. The book is the story of his own personal role "in the struggle for freedom and democracy in Uganda over the past 30 years." It took sixteen years to write. He believes that it is he and his colleagues who finally sowed the "mustard seed" of freedom and democracy in Uganda in the 1980s, after first clearing the land of the rocks and weeds of a corrupt system. In other words, he gives no credit to Uganda nationalism in the attainment of the country's political independence. Indeed, he doubts whether there was any Uganda nationalism before him. In other words, all was darkness in Uganda until God willed that there shall be Museveni, and then all was light! The book is also a record of Museveni's ideological development from youth to the present. As a secondary school boy in the 1960s, he was a Democratic Party (D.P.) sympathizer - a kind of D.P. 'y outh winger' - largely because the Bahima Chiefs and the Catholic leaders in Ankole were members of the party. At the University of Dar-es-Salaam (1967-70), he developed a coherent ideological outlook which was largely Marxist. In 1970, he joined Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), while he was working in the Office of the President, in 223 Obote's office, as a Research Assistant. He did this, he explains, not out of conviction, but rather for convenience. This was pure opportunism! It is true Museveni has written a revealing and, in its way, a candid book. But the book has many flaws, of both style and substance: the tone of self-satisfaction and self-congratulation and it is partial and glosses over some complex episodes. And besides his close comrades - most of them from South-West Uganda, he is personally harsh on everybody else. He had low opinion of practically all his teachers at the University of Dar-es-Salaam; he condemns all D.P. leaders as lacking "a dynamic le adership", "conservative men", with "limited perspective"; and the "UPC leadership were generally an uncouth breed, anxious to get rich as quickly as possible using state apparatus" (p. 45); and Y.K. Lule had "aversion to democracy". He however, reserves much of the venom for Obote who is demonized throughout the book as the major cause of all problems in Uganda since independence. It is evident that Museveni's main motive for writing this book - apart from the one already referred to of portraying himself as the saviour of Uganda - was to erase completely the figure of Obote from the history of Uganda. Unfortunately for him, Obote is a much more substantial figure than Museveni implies and his contribution deserves a critical and serious appreciation which would go beyond the sympathetic political biography that has been written by Professor Kenneth Ingaham,1 the first Professor of History at Makerere University and a former Nominated Member of the Uganda Legislativ e Council where he first Obote. Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (2) Museveni writes, for example, that as school boys in Westem Uganda between 1965 and 1966, he and his friends - Martin Mwesiga, Mwesigwa Black, Valeviano Rwaheru and Eriya Kategaya - were "staunchly anti-Obote." (p. 19) He himself hated Obote at that time because he frustrated the East African Federation idea against the support of Nyerere and Kenyatta (p. 18). This is far from the truth. In January 1963, for instance, Prime Minister Obote accompanied Prime Minister Rashidi Kawawa of Tanganyika to England to discuss independence for Kenya, because the East Afncan Common Services could not function properly while Kenya remained a colony. As Harold Macmillan, the then Prime Minister of Britain has recorded in his memoirs, At the End of the Day 1961 - 1963,2 Duncan Sandys, the Colonial Secretary for Commonwealth Affairs, spent several hours on January 28, 1963, "being reproached (and almost insulted) by Mr. Kawawa and Mr. Obote." Kenya became independent on 12 December, 1963 and early in 1964, a
ugnet_: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses 2
Salaam. They received arms from FRELIMO and the Tanzania government and later from Gaddafi and infiltrated these into Uganda in order to end what he calls "the monopoly of arms by the northerners." By the time of the collapse of Amin's regime, on 11 April, 1979, the Fronasa force (largely Museveni's personal army) 227 had grown to 9000 while Obote's Kikoosi Maalum numbered only 1500. Under both Presidents Y. K. Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, Oyite Ojok for Obote and Museveni continued to recruit their kinsmen into the army with the latter accusing the former of recruiting only the northerners and the former accusing Museveni of recruiting only the Banyarwanda. By the time they took over in 1986, the National Resistance Army had 20,000 soldiers under its command. The few northerners remaining in the army were either eliminated or forced into exile. Museveni's prejudice and hatred against the northerners is further revealed in his assertion that "t he whole community in Acholi and Lango had become involved in the plundering of Uganda for themselves." (p. 178). Some of the northerners might have been corrupt, but to condemn whole communities indiscriminately as Museveni does is merely to express some deep-seated hatred. He uses this condemnation to justify his punitive measures against the northerners probably in search of a "final solution." As Museveni continues, with the help of the Americans, to hunt for "bandits" - as he calls northern leaders who are fighting for human dignity - thousands are dying in the unending civil war while others are herded into "protected camps." Is this not genocide? Recently, Museveni has even defended the activities of his eldest son, Mohoozi Kainerugaba, who was accused by several Uganda M.P.s of recruiting 200 fresh graduates from Makerere University to serve in the army's Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) that protects his father. His son has no right to carry out ar my recruitment, and many of these recruits were, in the father's words - "his friends" (read Westerners).4 Can one be more secretarian and authoritarian than this? It is easy, in retrospect, to demonize Obote and the "northerners" and make it appear as if he was merely responding to the ethnic paranoia of his people. The reality, however, was much more complicated as we have tried to suggest. Looking at the evidence presented in this book, it is obvious that Museveni sees himself as the Earnest "Che" Guevara (the legendary South American guerrilla leader) of Africa. He gives details of war strategies, plans and battles, ending up with a kind of guerrilla warfare manual which he expects other progressive African leaders to adopt in order to "Sow the Mustard Seed" in their countries. Is it any wonder that since he came to power in Uganda, he has used people like Paul Kagame in Rwanda and Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo, to apply the teachings of his manual in their countries. Kagame was of course, an officer in the National Resistance Army of Uganda, and many of the so-called Kabila Tutsi death squads operating in Congo where they have been accused of killing scores of Hutu children and women refugees, 228 as well as innocent Congolese civilians, are actually Ugandans or Rwandese trained by Museveni. No wonder the New York Times of June 15, 1997 was so lavish in its praise of Museveni. It wrote: Yoweri Museveni is a "leader secure in his power and his vision. The recent victory of Laurent Kabila's troops over Mobutu Sese Seko's government army in Congo marked perhaps the most impressive of Museveni's moves in the international area." Obviously the United States and other European powers, seem to see the role of Museveni in the Eastern and Central Africa as that of removing certain regimes from power and replacing them with those that will put the interests of foreign business before the needs of their people. Th is is tantamount to recolonisation of Africa with the collaboration of native guerrilla leaders! External Factors One of the weaknesses of this autobiography is its attempt to play down or ignore external factors that have influenced the history of Uganda. For instance, the involvement of Obote in the internal affairs of the former Zaire, Rwanda and Sudan gave much political ammunition to his enemies at home. For instance, Obote's hatred of Moise Tshombe, the then Zairian Prime Minister, whom he regarded as an agent of neocolonialism, made him support the National Liberation Committee, located in north-eastern Zaire, which opposed Tshombe's government. Buganda was sympathetic to Tshombe, and this explains the genesis of the "gold scandal" allegations which almost brought the government of Obote down. Also, the immediate cause of the overthrow of Obote's government in 1971, was the discovery of a conspiracy between the Israeli government and Uganda Defense Minister, Felix Onama and Idi Amin., Army Commander, to support the rebels in Southern Sudan. At the request of Israel, the
ugnet_: A dotted line from jets to witch doctors to palaces
A dotted line from jets to witch doctors to palacesBy Charles Onyango-ObboOct 8 - 14, 2003 For three weeks, the story that President Yoweri Musevenis daughter Natasha Kainerugaba Karugire had flown with her mother and entourage to Germany to have her baby has been the main meal on Kampalas FM talk shows. When I first read the story in the gossip column of Saturday Vision, I could hardly believe it. Then the Presidents Press Secretary Mary Karooro Okurut was quoted confirming it in a world-class piece of news analysis by Sunday Monitor (September 28). Comments, arguments, denials, denunciations, and clarifications have followed. However, the presidential plane and who travelled in it or paid for the trip is no longer so critical. The crucial point that has now emerged is bigger than Uganda. It is about the vexing clash of official privilege, security, and democratic accountability in Africa. What better place to start than in Zimbabwe. President Robert Mugabe was once a much-loved man. When the liberation came, with him as its first president, he moved to dramatically change the lives of the indigenous people that had been oppressed by Ian Smiths white supremacist rule. Mugabe and his Zimbabwe were celebrated in song by music greats ranging from Bob Marley to Stevie Wonder. Today the songs about Mugabe mock him and his rule and the musicians are either banned or beaten. Mugabe has ruined the good work he did in the initial first years (they all do wonders in the initial years, dont they?) with brutal government, corruption, election thefts, and an economy with an inflation rate that economists say is heading for 1,000 percent. Mugabe is a president whos digging in, even as the world pressurises him to go home. He is building himself a lavish palace costing £3.75 million (Shs 12bn) on the outskirts of the capital, Harare. With furnishings and security fittings, the cost is expected to rise to £5m (Shs 16bn). Mark you, Mugabe already has smaller palaces in Harare, Zvimba his birthplace, and Chivu, the birthplace of his wife, Grace. When Mugabe travels, or his wife goes shopping abroad, they used to commandeer planes from the national airline. In Uganda, we have a new avalanche from State House about the dangers that President Museveni and his family face. Some think the fears are real. Many more suspect it is mostly paranoia. What are the facts of the story? We are told that Ugandan doctors are so partisan and untrustworthy they cant be allowed to treat Museveni or any member of his family. Yet, that statement says little about Ugandan doctors, who are among the best in Africa. But beneath it lies complex dynamics about the state of Ugandan politics today. This is because the accusation that Ugandan doctors are out to get the President and his family, also come with statements alleging past plots to poison the presidents food and drink, and blow him up. These positions have direct implications for democracy, freedom, and the public Treasury. First, if one accepts them, then one must allow for a very specific re-arrangement of the space around the president. Thus when State House first moved to Nakasero nine years ago, the neighbouring streets were not blocked. Then State House and Kyaggwe roads were blocked with the perceived increased terrorist threats against the president. That space around the presidents official residence, for the first time in the modern history of Kampala, thus became no longer available for public use. Then came the ultimate one mid this year; the metal gate across the street went up to the north of State House. The logical extension of this trend will be the continued expansion of the buffer zone that is considered necessary for the safety of the head of state. At this rate, in another five years, a large chunk of the Nakasero area and homes surrounding State House could be officially part of its compound. This will not resolve the security concerns once and for all. An African president who feels insecure or thinks he has too many enemies about, will not feel safe in a single space, however wide the buffer around it. Because he cant find enough safety in space, he will look for more of it in time. Thus the next step is what we saw in Mobutu Sese Sekos Zaire (now DR Congo), or Mugabes Zimbabwe building more palaces or State Houses which are a distance away from the main one. That way the presidents enemies can never know in which palace he is spending the night, as he keeps shifting. In the third stage, this distrust of everyone enters a spiritual phase. If a president believes the rest of the country hates him and his relatives, and that he has done no wrong, he will need to be able to detect subversion himself without relying on security officers who might lie to him. He will usually seek some omnipotent powers that only God, according to Christian belief, has or can grant. He will become radically Christian as authoritarian presidents who
ugnet_: Time for first children to lead their own lives
Time for first children to lead their own livesBy Humphrey K. RugambanengweOct 9, 2003 I read with relish President Yoweri Musevenis rebuttal to Sunday Monitors Ssemujju Ibrahim Ngandas Natashas Shs 180 million Jet Baby Sparks Off Uproar and Musevenis Expensive Grandchild carried in the Kenyan Daily Nation. I am particularly moved by the emotion provoked in those who hitherto thought the President preferred a non-ostentatious lifestyle. Yet the Presidents daughter cannot be expected to enjoy the privileges of an ordinary citizen. When it comes to privileges, in a free market economy, in a non-welfare state, we are never at the same wavelength. The fact that Museveni can pen a response to Obbos concerns depicts not only intellectual confidence but also the highest level of simplicity and civility, the combative tone that pervades his entire explanation notwithstanding. The President is demonstrating his willingness to be held accountable by the taxpayer while at the same time dispelling cheap talk that he is one and the same as former president Idi Amin (RIP). Museveni articulately implies that if it were not for his familys security, there would be no reason for such an expensive trip. Although I am unable to pick the special circumstances between the times his daughter was born and now, I find his response understandable. His immense love for his children and the precaution he painstakingly takes to ensure their safety in order to deliver total victory to Ugandans (whatever this means), is so touching. But what Museveni falls short of answering is why the paranoia soars the longer he stays in office. And why his children, three of whom are already blessed with their own homes, should be held at ransom. It would appear that as long as the President continues to merge his own life with the life of his children and vice versa, then they are destined to have a common enemy. Otherwise it is difficult to imagine that there could be an assassin lurking in wait for his son-in-law, Mr Edwin Karugire, a benign, modest and down-to-earth gentleman. Take the example of former minister Eriya Tukahiirwa Kategaya. Even when he was the de facto No.2 in this country, it was not unusual to meet the man freely driving himself to places, without an escort, something a mere presidential adviser cannot do. In 1993 while attending a cadre development course with the Kategayas (Julius Annet) at the then National Leadership Institute, Kyankwazi, I was touched by the level of humility and simplicity they exhibited. This was in sharp contrast with the experience I had with Maj. Muhoozi Kainerugaba (Musevenis son) two years later, when I hosted him in Kabale at a conference of Makerere University students hailing from the district. He came with twenty or so soldiers. He also never looked comfortable! The point is, it serves a good purpose if the Presidents children were left to live their own lives. Only then would they be excused from their parents perceived `sins. Museveni is neither a mistake nor an experiment on Ugandas political scene. He is here for a purpose. Upon capturing state power in 1986, he promised a fundamental change, embedded in the famous 10-point programme. Although some of the promises have since fallen through, genuine Ugandans nod in appreciation when he mentions the expansion of Kampala, large numbers of school-going children, a proliferation of universities and health centres among other things. Nonetheless, some of us get incensed when he swears that he lives for Ugandans and that the safety of his family is the safety of Ugandans. For example, in one of the worst recent carnage on our roads, somewhere near the Katuna border post, tens of souls (Rwandans, Ugandans, Congolese etc) perished when a bus collided with a trailer. I was struck by the swiftness with which the Rwandan government responded to the calamity, while our government merely crossed its fingers. The Rwandan government dispatched two helicopters and a host of ambulances laden with doctors and medical assistants to take care of its citizens. When crest-fallen Ugandans asked if a standby ambulance at Kabale hospital could be hired to ferry their dead, all that they were told was that it had no fuel. As if to underscore our ineptitude, no official statement ever came from government on the calamity. Museveni certainly cannot extricate himself from such ineptitude (the President later sent out a general condolence message - Editor). It also bothers when the President argues his omnipotence and insists he is not prone tomaking mistakes. When Dr Kizza Besigye correctly cited the mistakes/wrongs in the Movement way back in 1999, he was demonized and isolated by the President. Kategaya has since suffered the same fate on account of steadfast rejection of the Project Third Term. By sacking Kategaya, the President sent a clear message that when it comes to political power, he has no friends. And this
ugnet_: Fwd: Marx is Dead, Long Live President Museveni's Daughter
PHILIP OCHIENG Marx is Dead, Long Live the President's Daughter President Yoweri Museveni's activities remind me of how, when I worked in Dar es Salaam, in the early 1970s, the story used to be repeated throughout Tanzania that Julius Nyerere's wife constantly nagged him to send his children to England for higher education. He always had the same powerful retort: "How can I possibly do such a thing when I am the very person pushing all other Tanzanian children to attend collectively-funded Ujamaa schools?" The story was no doubt apocryphal. But it illustrated the uniqueness of the person. No post-colonial African head of state has ever been so humble, so upright, so honest - the epitome of self-abnegation and abstemiousness. At one time, a Swiss bank wrote to advise him to open a personal bank account in Switzerland, explaining that, Africa being what it was, Mwalimu might soon be overthrown in a coup and would have nowhere to turn. The president was beside himself with fury. He passed the letter to us and we, in The Daily News, published it in full with a stinging editorial on the Swiss bankers' "lecherous" designs in Africa. To my knowledge, V.I. Lenin was probably recent history's only other head of state for whom it would been unthinkable to take advantage of his extraordinary power to enrich himself and his family at the public's expense. I bring Lenin into this story deliberately. Like Nyerere, he killed ruthlessly when necessary. After all, as Marx had admonished, "a revolution is not a tea party." But, in his personal life, Lenin was extraordinarily selfless. In my Dar es Salaam days, Yoweri Museveni was among the most ardent admirers of both Nyerere and Lenin. When I first went to Dar in 1970, Museveni had just graduated from the University of Dar es Salaam, where he had been chairman of a student body that invoked Lenin's name every time (which was all the time) it spoke of "revolution." To be a socialist was to serve the people. This required at least two gifts. One was knowledge of the science of revolution and the other was personal integrity of the highest order. Looking back on it with the wisdom of hindsight, we can now see where the difference lay. Lenin failed because, although he had both the science and the moral commitment, he had no help. Only a negligible number of his Bolshevik colleagues were fully committed. Nyerere failed because, although he had the moral commitment, he didn't have the science and, therefore, objectively played into the hands of the very imperialist enemy he was trying to uproot. Museveni failed because, although he knew the science, we now know that he didn't have the moral commitment and, therefore, never really tried when he at last had the power. His is the story of all my "Marxist" colleagues of the 1970s, many of them now in Kenya's parliament. They were deeply learned in the letter of the classics, liberally quoting Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao and Castro. Yet they were so completely lacking in its spirit that, when Marxism was forced into a full political retreat with the fall of a fake Marxist regime in the Soviet Union, they dropped it like a hot potato. They were not alone. I remember a time when Tony Blair and Jack Straw were dragged into police stations almost every week because of violent activities in the name of the British proletariat. Both are now "poodles" - in Neil Kinnock's phrase - of the global hangman of the proletariat called George Bush. At a Nairobi seminar one day in 1999, when I asked an activist who is today a prominent NARC minister what had happened to him, he dismissed me with a wave of the hand: "Oh, those were ideas of the 1970s. They are no longer relevant." Apparently, then, their "relevance" depended only on the existence of Soviet Stalinist power. An honest answer would have been: "Mine was just youthful exuberance. I never grasped the moral content of that teaching. To tell you the truth, I have never really been committed to social justice." Museveni admits as much in the field of real life. True, the Marxist idea of grabbing power through putchist or guerrilla methods mesmerised him, even though, divested - as the Movement was - of any proletarian content, it was thoroughly unMarxist. True, too, the NRM originally used its power positively, to rebuild Uganda's industrial, communication and transport infrastructures, and it had the sense to set the economy on a sound basis before launching its own attack on it. But Museveni did it at the immense expense of popular sovereignty by offering himself as the blue-eyed boy of imperialism's grand designs on the entire Great Lakes region. Under the George Bush (senior)-Bill Clinton-Thatcher-Blair continuum, he was seen as the leader in situ of an elaborate plan by Washington and London to bring not only the rule but also the exploitation of Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania,
ugnet_: Museveni paranoid, says UPC
Museveni paranoid, says UPC By Emmanuel N. Mugarura Evelyn Lirri Oct 9, 2003 KAMPALA - The Uganda People's Congress has criticised President Yoweri Museveni's recent defence of a maternity trip to Germany by one of his daughters. Ms Natasha Keinembabazi flew the presidential jet to Germany to give birth in August. "This is the latest in a series of paranoid acts and utterances that are the hallmark of his rule," Dr James Rwanyarare, the chairman of UPC's Presidential Policy Commission, said yesterday. "This paranoia, which is disguised as individual merit, has caused Museveni to overstate himself as all knowledgeable, all important, all valuable and indispensable," Rwanyarare told journalists at the UPC headquarters in Kampala.He said the President is always trying to discredit all institutions. "There has been a well orchestrated onslaught on institutions by paranoid Lt. Gen. Museveni. The first victim was the army, police and then the cooperatives," he said. Rwanyarare also challenged the President to produce the medical doctor he claims tried to amputate an injured soldier's leg. "We challenge Museveni to produce the name of the said doctor to the medical council to take action1/4," Rwanyarare said. While defending his daughter's trip to Germany in last Sunday's papers following public criticism, Museveni said he does not trust some doctors here. He said some Ugandan doctors are partisan. He also called upon the medical council to come up with a clear position on the President's claims to save the profession from shame and ridicule. "These are outrageous claims which if left unchallenged would damage the image and reputation of the profession irretrievably," Rwanyarare said. e said Ugandan doctors are amongst the best in the world. Rwanyarare said that Museveni, ironically, has been riding on the doctors' success in the fight against HIV/Aids. "That man is known for only the fight against Aids and this was the work of the doctors. Why can't he ever appreciate?" the UPC official said. "I think the old man is getting sick and he doesn't want to accept it. He is even scared of his own shadow, how does he cordon off the church [All Saints Cathedral] because he fears death?" he said. All Saints Cathedral on Nakasero Hill is a stone's throw away from the President's home located on the same hill. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Riot at MUK
Riot at MUK By Alex B. Atuhaire, Halima Abdallah, Mercy Nalugo Oct 9, 2003 MAKERERE - The police and students of Makerere University are as comfortable together as two co-wives in the same bed. And yesterday - on the eve of Uganda's 41st Independence Day anniversary - they fought running battles after a public debate was cancelled. The debate - organised by a new political pressure group called the Popular Resistance Against Life Presidency - had been called to discuss the proposed lifting of the presidential term limits.But an hour after it began - at 4 p.m. - anti-riot policemen drove into the university campus in a convoy of pick-up trucks. About 25 anti-riot policemen wielding teargas canisters jumped off the pick-ups trucks and took up position between Mary Stuart and Lumumba halls of residence. The cops had also brought out two water trucks - the type that fights riots, not fires - which had made their fighting debuts in September 2002 when they broke up a fight between MUK and Makerere University Business School students after a football match at the main pitch a few metres from the two halls. Water first Thick torrents of water both hot and cold, according to students, erupted from the trucks directed at the students inside the hall. According to Ms Rosbell Kagumire, a second year mass communication student, the police action "took the gathering by surprise". The students abandoned the debate, which was taking place at the Lumumba terrace, and locked the gate to the hall. Then the cops lobbed teargas canisters at the students, their acrid fumes quickly filling the leafy and hilly campus. The students - with an air of been there, seen that - quickly dipped handkerchiefs and shirts into water and held them to their noses and eyes to keep the fumes away. With the terrace becoming a literal Waterloo for the students, many of them disappeared into their rooms or fled the hall altogether using side exits.MP Aggrey Awori, who had been invited to speak at the debate, was one of those who made a quick get-away. Some male students - perhaps taking advantage of their predicament - rushed into the Mary Stuart, a residential hall for women. The anti-riot police, commanded by Deputy Regional Police Commander Henry Tukahirwa, then retreated to the School of Education, about 200 metres from Mary Stuart. This gave the students time to regroup and they soon re-emerged onto the balconies of Mary Stuart, and started pelting the cops with stones. Others simply shouted down abuse while the naughty ones waved what looked, suspiciously, like underwear. The cops responded with water and teargas, forcing them back into their rooms.But while the students could run, they soon found out that they could not hide.The cops moved closer to Lumumba and started lobbing teargas canisters into the rooms, forcing them out into the open air of the hall. Occasionally, the hunter became the hunted when the wind changed direction and blew the gas back at the cops, drawing a hasty retreat from the cops and cheers from the students. They had also managed to make some dents in one of the two police water tankers, registration number UP 0526. But it was the students who had received most of the fire and at 5:40 p.m., Mr Tukahirwa, perhaps satisfied that he had done a good job, left with a couple of escorts, leaving the main force behind to take care of any other business.He declined to speak to The Monitor as his vehicle drove off. Missed lectures The chaos disrupted most of the afternoon lectures at the university, especially in the Faculty of Arts and the Institute of Languages, which are near Lumumba Hall. Ms Martha Tumusiime, a first year Bachelor of Arts student, told The Monitor she had been caught up in the riot and had failed to go for her scheduled lecture.The policemen later withdrew slowly, amid insults and occasional missiles, to the university police post, before they were collected and taken away from Makerere. However, a Monitor correspondent at Makerere said, just before we went to press, that there were still policemen deployed at the university. Who is to blame? According to one of the organisers, Mr James Ozo, the students had approached the university Deputy Vice Chancellor, Prof. Epelu-Opio, for permission to hold the debate. They claimed that the official asked them not to involve him in their politics.However, The Monitor was unable to independently verify this claim and was unable to speak to Mr Opio. His official cellular phone number 075-760551 was said to be "out of service".However, the university spokesperson, Ms Hellen Kawesa, said the group had no permission to hold the debate. But in a further twist to the tale, the president of the Makerere University Students Guild, Mr Yusuf Kiranda, told The Monitor last evening that the students did not need permission to hold a debate. "We don't know why police should come here and interfere with the university when everything was peaceful. Are they trying
ugnet_: Save us from political uncertainty oh Lord, MPs pray-Uganda not at peace?
And yet some people claim NRA/M brought peace? If so why all these prayers for peace? Why would a "peaceful" Uganda pray for peace? Save us from political uncertainty oh Lord, MPs pray HAVE MERCY: MPs sing during the national prayer breakfast at Speke Resort, Munyonyo By Henry Mukasa MEMBERS of Parliament yesterday held a national prayer breakfast at which US based speaker Dr. Ron Jenson was guest speaker. Jenson urged politicians to have principles and harmony. When you have harmony, you have the humility to forgive freely, he said. This was the fifth national prayer breakfast organised by Uganda Parliamentary Prayer Fellowship. The prayers were held at Speke Resort, Munyonyo. Ethics and integrity minister Tim Lwanga said the prayer was to give the nation spiritual strength and renew the bonds of brotherhood among the faithful. Former ethics and integrity minister Miria Matembe implored God to intervene so that Uganda isnt plunged back into the turmoil it suffered 40 years ago. Two MPs implored God to help the nation overcome the uncertainty that looms over the country ahead of the anticipated political transition. He prayed that as God remembered the children of Isr ael who had suffered in Egypt for 40 years, he should send his divine intervention to Uganda. Lt. Gen. Elly Tumwine (UPDF MP) prayed that Gods guides the nation in overcoming the anxiety gripping it over the countrys future. Tumwine prayed to God that Ugandans live in unity as one family and that peace prevails in the entire country. Third deputy Primer and also public service minister Henry Kajura represented the President. Present was Deputy Speaker Rebecca Kadaga. Published on: Thursday, 9th October Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Museveni missives: Illusion of openness
No-Holds-Barred By Peter G. Mwesige Museveni missives: Illusion of opennessOct 9, 2003 BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA According to the unwritten manual of many Ugandan journalists, you should steer clear of President Yoweri Musevenis family and the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (his army?) if you want to stay out of trouble. So when The New Visions gossip about First Daughter Natasha Karugires trip aboard the presidential Gulf-Stream to give birth in Germany provoked a political storm that played out on the front pages of the press, it was always clear the President would fire back. The question was how? Unlike in the past when journalists could not easily prove allegations of official scandals and the like, this was a straight story that State House could not easily dismiss. It could not instruct prosecutors to bring the usual charges of publishing false news either. So the official line became the legality of the trip. Ugandans were reminded that the Presidential Emoluments and Benefits Statute entitles each member of the presidents immediate family to an annual holiday, be it home or abroad, at state expense. But that did not appear to have stemmed the outpouring of outrage at the revelation that Mrs Karugire had made such an expensive trip at state expense. As we have argued before, we should not confuse legality and legitimacy. The commander-in-chief had to come in himself to try and put out the fire. This he did in a lengthy statement that he sent to the press (see I Paid for Natashas Bills In GermanyMuseveni, Sunday Monitor October 5, 2003). The president went to great lengthand apparently painto explain that the issue is about security given some of the hostile doctors we have in the medical system here. He added that when it comes to security of myself, my family and my country there is no (and there will never be) any compromise. But critics (at least the reasonable ones) of State House and government excesses are not suggesting that the President should expose himself or his family to unnecessary security risks or give an easy donation of himself or his family to criminal forces as he put it. However, it also speaks volumes that after Musevenis 17 years in power, a system that has been filled with thousands of Kyankwanzi-trained cadres still cannot afford the presidents family the security it deserves, and that they still have to live, in his own words, the kiyekera way of constant vigilance, constant mistrust, constant mobility. By the time I was done reading the presidents statement, I was less concerned about the holes in his arguments and more interested in the strategy that he had adopted to put away this nagging problem. Not many presidents in Africa, or anywhere in the world, write such personal statements to the press or make impromptu calls to radio talk shows as our man does occasionally. On the face of it, Museveni comes off as an angel when he decides to fight the media and his other detractors with their own weapon in a region where many leaders would (do) not hesitate to throw journalists who write dissenting reports or opinions in jail. Writing such personal statements or making impromptu calls to talk shows appears to be a populist tool that has the potential of creating the perception that our president listens and is responsive to our problems. But if you look back carefully at Musevenis performance in the media, you will discern a distinct pattern, and it is far from a picture of a listener. The president writes or calls in to teach Ugandans, enlighten us, explain to Ugandans, or correct distortions by the media. Not once has he written to a newspaper or called in to a talk show to acknowledge public outcry or to concede that some of the public criticism that he has faced is justified (although he sometimes blames his political appointees and the technocrats). There is nothing wrong with a leader teaching and enlightening fellow citizens, or defending his policies, but sometimes you have to be modest and accept some of your own mistakes. Clearly, Museveni has no interest (at least he doesnt show it) in a national conversation on the state of the country or its future. He is the mwalimu (teacher) with all the answers. His hostile reaction to colleagues in the Movement who have gone on record to acknowledge some of the failures of the Movement confirms this. Recall how he reacted when Col. Kizza Besigye published the controversial statement in which he charged that the Movement had lost track of its mission and had become corrupt and undemocratic, or more recently when ex-ministers Eriya Kategaya, Bidandi Ssali and Miria Matembe opposed Project Third Term. Moreover, just like his African counterparts, Museveni occasionally instigates the criminal prosecution of journalists over alleged false stories about the conduct of government business and affairs of state. In the last one year, his government has also got the
ugnet_: Our politicians have to take advice some time
Our politicians have to take advice some timeBy Anne MugishaOct 9, 2003 A friend of mine who rejected Musevenomics as soon as the President introduced the policy of barter trade has been giving me a few lessons on why we need economically astute policy makers to lead the country. He concedes that they may not make the best politicians but if only the politicians could listen to qualified professionals it would serve the county well. He decries our reliance on the wisdom of self-acclaimed enlightened leaders who lead the whole population into poverty and under-development simply because they refuse to take the advice of experts and then refuse to acknowledge that they were wrong. Barter trade was so wrong that now we can all look back and wonder how it jumped out of Musevenis head onto a policy document. Remember how Ugandan beans were exchanged for Cuban refrigerators. Surely, those who closed the deal could not have been oblivious of the amounts of real paper money that changed hands in the process of completing the deal. Lorry transporters, air carriers, shippers and other merchants who were involved could not have accepted gunny bags of beans or even cowrie shells for their services. How could the economists in the Ministry of Finance and Bank of Uganda have implemented what was really a fallacy to start with? I believe that the implementation of the barter trade project is really an indicator of just how willing Ugandans were to give Museveni and his brand of leadership a blank cheque in 1986. A decade and a half later not much has changed. Musevenis ideas on the economy, governance, social services, defence and any public policy area are still embraced and implemented by an array of accomplished professionals with hardly a question on their feasibility and effectiveness. My friend resurrected his quarrel with Musevenomics after the recent World Trade Organisation (WTO) saga after Museveni once again issued a missive justifying his unpopular position at the WTO conference in Cancun, Mexico. The trigger for his reaction this time round was not the matter in which Museveni threw out the laborious negotiations that go into making group positions in multilateral negotiations, but rather his position on India. This is how he viewed the matter: For arguments sake if India was to remove all tariffs on Ugandas primary products namely tea, coffee, cotton or even textiles; our products would still be too expensive and not competitive compared to Indias locally grown primary products or textiles. Any economist worth his salt should point out that Indias economies of scale and a highly productive population, and if you may add, democratic governance would lock Uganda out of her market. Our goods would still be too expensive without tariffs in India. I leave it to the economists in the Ministry of Finance and the pseudo-economists in the watering holes otherwise known as bufunda to debate the common sense in that statement further. But let us face it, the zeal and gusto with which I advocated for privatization of public enterprises hardly makes me the right person to be criticizing Musevenomics. After all hasnt the Director for Information at the Movement Secretariat, Mr Ofwono Opondo consistently tried to tie my name to the ill-fated Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB) sale? The fact is that even when economic policies were based on sound economic principles, their implementation was hijacked by corrupt politicians with dubious motives leading to disastrous consequences. I can hear you asking but what did you do about it? You just sat there and enjoyed your per diem and now that you are languishing in exile you have changed your tune. Maybe you are right. Many who worked with me at the time could say we were powerless in the face of political coercion and manipulation. But even that is not completely true and I suppose that as part of the team that was involved in the first privatization of UCB I tend to carry a disproportionate share of the blame from Opondo because of my political inclinations. Maybe just to make amends for my past, I will tell you the story of my trip to Johor Bahru and Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia as part of a team that carried out due diligence on the infamous Westmont Bank. Hopefully when I am done telling my tale the security services will not torture my father with snakes and crocodiles as a result. Ms Mugisha is a member of the Reform Agenda political pressure group © 2003 The Monitor Publications Anne, You should have come clean on this one ages ago! What took you so long? Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Fwd: Fw: China Keitetsi visits Germany1
Subject: Fw: China Keitetsi visits Germany1 Date: Sat, 8 Feb 2003 00:38:40 +0100 China Keitetsi visits Germany and talks about "My life as a child soldier" Sent: Friday, February 07, 2003 9:16 AM Subject: China Keitetsi visits Germany1 China Keitetsi visits Germany and talks about "My life as a child soldier" China Kitetsi, the lady who wrote about her life as a child soldier in the NRA is in Germany reading and talking about her book. She arrived here on 04.02.2003 and will spend about a week visiting public libraries, bookshops, NGOs and other institutions associated with children and their rights, talking about this work on her biography. On this day (04.02.03) at 8:15 pm central European time, she talked about her book in a bookshop called Rhianon. Rhianon, located in Ehrenfeld in the heart of the famous German cathedral city of Cologne has a collection of books from all parts of the world mainly talking about women and children. In one corner, one could see the books "Lawinos lied/ Ochols lied"- a German version of "Song of Lawino and song of Ocol" written by the Ugandan genius, the late Okot p' Bitek who died in 1982. On the main table were piles after piles of china's book in German that were selling like hot cakes. Although it was a working day when one would have expected people to stay at home and relax after a hard day's work, very many people turned up to hear this lady talk and the bookshop hall was full to capacity. China began by narrating how she joined the NRA in 1984. At barely 8 years of age, she joined the NRA in the bush. She was not the only child there for she found hundreds of other children there, some even at the ages of 6 or 7. After a brief training, they were taken for real combat activities. Their commanders, all grown-ups, would put them in front, directly in the enemy fire line and shout orders from behind. Asked about what they did with captured enemies, China was in tears, as she tried to answer the question. She took a rest and recomposed, then she said that they were made to tie the enemies' hands tightly behind their backs (Kandoya), with their chests threatening to break apart, and after that hit the enemies with Akakaumbi small hoes on the head until they die. They were told that these enemies, called the Anyanyas, coming from northern Uganda were different kinds of people. The commanders said and repeated over and over again that these Anyanyas are half human beings, really animals, who would not feel the pain when hit with the hoes on the head. Any Kadogo "Child soldier", who feared to do this beastly act of killing with the hand hoe would be called a coward and turned into a laughing stock of the rest of the children. It turned out that being called a coward was the most hated thing amongst the Kadogos and every child soldier smiled whenever he was said to be "Sharp". Another question posed to China was whether the male child soldiers were treated preferably / better than the female "colleagues". China said, when at the front line, there was no room for preferable treatment. They all fought shoulder-to-shoulder to defeat the enemy. The difference comes in when the female soldiers were used as sex slaves by the high-ranking officers. The officers made sexual advances and called it an order. You as an ordinary soldier must not and could not say no. "You see me standing in front of you here. All those 11 years that I spent in the NRA, I had to say Yes Sir, Yes sir to everything that the officers said. An officer would say, I want to see you in my tent at 9:00 pm and you knew what awaited you there but you could do nothing to prevent it for you did not have the power. You were just a tool being used by the officers. Because of the regular sexual abuses being meted to us by the officers, we were nicknamed "Chakula ya Wakubwa" (Food of the big men) and/ or "Gunduria" (rain coats). Do you still feel threatened, now that you have left Uganda, a country that we hear from the mass media is coming up as a beacon of hope for Africa? To this question, China pulled out of her bag a print out of an article which appeared on 01.02.2003 in "The monitor" with the title "Govt to counter Keitetsi, Ssekyaya lies". She read this article which says the Ugandan Govt plans to take her (China) to the international court of justice in Den Haag (The Hague in Holland) because of this book and her "film" talking about her life as a "Kadogo", and the "listeners" nearly went wild as they expressed anger at this threat from the Govt. One lady immediately stood up and said "I have heard you talk and share your experiences with us China. You can always count on me. Let them take you to Den Haag and we will face them". This was greeted with much applause. China thanked the participants and sat down to give her signature or sign the books that were being bought. On the second day of her visit, 05.02.2003, China goes to the German city of
Re: ugnet_: Fw:Buganda's report to the constitutional review commission
Vukoni, This is a blatant lie. They have ,for obvious reasons, left out the pact the Mengo group headed by Mutebi , made with the NRA in the Luwero bushes. That pact lead to the killing of so many innocent non "Banaa Ba kintu" in Luwero, their properties seized and lives of their siblings shattered! If they ever come clean on the Luwero tragedy then Ugandans may come to learn to trust them. Rgds Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Original Message Follows From: "Vukoni Lupa-Lasaga" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Subject: ugnet_: Fw:Buganda's report to the constitutional review commission Date: Sat, 15 Feb 2003 17:16:30 -0600 PREAMBLE: For centuries, Buganda was a warrior kingdom, which believed in conquest and settling disputes with neighbors with force of arms and conquest. Internally, reigning kings (Kabakas) were often removed and replaced by force of arms. At the close of the 19th Century however, the then reigning monarch, Ssekabaka Mukaabya realised that the best way to govern his people and to live with all Buganda's neighbours, was through negotiation, discussion and peaceful resolution of disagreements. In a very dramatic and very public action, he formally changed his name from Kabaka Mukaabya (which literally means a king who bends people to his will through tears and strife) to Kabaka Mutesa, which means resolving all disputes through peaceful discussions and negotiations. By that act and implied edict, he directed the people of Buganda to always solve their problems (internally and externally) through peaceful discussion. Ever since that edict, Buganda started believing in peaceful resolution of problems through negotiations and signed agreements. Thus since the beginning of the following century, (that is from 1900 up to today) Buganda has never taken up arms internally to remove its leaders or externally against its neighbours. Ssekabaka Mutesa's grandson, Ssekabaka Daudi Chwa II, re-emphasised this position by stating in his formal written Will that he had deliberately given the name of Mutesa to his son and successor (the father of the current Kabaka) so that Kabaka Mutesa II and his successors should always resolve all Buganda problems peacefully and legally through negotiation and discussion. In fact, in that Will, Ssekabaka Mutesa II actually instructed and directed his successor to do so. ! Last month, in December 2002, Kabaka Mutebi II, while addressing the Buganda Constitutional Commission and the people of Buganda at Banda Palace, restated his great great grandfather's position as well as that of his grandfather by urging the people of Buganda to pursue the many disagreements and disappointments they had with the 1995 Constitution (which disagreements and disappointments he was aware of) through peaceful negotiations and dialogue. He fully supported this Report and the method of presentation of Buganda's views through this constitutional process. The Odoki Constitutional Review Report clearly stated that 97% of the people in Buganda desired to be ruled under a federal system of government (also 68% of all Ugandans expressed that desire). Although this clear and overwhelming will of the people of Buganda and Uganda was not included in the 1995 Constitution, the People of Buganda, being mindful of their kings' edicts, patiently continued to request for a peaceful reconsideration of this position. They now once again renew, through this document, their position that a federal system of government is the only system of governance that will accelerate Uganda's development, minimise internal strife that has bedeviled Uganda since the abolition of this system in 1966, and provide Uganda and her people with durable internal peace. Many people outside Buganda pour scorn on discussion and negotiation as a fruitful method of achieving their people's or community desires and goals. Consequently, they have persistently taken up arms against the state and the peoples of Uganda. The people of Buganda are appealing to all those people to lay down their arms and strive to achieve their goals through peaceful discussion and negotiations as the people of Buganda are doing today. The people of Buganda also appeal to the Government of Uganda and our leaders to prove to those skeptics and doubting people that the will of the p! eople an d desires of communities can be achieved and addressed through peaceful discussions. We should not give them the feeling that peaceful negotiations and discussions can never bring about change or achievements of any given community's desires and will, however clearly those desires and will are manifested. In spite of past repeated disappointments and frustrations, the people of Buganda are still confident that they will achieve their desires through peaceful methods.
ugnet_: LC sacks executive, appoints wife, son
This is what M7 should have done a long time ago instead of fooling Ugandans with "Bicupili" democracy! Gook LC sacks executive, appoints wife, son By Herbert Mugagga Residents of Bamungaya, Najjembe sub-county in Mukono have staged a demonstrated after their chairman, Okongo Steven, sacked the entire LC executive.Mr Okongo sacked the entire executive for unclear reasons and appointed his wife and son at a village meeting on Tuesday.The residents protested the move and pitched camp at the sub-county headquarters, demanding that the chairman resigns.They said the whole village, with a population of 367 people, had only three pit latrines, with the chairman doing nothing about the situation. Its the members he has sacked who have been mobilising people to build latrines, said Edward Matovu.One of the sacked members said Mr. Okongo accused them of plotting to unseat him in 2006. When you work hard, he looks at you as a threat, the member said. LC-III chairman, Isabirye Juma, and the sub-county chief Basalidde intervened and calmed the residents who had resolved to stay at the sub-county headquarter until the chairman resigns.Mr. Okongo told reporters he would neither resign nor reverse his decision.He accused the sacked executive members of damaging his regimes reputation. That is why I sacked them and brought in my dear wife and son, he said. He also accused the officials of inciting violence among residents.February 16, 2003 11:45:58 Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Uganda in anarchy?
Op Wembley Irks Rights Body By Eddie Ssejjoba The Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) has blasted Operation Wembley and other state owned security agencies saying they had plunged the country into anarchy through torture of suspects which had denied several, people their right to life. The commissioner in charge of the central region, Veronica Bichetero (pictured), said the alleged ongoing notorious acts by the Operation Wembly and the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) had taken Uganda back to the dark days of the past regimes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote where sanctioned extremist security organs like NASA institutionalised torture of suspects. She was on Friday addressing non-commissioned Police officers of Sembabule district during a workshop on community policing and human rights. She said the UHRC had several cases pinning Operation Wembly for taking away peoples lives, being used to settle personal grudges, extortion of money and expensive items like cars from suspects. They are also accused of arrest and torture of political opponents and spouses and relatives suffering for actions of suspects. I know President Museveni is not happy with the notorious acts against the public that have caused countrywide outcry for gross violation human rights. But why should we allow such actions to go on in the country when we have in place bodies like ours that are there to prevent the violations? she asked. Ends Published on: Tuesday, 25th February, 2003 Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
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EAR TO THE GROUND: Museveni isn't giving up, he's just digginginBy Charles Onyango-ObboPresident Yoweri Museveni has, finally, taken a position infavour ofopening up the political system to free competition by politicalparties.The hard questions are now pouring in: Is he serious, and whynow? When willthis opening up really happen? Will the people who have grownfat on theMovement's one-party system, including sections of the military,let him getway with it or will they attempt to kick him out?Generally there are two vocal views on the matter. One, thatPresidentMuseveni was never opposed to parties as such, except he thoughtit wasn'tthe right time to open up. Second, that he's responding topressure from thegrowing threat of a major rebellion, and the factional splits intheMovement which are eroding his power. He's therefore trying tobuy himselfsome more time on a new ticket as a reformist.Perhaps both views are right.However, the problem is wider than Mr Museveni and the troubledMovement.There is a wider political problem that encompasses the Movementand itsmain party rivals, the UPC, DP. All of them are advocates ofdemocracy whenthey are out of power or in turmoil.The UPC became part of the liberation movement against Idi Aminafter itsone-party rule was overthrown in 1971. It became repressiveafter it wonpower in the December 1980 elections, and became democraticagain afterbeing ousted in July 1985 - now even supporting the monarchiesit banned in1966.The DP, Uganda's professional opposition party, was alwaysdemocratic until,for six months after the July 1985 coup, its leader Dr PaulSsemogerere wasinvited into government as minister by the military junta of theOkellos(Tito and Basilio).In the first years of the Movement, when DP was the unofficialjuniorpartner in government, Dr Ssemogerere even ! backed t he crackdownon attemptsby a wing of his party to hold rallies, and turned his back onsenior DPpoliticians who were arrested on trumped up treason charges. Itwas after DPhad been sidelined and Dr Ssemogerere resigned from governmentin 1995, thathe rediscovered the democratic path.Likewise, Mr Museveni and his Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM)were democratsin 1980. Then he went to the bush and formed the NationalResistanceArmy/Movement to fight Milton Obote's UPC government, and thenthe Okellos'junta. Once entrenched, Mr Museveni saw to it that even UPM was"dissolved".The famous criticism of corruption, opulence, and the torturechambers thathe and his comrades had so much condemned past regimes forreturned in abigger way - certainly the corruption and the opulence. And, tocap it all,the one party-type politics they so vilified became the"Movement/individualmerit" system.As these political organisations lose their idealism, and wallowincorruption, nepotism, and cruel rule, they are usually desertedby thebrighter minds and face public apathy. As the best and brightestaredisillusioned by politics and leave, a vacuum is created. Thisvacuum is nowfilled by the tough guys; then the folks who can no longer makea livingoutside politics; and also the types who want to enrichthemselves usingstate power. Thus a process of degeneration sets in.Whether or not a regime is faced by the threat of rebellions(after all MrMuseveni didn't open up in the 1980s when more serious groupslike the UPDAwere fighting him) or internal party strife, at one point itwill seekcohesion.And here, then, is the tricky part. By opening up, Mr Museveniwould seem tobe reaching out again. But effectively he is narrowing down. Asthepresident is alleged to have said, opening up is partly to allowthose whodon't believe in the Movement to walk away! , and le ave it forthose (few) whobelieve in it. So while Museveni might appear to some to begiving up, he'sin fact digging in. One good example of this was the recentelections inIsrael when Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's Likud and the Labourpartycoalition collapsed because he could no longer live with thelatter'sopposition to his hard line against the Palestinians. Mr Sharonwent on toscore a resounding victory (by Israeli standards), and thedowish Labourparty was handed its biggest electoral humiliation of recentyears.Opening up, done early before the anger boils over as the lateJuliusNyerere did in 1985, can land a party a new lease of politicaldominance aswe have seen with Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in Tanzania. Doneyears late asKenya's Daniel arap Moi did in 1992, will win a party one easywin againstan opposition in disarray, and one narrow escape helped by aballot swindle.Thus Mr Moi and KANU won easily in 1992, struggled badly in1997, before theparty was electorally obliterated in December 2002.So, while the embarrassment of having to do a 360 degreesturn-around forthose people who have been parroting Mr Museveni's anti-partyline mightseem a little too much, they should not be blinded to the realpossibilitythat The Chief might just have snatched a big victory out of thejaws ofdefeat.The parties should
ugnet_: MPs confirm snake torture in safe houses
National MPs confirm snake torture in safe houses By Ssemujju Ibrahim NgandaMembers of Parliament who last week visited prisoners at Kigo Prison have confirmed allegations that security personnel use snakes and red ants to extract confessions from suspects.The MPs on the Parliamentary committee on Defence and Internal Affairs visited Kigo Prison off Entebbe Road on 19 February and interviewed prisoners, mostly those on treason charges.Mr Joseph Kule Muranga (Busongora North) led the parliamentary team. The committee chairman Simon Mayende did not accompany the delegation. The committee went to Kigo Prison following allegations by some MPs in the House that they had received reports that snakes, crocodiles and red ants are unleashed on prisoners to force them to confess.Some of the prisoners said they were badly tortured. Two of them showed me their testicles which they claimed were smashed, committee member Mr Harry Kasigwa told The Monitor yesterday. Kasigwa is MP for Jinja Municipality West.He said some of the prisoners had scars on their buttocks, which showed that they had been seriously caned.One of them said his buttocks were knifed, the MP said. He said some prisoners told the committee that security agencies pierced their nails with pins. One of them had a panga [machete] cut in his head, Mr Kasigwa said.He said prisoners claimed that 461 inmates were at one time kept in an underground prison in Makindye army barracks.But Army spokesman Maj. Shaban Bantariza dismissed that claim. He said MPs have the powers under the law to access any Defence installations. He said they should photograph those inmates and move a motion in Parliament.Mr Kasigwa said inmates Wilson Kyaligonza and Nicholas Ruzinda had wounds.He said Lt. Dan Mugarura told the committee that he was blindfolded after his arrest and was dumped inside a safe house (ungazetted detention centres). He said Mugarura told the MPs that he was once put in a room full of red ants and later in another one where ther! e was a snake.Mr Kasigwa said the chairman of Bugantira LC-III in Gulu was also severely tortured.He said a woman called Lagulu, who was picked with 19 others from Gulu Prison by the army, said she was sexually abused while in Gulu army barracks.Maj. Bantariza refuted all these claims. He said if the army wanted to torture people it wouldnt use such primitive methods.Treason suspects who were transferred from Gulu to Kigo told the committee that while in Gulu they used a single basin as a urinal, toilet and food utensil.There are 98 treason suspects at Kigo and 104 others who were arrested by Operation Wembley soldiers. Wembley suspects are the most tortured, Mr Kasigwa said.In total there are 720 prisoners at Kigo but the prison was constructed to accommodate 420.Aswa MP Ronald Reagan Okumu, who has been following the case of Gulu treason suspects, said the inmates had told him of these horrible stories.The committee will make its report this week and table it before Parliament.February 25, 2003 12:14:09 Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: We are perfecting the art of KILLING!-Museveni boasted!
"You will hear what will happen to Kony in three weeks," he said. "We are perfecting the art of killing," Mr Museveni boasted, prompting delegates to murmur. Rwanda can't cross border - Museveni By Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda April 1, 2003 President Yoweri Museveni yesterday told the Movement National Conference (NC) that he does not mind Rwanda deploying its soldiers at the border with Uganda. "Nobody can cross that border," Mr Museveni said yesterday while responding to submissions made by the NC delegates meeting at the International Conference Centre in Kampala. He said the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF) would stay in their barracks despite Rwanda's reported deployment near the Uganda border. He said that Ugandans should not get worried as long as the Rwandan troops remain inside their country. A delegate from the home area of renegade UPDF officer Lt. Col. Anthony Kyakabale asked Mr Museveni to allow local leaders there to persuade him to return from exile in Rwanda. "We don't want war," the delegate said. "Get in touch with him. After all he has not killed. If we have forgiven [Mr Joseph] Kony, who has killed, what about Kyakabale?" Mr Museveni said. He cited the Amnesty Law which allows rebels and insurgents like the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) leader, Mr Kony, to be pardoned. Mr Museveni said Lt. Col. Kyakabale and others were taken to the DR Congo by "some people" that he did not name to fight the government of Uganda. Lt. Col. Kyakabale and several other renegade UPDF officers are living in exile in Rwanda. But yesterday, President Museveni said that the Lendu tribal militia in the DR Congo had killed many of Lt. Col. Kyakabale's recruits. Talking about rebellions in the country, a seemingly angry Mr Museveni gave Mr Kony a new deadline of three weeks to surrender or face the firepower of the UPDF. "You will hear what will happen to Kony in three weeks," he said. "We are perfecting the art of killing," Mr Museveni boasted, prompting delegates to murmur. "Killing bandits," the president quickly qualified his statement. Talking about the alleged mistreatment of Movement supporters in Kampala by multiparty leaders, Mr Museveni said that the police and local administration should deal with the problem. He told Ms Mariam Kiwanuka Namayanja (from the Vice President's office) that mistreatment of the Movement's supporters is not a strong reason to oppose a return to competitive multiparty politics. Mr Museveni was accompanied by his wife Janet. The president recalled telling the former Electoral Commission chairman Hajji Aziz Kasujja to computerise the voter registers to eliminate rigging but the project fell through. Mr Museveni said he has again asked the new EC Chairman, Prof. Badru Kiggundu, to ensure the computerised voters register is ready for the 2006 general elections. Mr Museveni said that he also knows of Movement supporters who rigged in the 2001 elections. "But it was much less," he said. According to the president, the opposition massively rigged the elections in Kampala. Mr Museveni, who presided over the NC meeting, allowed all delegates representing interest groups to read out their memoranda except the army and police. "The army and police wanted to say something but I would discourage them because of the phase we are entering," he said. He said the army should concentrate on defeating Mr Kony. "That would be enough contribution. The police should also concentrate on controlling crime," Mr Museveni said. "Once we open up, the army and intelligence services should stay out [of politics]." He said that the security organs are supposed to serve all people. Former President Godfrey Binaisa said that Baganda should give up their demand that Kampala should once again become part of Buganda. The former president said that Buganda should also come down on its other demands. He said Buganda should be granted federal status without being burdened to persuade other regions to accept the arrangement. More than 50 delegates who spoke over the two days proposed a third term for Mr Museveni and supported the idea of freeing political parties. The Young Movement Association praised Minister of Local Government Jaberi Bidandi Ssali for igniting the debate on freeing political parties. Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online
ugnet_: Fwd: Why Museveni needs fifth term
From The Monitor, April 01, 2003 Letters April 1, 2003 Ten reasons Kaguta needs a 'fifth' term I would like to congratulate those in the politburo of the Movement's National Executive Committee who in their ultimate wisdom have decided that President Museveni deserves a fifth term in office, after having served only four consecutive five-year terms. President Museveni's bid for another term in office should be supported for the following 10 reasons: - So that the war in the North can spread to the other regions of the country. -Uganda can graduate from being the eleventh most corrupt country in the world to being the undisputed No.1. -The UPDF (and its proxy armies) can completely exhaust the minerals, timber and other resources in the Democratic Republic of Congo. -The Akazu (the presidential inner circle) can amass enough wealth and property to guarantee that they eradicate poverty from within their families. -The personality cult around President Museveni can be consolidated, with everything further centralised in the Office of the President. -The president can appoint corrupt, incompetent and inefficient Cabinet ministers who will be immune from censure by Parliament. -The president can dissolve Parliament whenever it displeases him. -So that the UPDF can take 50 percent of all the budgetary resources of the country. -Makerere University can grant President Museveni an honorary degree. -Maj. Muhoozi Kainerugaba will be old enough to succeed him in 2011. I recall that somewhere in the history of the NRM, 10 points was all it took for them to guarantee a "fundamental change" in the system of governance. A fifth term will certainly achieve that. J. Oloka-Onyango, Makerere University. MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Bidandi 'disappointed' ?
Bidandi 'disappointed' at third term schemersBy Richard M. KavumaApril 2, 2003 The Minister for Local Government Jaberi Bidandi Ssali yesterday said he is "very disappointed" that the Movement has cleared President Yoweri Museveni to run for a third term. Sounding distraught, Mr Bidandi told the BBC radio that he still hoped for a turn-around by the time the issue goes to Parliament. "This issue is going to be around for nearly a year. Hopefully by that time people will have made up their minds and may be to the contrary," he said.Mr Bidandi was the first senior Movement leader to call for a discussion of a post-Museveni Uganda in November 2001. He has since also consistently called for a return to open multiparty politics.The National Conference (NC) of the ruling Movement on Monday endorsed the recommendation by the National Executive Committee ((NEC) to open up to competitive party politics, subject to a referendum. However, the NC also recommended that Mr Museveni should be allowed to run again for the presidency after his second and last constitutional term ends in 2006.Yesterday Mr Bidandi said that he believes Mr Museveni is genuine but that some of the people around him were scheming. "1/4Definitely those people around him played the game of scheming," Mr Bidandi said in apparent reference to those who had engineered the "third term" resolution. He said that the people who played the game are "very senior people". "The whole thing was orchestrated," he said. Mr Bidandi lamented that most delegates at both the NC and NEC meetings did not express their own views. "The whole thing was wrapped in representative memoranda," he said. "But there are so many things taken for granted by the movers of this motion," he said in what sounded like a veiled warning. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: From new breed to new greed:-Charles Onyango-Obbo
Ear to The Ground By Charles Onyango-Obbo From new breed to new greed: Museveni, NEC on slippery road April 2, 2003Last week I won more bets than I could keep count of. I had bet with many friends, both inside and outside the Movement, that - as these pages have argued in the last three years - President Yoweri Museveni would seek an extension of the presidential term. But not even the most cynical observer would have wagered that Mr Museveni would propose to the ruling Movements National Executive Committee (NEC) that the Constitution be amended not only to grant the president a third term, but to allow him/her rule for life (for that is what the absence of term limit in Africa means). On the other hand, the president proposed to NEC what on the face of it seems like progressive changes - lifting the ban on political party activities. For sure the fury of debate these proposals have unleashed in Uganda would not have happened in one African country Nigeria. Nigeria has had the most presidents coming and going mostly through coups, but a sprinkling through the vote. In common, they have all cheated the people and broken their promises. The result is that Nigerians are easily the most cynical Africans about politics. Last week I met a leading Nigerian intellectual in Nairobi on my way to Kampala. He had read the story of President Musevenis free-parties-in-exchange-more-presidential-terms proposal in the Daily Nation. He was beside himself with laughter. He told me that in Nigeria, from the very start they referred to the New Breed of African leaders (Yoweri Museveni, Bakili Muluzi [Malawi], Paul Kagame [Rwanda], Meles Zenawi [Ethiopia], Issayas Aferworki [Eritrea], late Laurent Kabila [Congo], to name a few) as Africas New Greed. They were either greedy for power, or wealth, or both. One of the admirable factors about this new breed-to-new greed grid (no pun intended) is its sheer style. Thus a term extension goes through NEC, to the Constitutional Review Commission; to a national referendum; and eventually to Parliament. This is partly because below the smooth surface of democratic ritual, something very sinister is happening. To appreciate this, one needs to factor in what is easily the most abominable constitution amendment proposal the one by the Electoral Commission to make registration for elections mandatory. How does this explain the long-term political plan by the undemocratic clan in the Movement government? Freeing political parties is only one element of democracy. It is not necessarily the most important, and it is not sufficient on its own without other factors like term limits, independence of the judiciary, sovereignty of parliament, free and fair elections, a free press, and economic prosperity. The Ugandan courts, as they did in the case of the Referendum Act some four years back, and lately with the Political Organisations Act, have often ruled bad laws to be unconstitutional. The new proposals to neuter the courts means that they are less likely to do so in future. Then, the only way the public has been able to deal with senior political leaders who abuse their office or are corrupt is through censure by Parliament. The NEC proposal that only the president should now exercise this censure takes that away. The effect of granting that power to the president is that, as was the case in Kenya during the rule of Daniel arap Moi, we shall have a large class of people who amass wealth corruptly, but they are shielded from all censure by an elected body. They become beholden to their sole protector, the president. This proposal therefore seems to have been strategically created to allow the president create a new patronage network. One might argue that if these things will anger voters, now with the political parties freed, they can throw out the Movement government. However, the timing envisaged for these changes means Uganda will remain effectively a one-party state for the next nine years. The decision to lift the ban on parties through a referendum, which can happen at the earliest in mid-2004, means that a vote for it can only be passed into law at the earliest end of 2004. If we then have a parties law along the lines of the POB, the political parties might only get off the blocks in mid-2005. By then the Movement will have re-organised, and would be sprinting to the finishing line of the 2006 polls. The chance for a level playing field for the parties, therefore, might come only in 2012! It is possible that those hurdles can still be overcome by smart parties. And that is where the ECs proposal for compulsory registration comes in. It is unusual that a proposal for compulsory registration is not coupled with one for compulsory voting. This, however, could have been done to solve a big problem in Ugandan politics the difficulty of concealing an election theft. The failure by the UPC to conceal an election swindle in December 1980, led to the Museveni
ugnet_: Why set Uganda up for turmoil?
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ugnet_: Is the third term project Ugandas step to hell?
Is the third term project Ugandas step to hell? This That By Henry Ochieng April 2, 2003 The pocket-sized Frederick Chiluba was unsuccessful in 2001 when he desperately tried to get himself another term as president of Zambia by tinkering with the law. The last we heard is that he is facing the full force of the law on such mortifying charges as stealing tax-payers money.New York citys former Mayor, Rudi Guilliani was a very unhappy man when his term came to an end. The same can be said of Bill Clinton who would have loved to retain the 1600 Pennslyvania Avenue, Washington D.C, USA address. There are fellows in those West African countries who fervently wish to be president till death. Some like Gnassingbe Eyadema in Togo have been in office since 1967 and might achieve that notoriety. We shall not say anything about Omar Bongo another pint-sized character- in Gabon who is in love with the presidency but will make a mention of Bakili Muluzi whose hopeless attempts to engineer a review of their laws to allow him a third term finally collapsed. Mr Muluzi fiddled and fiddled but the winds of commonsense prevailed against him. The professor across our eastern frontier, Daniel arap Moi, was finally pushed in spite of his protestations, delivered in a guttural voice, that he was still young and fit to show Kenya the way. Daniel is way over 70. And now, we address our Mr Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of the Republic of Uganda since 26 January, 1986. He has just won an endorsement from his party, at its annual delegates conference when it voted to lift the constitutional two-term limit for presidents. That opens the way for Mr Museveni to offer himself for re-election in 2006. Officially, that would be a third term but it really is a fifth term. Article 105(2) of the Constitution will not stop the man because its stipulation that a person shall not be elected under this constitution to hold office as president for more than two terms will soon be consigned to history by way of amendment. The only thing that stands in Mr Musevenis way as he probably pursues what former president Idi Amin Dada described as life presidency, is parliament. But you make that judgement on the incurably optimistic assumption that the House will find the wind to refuse the man. With an assured two thirds majority, made up of lukewarm and true believers of the Movement doctrine and a generous serving of those who pay particular attention to their stomachs in parliament, Article 105 will be expunged without another thought. This is a parliament made of MPs who laugh when they are insulted by among others Mr Museveni himself. Make no mistake because when the hour comes, parliament will vote wisely. During last weeks party meetings, delegates from Ugandas 56 districts used the occasion to take potshots at the MPs accusing them of being stumbling blocks to the revolution. They basically said the members are selfish because while they do not entertain the notion of term limits for themselves, they have been happy to expose the president to this difficulty. And the members of Parliament in attendance actually laughed with each disparaging submission.You have thick-skinned types in the House who are impervious to abuse and cannot be relied on to guard the best interests of the country. These are a people who long ago relinquished the right to think and are quite happy to be (mis)used in all whimsical projects the regime dreams up. To the reasons why Mr Museveni has found it pressing to hang on. The less charitable opinion held by the people, who go by the self-congratulatory tag of independent-minded, is that the fellow is power hungry and scared at the same time. Scared of prosecution for alleged crimes committed against humanity in the north by an army he leads. Scared of prosecution for allegedly taking inappropriate decisions that have cost the countrys economy an arm. Scared of being asked troublesome questions about what Uganda has done and continues to do in the DR. Congo by the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice. You do not have to agree with these suppositions. But you have to ask where did the democrat, who stood on the steps of parliament that day in January 1986 and said, this is not a mere change of guards in reference to despots who had run the country into the ground, go? On the other side of the fence, you have the coalition of the willing, to quote the much-maligned George Bush Jr of the US who see the third term as an opportunity to consolidate the gains of the Movement as the country enters new phase. To the innocent bystander, this kind drivel would not find space even in a poorly written communist working paper. In this new phase, we have been told the army and police will be less visible in the national politics, which in itself is an admission of their past illegal and partial interference geared at maintaining Mr Musevenis stranglehold on the
[no subject]
One day it was an interim govt, next a political system By Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba April 2, 2003 A 17-year love-hate tango between Movement and the political parties The Movement says political parties brought the ban upon themselves; they were constituted along tribal and religious lines. Yoweri Museveni wanted a total ban on parties soon after he was sworn in as president in 1986. Eriya Kategaya, as National Political Commissar, tried to hold talks with parties to see how party operations could be regulated. Dr Kizza Besigye, as an army representative in NRC, moved a motion to extend the interim parliament and in effect Mr Musevenis government in one of the first manoeuvres that doomed the parties. Over the years, the cast seems to have remained the same, but the roles have changed. 17 years today, the players have been thrown on different paths but the issues just wont go away. And it all began with Legal Notice Number One of 1986 as Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba report: - One main outcome from the National Conference meeting of Sunday and Monday is that it has thickened the suspicion between key players in the Movement and the multiparty camps. Even within the Movement ranks, loyalties were never a clear black or white, they were often tinted. You could read as much from Mr Musevenis remarks at the Movement National Executive Committee meeting at the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi of 26 March. It was this underlying mistrust that Mr Museveni glossed over as he announced the freeing of political parties. NEC FRONT ROW: Left to right, Mr Godfrey Binaisa, Mr Kintu Musoke and Mr Jotham Tumwesigye at Kyankwanzi last week (PPU photo). The Movement will remain more or less as it is now, he said, but allow those who never welcomed pluralism in unity to go. We should unload them. President Museveni feels that this will strengthen the organisation as per the recommendations of the ad hoc committee set up in December 2001 to review calls by some key figures in the Movement that it was time to free political parties. The National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Kiyonga, chaired this committee. But at the National Conference in Kampala, which immediately followed the NEC meeting, many members could not make out what the president, who is also the Movement chairman, meant when he said that his would not become a political party when the country returns to multiparty democracy. So why would he want to strengthen it? It is a scenario that many people from both camps dont quite understand.It might be surprising, but hardly unusual. How did it get to this point? It all started in 1986. Mr Museveni and his guerrillas of the National Resistance Army had toppled the government of Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa. The president was sworn in and he immediately formed a government. The Movement was supposed to be all-inclusive, a government of national unity. The parties gave it the benefit of the doubt because it was a chaotic time in the country. UPC was nursing its own wounds. It retired to Uganda House. DP was excited that UPC was overthrown, said party member Mr Omara Atubo who was then Minister of State for Defence. Today, he is the MP for Otuke County. The Uganda Peoples Congress and the Democratic Parties were the main parties at the time.Immediately after taking power in January 1986, Mr Museveni issued a decree. It was called Legal Notice One of 1986. Under this the National Resistance Movement would form a government of national unity with all the parties represented. The interim government would last no more than four years. There was no immediate Gentlemans Agreement after take over from General Tito Okello. There was no elected parliament, Mr Atubo said. A four-year interim period: that was how the political parties saw the NRM. They looked forward to a peaceful situation in future where political parties could function. In this situation, they hoped, the NRM would also become a party. We were all dedicated to normalising the country. We looked at what type of government it would be after four years; [we knew] it was a multiparty competition, said Mr Atubo. Interim structure: Mr Njuba Mr Sam Njuba, a Movement historical right from the bush war and minister for Constitutional Affairs during the first nine years recalls: The Movement was a temporary arrangement. Nobody said it was a permanent arrangement, not even a system. It was not. It was an arrangement and they knew it would end in five years. Mr Njuba is now the vice-chairperson of the Reform Agenda, a splinter group of the Movement headed by exiled former presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye. He however, believes that these early years served both the Movement and the DP well. The Movement wanted support. The DP on the other hand, feared it would not defeat UPC in a multiparty election at that point. It was a question of survival. UPC was already a black sheep. The DP was not sure if they
ugnet_: One day it was an interim govt, next a political system
One day it was an interim govt, next a political system By Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba April 2, 2003 A 17-year love-hate tango between Movement and the political parties The Movement says political parties brought the ban upon themselves; they were constituted along tribal and religious lines. Yoweri Museveni wanted a total ban on parties soon after he was sworn in as president in 1986. Eriya Kategaya, as National Political Commissar, tried to hold talks with parties to see how party operations could be regulated. Dr Kizza Besigye, as an army representative in NRC, moved a motion to extend the interim parliament and in effect Mr Musevenis government in one of the first manoeuvres that doomed the parties. Over the years, the cast seems to have remained the same, but the roles have changed. 17 years today, the players have been thrown on different paths but the issues just wont go away. And it all began with Legal Notice Number One of 1986 as Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba report: - One main outcome from the National Conference meeting of Sunday and Monday is that it has thickened the suspicion between key players in the Movement and the multiparty camps. Even within the Movement ranks, loyalties were never a clear black or white, they were often tinted. You could read as much from Mr Musevenis remarks at the Movement National Executive Committee meeting at the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi of 26 March. It was this underlying mistrust that Mr Museveni glossed over as he announced the freeing of political parties. NEC FRONT ROW: Left to right, Mr Godfrey Binaisa, Mr Kintu Musoke and Mr Jotham Tumwesigye at Kyankwanzi last week (PPU photo). The Movement will remain more or less as it is now, he said, but allow those who never welcomed pluralism in unity to go. We should unload them. President Museveni feels that this will strengthen the organisation as per the recommendations of the ad hoc committee set up in December 2001 to review calls by some key figures in the Movement that it was time to free political parties. The National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Kiyonga, chaired this committee. But at the National Conference in Kampala, which immediately followed the NEC meeting, many members could not make out what the president, who is also the Movement chairman, meant when he said that his would not become a political party when the country returns to multiparty democracy. So why would he want to strengthen it? It is a scenario that many people from both camps dont quite understand.It might be surprising, but hardly unusual. How did it get to this point? It all started in 1986. Mr Museveni and his guerrillas of the National Resistance Army had toppled the government of Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa. The president was sworn in and he immediately formed a government. The Movement was supposed to be all-inclusive, a government of national unity. The parties gave it the benefit of the doubt because it was a chaotic time in the country. UPC was nursing its own wounds. It retired to Uganda House. DP was excited that UPC was overthrown, said party member Mr Omara Atubo who was then Minister of State for Defence. Today, he is the MP for Otuke County. The Uganda Peoples Congress and the Democratic Parties were the main parties at the time.Immediately after taking power in January 1986, Mr Museveni issued a decree. It was called Legal Notice One of 1986. Under this the National Resistance Movement would form a government of national unity with all the parties represented. The interim government would last no more than four years. There was no immediate Gentlemans Agreement after take over from General Tito Okello. There was no elected parliament, Mr Atubo said. A four-year interim period: that was how the political parties saw the NRM. They looked forward to a peaceful situation in future where political parties could function. In this situation, they hoped, the NRM would also become a party. We were all dedicated to normalising the country. We looked at what type of government it would be after four years; [we knew] it was a multiparty competition, said Mr Atubo. Interim structure: Mr Njuba Mr Sam Njuba, a Movement historical right from the bush war and minister for Constitutional Affairs during the first nine years recalls: The Movement was a temporary arrangement. Nobody said it was a permanent arrangement, not even a system. It was not. It was an arrangement and they knew it would end in five years. Mr Njuba is now the vice-chairperson of the Reform Agenda, a splinter group of the Movement headed by exiled former presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye. He however, believes that these early years served both the Movement and the DP well. The Movement wanted support. The DP on the other hand, feared it would not defeat UPC in a multiparty election at that point. It was a question of survival. UPC was already a black sheep. The DP was not sure if they
ugnet_: Famous quotes from NEC, NC
Famous quotes from NEC, NC By Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda April 2, 2003 The Movement National Executive Committee sitting at National Leadership Institute Kyankwanzi on 26-28 March and Movement National Conference at the International Conference Centre, Kampala were willing to give Mr Museveni even what he had not asked for. Or had he? Officially, he wanted the Defence budget increased. They overwhelmingly supported him. He wanted to free political parties; nobody refused. When he spoke of lifting the two-term limits for a president he got more than he had bargained for: He had wanted a committee appointed to look into the matter, but the delegates preferred not to waste valuable time. He could have it. NEC and NC delegates speak - I love you Mr President and you are the only who can solve the problems of Karamoja. The people still love you Mr John Roberts Rex Aachila, MP for Jie County on third term. - The people of Lira want the Movement to remain the only system and they want you to rule forever Mr Sam Engola (Movement chairman, Lira district). - How come we keep losing to [Cecilia] Ogwal in Lira? Mr Engola responds by saying that the opposition rigs elections Mr Museveni. - Your Excellency, you should leave power when you are still loved. I love and that is why I am telling you. I dont fear you and I must tell you the truth. The Movement is no longer the original one. It was good for the first nine years but it degenerated with the 1996 elections. Kalangala Action Plan was there terrorising people in Mbarara and I had to ring Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh and other top military officers. There is violence now and corruption. It is we who are corrupt. There is lack of political will at the highest level to fight corruption. Parliament censures ministers and you appoint them to key positions. We dont respect institutions. When we are moving against corrupt people they appeal to you. I am now moving against a corrupt district chairman. Dont intervene. You should retire as a statesman. I dont want the Constitution to be changed. You must relinquish power when people still love you Ms Miria Matembe, Minister for Ethics and Integrity. - Some people are life MPs but they dont want us to lift the term limit Mr Bwambale Rujumba on behalf of UPDF veterans. - A good leader doesnt have an expiry date Mr Nasser Shaft Mukwaya, Youth representative. Our view was to remain with the Movement as the only system but since some members said we open up, political parties be given freedom but via a referendum. On third term: It should be open and let the people decide who to lead them through the vote Ms Agnes Obbo, National Women Council. 'The Movement is like a river. It is like the road coming from Jericho and Jerusalem. We dont want a limited term of office especially for you. We want you to continue, we shall give you. What about Democratic Party (DP) how long has Ssemogerere been there? The 17 years are like three years Rev. Fr. Peter Matovu. The term limit should be open after all there is an article which talks about the age limit Ms Florence Nayiga Ssekabira, PWD. The ban on parties should be lifted and Movement should left solid to compete with parties. The limit to presidential terms should be removed for the masses to decide Mr Santo Opio, private sector/business community. I helped all these parties from the 1940s. You are a wonderful military man. If I compare you with Amin, I give 95% and Amin 75%. Mr Bidandi Ssali and Mr Kirunda Kivejinga were expelled from UPC when they were youth. If there are people advocating for parties the two should not Mzee Daniel Odeke. The old man received not only Mr Musevenis handshake but the greatest applause and won a smile from First Lady Janat Kataha ** Some people call the third term a sad term but we still need your guidance Ms Namayanja Mariam Kiwanuka, Movement Media Mobilisation (ebimeeza) group. You have succeeded in taming the army, which had become an uncontrolled beast. I congratulate you upon making the army a professional one not of thugs and thieves.Multiparty supporters should not be allowed to form a coalition like NARC in Kenya Mr Godfrey Binaisa, former president. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Uganda Is Queueing Up For Blood Money!
Uganda Is Queueing Up For Blood Money! COALITION MEMBERS: Presidents Museveni and Kagame --Mr president, please withdraw and join the coalition of the just Letter from Toronto By Opiyo Oloya Dear Mr President, in the wake of relentless bomb-attacks on Iraq by American and British forces which have killed and terrorised hundreds of innocent Iraqi civilians, it is time for Uganda to withdraw its support from the so-called Coalition of the Willing. Such an about-face may sound cowardly, even disloyal to the US and British but a cool-headed analysis will show that it makes perfect sense. Foremost, regional and continental cooperation are the cornerstones of Ugandas foreign policy. It is our immediate neighbours and those with whom we share the African continent that are our closest allies, friends and economic partners. Internationally, we share solidarity and kinship with those nations in Asia and Latin America who, like us, are on the threshold of development. Politically, therefore, Uganda cannot isolate itself from its traditional allies in Africa, friends in the Middle East, Asia and Latin America while moving closer to Britain and the US. For instance, as a very well regarded and staunch member of the 116-strong Non-Aligned Movement, Uganda was behind the Kuala Lumpur Declaration on Iraq adopted last February at the 13th NAM Summit in Malaysia that called for diplomacy to diffuse the conflict. Today, Uganda is one of only 16 NAM members that appear to condone the carnage in Iraq. It should also be noted that Uganda, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Rwanda stand alone like lepers in support of the war in Iraq from the 20-member Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the 53-member African Union (AU). Secondly, apart from Britain, Australia, Spain, South Korea and Japan, the majority of the so-called Coalition of the willing is in it for the money and will receive U.S. aid under Bushs budget request. For example, Israel will receive $1billion in direct military assistance and $9 billion in loan guarantees that could help Israel weather the economic shock of a war with Iraq. Other beneficiaries include Jordan $700 million, Egypt $300 million, Turkey $9.5 billion in direct loans or loan guarantees, Pakistan $175 million for border security and to buy aircraft and radar systems, Afghanistan $127 million, Colombia $34 million to combat drug trafficking and terrorist activity, and $15 million each to Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Other beneficiaries include Romania, Slovakia, and the Philippines, according to White House documents. Given the fact that these countries stand to gain financially from the war, one must question their motivation regarding the war on Iraq. Is this war really about fighting terrorism and disarming Iraq? From all appearance, the coalition of the willing seems more like the coalition for blood money and profits. Which then begs the question, why is Uganda doing this if not for the money like everyone else? You have been very clear from the beginning that Ugandas motivation is to support the global war on terrorism. In this regard, you are not alone as virtually every freedom loving country supports the fight against terror groups such as Al Qaeda. However, the repressive government of Saddam Hussein has never been linked to any terror group, a point conceded by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In fact, several very close US-allies such as Canada, Mexico and Chile have refused to join this war precisely because the US failed to make a credible case to show that Baghdad promoted terror and therefore must be attacked now. In essence, Mr. President, Coalition forces are now using your original support for the fight against global terror as a blank cheque to wage war on a sovereign nation. While this may seem okay because the war is far from Uganda, it presents a potential problem in the future. For example, in the current tension between Rwanda and Uganda, Kigali could invade Uganda on the pretext of fighting terrorism. In such a scenario, the Americans already racked by guilt for not doing enough to stem off the Rwanda genoc ide in 1994, will almost certainly support Kigali. More important, if we accept the argument that it is okay to wage war on Iraq because the US says Saddam Hussein is guilty of harbouring weapons of mass destruction, we also accept the argument that in a world with just one dominant superpower you are guilty as charged by that superpower. It sounds simplistic, but in the affairs of nations, the simple arguments often carry the day. Let us not shoot ourselves in the foot by appearing to condone the aggression of a superpower on a smaller albeit oil-rich nation. Mr. President, Uganda has no business being listed among the coalition of the willing. Instead, we should follow the example of the Slovenian Prime Minister Anton Rop who last week said the United States had made a mistake when it named his country as part of the
Re: ugnet_: Departure From Uganda
Anyamoko, Where is this brave young man? Was he killed by "Kony"(Read NRA)? Rgds Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Tired of spam? Get advanced junk mail protection with MSN 8.---BeginMessage--- OPOKA JAMESSATURDAY, 29 DEPATURE FROM UGANDA.Fellow Ugandans.As you may be aware, Dr. Col. Kizza Besigye (Rtd.), and several members ofhis former task force, myself included, are currently living outsideUganda. I have been following the events unfolding back home with interest.I must confess that I am touched and encouraged by your anticipation, andhow you have reacted to the situation in the country, sometimes eagerlyawaiting our communiqué. Allow me to start off by informing you I am stillcommitted to working for democratic reforms in the country and I am moredetermined than ever. I also know that comrades and wellmeaning people inUganda and worldwide are tirelessly putting together the necessaryinfrastructure (and apparatus) to place Uganda back in the family of fullyfunctional practising democratic nations.I would like to set the record straight as to why I left Uganda. Over thepast 15 years, I have witnessed our beloved country, Uganda, traumatised bythe relentless effort of the forces of doom. The Uganda I love has beensystematically plundered and pillaged by these evil forces. My decision toleave Uganda was based on the realisation that our tormentors had erodedthe foundation for civilisation - that is the respect for human rights. Thenew millennium theme, for Democratic nations, is to champion humanity.Ugandas current administration, on the other hand, prides itself in thedestruction of humanity. By the time I left Uganda, it was evident that thecitizens are living under siege. From the statesponsored decade and a halfof tyranny in the north, my homeland,to the bombings in Kampala suburbs,Kasese raids in the presence of UPDF troops, not forgetting the shamelections we went through. Fellow Ugandans, you must realise that Peace andFreedom are universally fundamental rights worth sacrificing for. Thissacrifice must be met by anyone who counts him or herself worth y. Worthy ofa God given right.The stakes are high. As you can tell from the reaction of the Museveniadministration, the die has been cast. Having been humiliated on all awaymissions, Museveni is now turning the guns on his own people. Deployment inwestern Uganda (a former strong hold for Museveni) is an indication thatMusevenis friends are thin on the ground. Ugandans have realised that theemperor is not wearing any clothes.BACKGROUNDSince Museveni came to power, my homeland in the north has beenconsistently a battlefield. At the end of the 1986/87 wars, there was atime when the situation had taken a turn for the better. I recall back in1986/87, when NRAs 15th Battalion was in Gulu. Under the leadership of Lt.Col Samson Mande and later joined by Lt. Col. Fred Mugisha (RIP) when Guluhad fallen, a good relationship, between the NRAs 15th Battalion, thelocal population and the UNLA forces was established. Several UNLA troopssurrendered, some were integrated into the 15th Battalion of the NRA. Thiswas an unprecedented act of professionalism, loyalty to the cause and asense of responsibility to the local population, on behalf of the NRAforces. This also was a challenge to the evil forces within the NRM highcommand. The 15th Battalion was removed. This was done to deliberatelysabotage a good working relationship between the 15th Battalion and thelocal population. At this point, Musevenis extermination policy wasunleashed on the people in Gulu.One Major General David Tinyefuza, who had been removed from active dutyfor indiscipline, was appointed as the northern brigade commander. Onarrival, Tinyefuza made his objectives clear:* Former soldiers of the UNLA were enemies.* Insisting that the UNLA forces had killed people in Luweero and lootedproperty, they werent to be handled with kid gloves. Tinyefuza impliedthat the UNLA troops did not deserve to be treated as POWs.* Tinyefuz a instructed NRA Soldiers to raid, loot and pillage villages inand around Gulu. His reason for this inexcusable act was that the propertyhad been stolen from Luweero. In due process, many lives were lost. Hecontinuously justified this act because he was one of the mainbeneficiaries of the loot.* The raids were executed using a search and cordon operation againstcivilians who were nonviolent and former UNLA officers who were nowreporting to the NRA voluntarily.* The ex UNLA soldiers were rounded up, mentally and physically tortured,tied up kandoya style, which involves tightly tying a victims arms behindthe back and leaving the victim to die of breathing problems.The atrocities were carried out for months. This destroyed the relationshipbetween the NRA and the population. From then on, the line was drawn in thesand. Ugandan
Re: ugnet_: ISRAEL DESTROYS BEDOUIN HARVEST
Not even Apartheid South Africa went this far! And people wonder why Israelites have been hated throughout history? They bring this hatred upon themselves! Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Original Message Follows From: "Mulindwa Edward" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>CC: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, "E. S." <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Subject: ugnet_: ISRAEL DESTROYS BEDOUIN HARVEST Date: Thu, 3 Apr 2003 04:58:14 -0500 Israel Destroys Bedouin Harvest With Cropduster Poison 4-3-3 JERUSALEM (AFP) - Israeli authorities on Wednesday destroyed the harvest of a Bedouin tribe in the Negev desert with crop-dusting planes, accusing the tribesmen of being squatters on state land, public radio said. Planes sent by the Lands Authority sprayed chemicals on 600 hectares (1,400 acres) of land farmed by the Abu Kaff tribe of Bedouin, a semi-nomadic Arab population that was herded off large tracts of the Negev after the Jewish state was created in 1948. The area sprayed was in the west of the Negev, which occupies the southern third of Israel. "This is a double criminal act: the Lands Authority acted withouit waiting for a court order and used chemical products," said Bedouin deputy Taleb al-Sanna on the radio. An official Israeli spokesman said the Bedouin had been warned several times not to ilegally cultivate the land. The tribe has been accused by the authorities for several years of squatting on public land. Abu Kaff, where 3,500 tribes people of the same name live, is a scattered gathering of corrugated iron shacks on the edge of the main road to the Israeli desert city of Beersheva. It is one of 36 unrecognised Bedouin villages in the Negev which the authorities want to dismantle. Israel has instead built seven designated towns in the area to accommodate the Bedouin, whose ancestral lands were designated state property. The Bedouin accuse Israeli of trying to move them off their homeland to make w ay for Jewish farmers and villages. Israel considers the villages built by Bedouin who have returned to their lands from the recognised towns as illegal, but Bedouin criticise Israel in turn for not investing in the infrastructure of the new communities, which suffer high unemployment and lack social services. Around 140,000 Bedouin live in the Negev, while another 60,000 reside in the north of the Jewish state. On February 5, the authorities provoked howls of anger from the Bedouin community when they destroyed a mosque that was built without planning permission in Tel el-Maleh, an unrecognised village. A district court later banned destruction of sites of worship. The Israeli authorities have sprayed Bedouin crops at least twice before, Bedouin official say, including once at the beginning of March. The Mulindwas Communication Group "With Yoweri Museveni Uganda is in Anarchy" Le groupe de transmission de Mulindwas " avec Yoweri Museveni, Ouganda est dans anarchy " Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: Re: Kony Will Be Out By May, Says Saleh
Mulindwa, It seems these thugs in Kla have never learnt not to give deadlines? No wonder they are in for a (fifth) third term! Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Original Message Follows From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] CC: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: Kony Will Be Out By May, Says Saleh Date: Fri, 4 Apr 2003 01:10:02 EST Kony Will Be Out By May, Says Saleh New Vision (Kampala)April 3, 2003 Posted to the web April 3, 2003 Justin Moro Kampala Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh has reassured the Acholi and all Ugandans that by May this year, the 17-year-old northern rebellion of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) would have ended, through peaceful or military means."President Yoweri Museveni understands the sentiments of the people of Acholi. He is preparing himself," said Saleh.He was addressing Gulu residents at Lalogi Internally Displaced People's Camp on Monday."I request you to be patient because your suffering will soon end. I have reasons to believe that we shall not go beyond May this year with this problem of the northern rebellion. The world is waiting for its end," he said.Among the reasons for Saleh's optimism was the President's eight-month stay in Gulu.He said it showed the high level of the President's commitment to ending the conflict.The fact that the Sudanese government had ceased to support the rebel group was another indicator, he said.He blamed the LRA for violating the ceasefire declared on March 1."LRA have violated 70% of their own ceasefire. However, the Presidential Peace Team advised the President to withhold his anger and push on with the peace talks," he said.Saleh is a member of the peace team. Ends "In the time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act" --George Orwell-- Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Fwd: The Five manipulations that silenced Bidandi
Let Ugandans not be fooled by Mr. Bidandi Ssali. He is in it up to his gillson this "manipulations" saga. In fact his objections to the "third" (fifth)term is part of the overall strategy!Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Original Message Follows MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*.---BeginMessage--- From SUNDAY MONITOR, April 06, 2003 The five manipulations that silenced Bidandi By Dani W. Nabudere April 6, 2003 Bidandi Ssali justifiably feels let down and manipulated by a "system" he has worked for so hard and defended so much. Many Ugandans welcomed his appeal to give Museveni "his last term" during the last presidential election. He did this in his honest belief that if indeed Mr Museveni was given his constitutional last term, it would be easier to call for his succession.Well he has so far been proved wrong and it is interesting to look at the way his calculations and those democratic forces within the NRM were outmanoeuvred. This is because this experience also at the same time gives a partial record of the manner the NRM administration in general and President Yoweri Museveni in particular have successfully pursued a hidden agenda to consolidate a new form of dictatorship based on manipulations. This experience, will in particular, show that not only was Bidandi and his camp outmanoeuvred on the issue of succession, they were also outmanoeuvred in their demand that the NRM be turned into a party just like all the other political organisations. The success of the manipulation has brought us nearer to the real hidden agenda of the NRM since it gained power: the exercise of monopoly power by all means by Yoweri Museveni and his henchmen who pushed through the decisions which Museveni wanted in the National Executive Committee-(NEC) and the National Conference- (NC). Indeed by these forces succeeding, at least for the moment, the blocking of any democratic changes, including Museveni's exit and succession, and the retention of the NRM as an "organisation" instead of a party, goes to prove that the camp of "no change" to which Bidandi so much subscribed as the chief election official, in the last two presidential elections have prevailed. This also goes to show from the rear that any "freeing of political parties", will amount to nothing, if the constitutional amendments they suggest are adopted by the Ssempebwa Constitutional Review Commission and finally by Parliament. The most noteworthy observation to make of the Ugandan political elite is to the extent these forces can easily be manipulated by small dictatorial groups. It is staggering how a group of almost 3,000 delegates at a conference can be manipulated to agree in a chorus decisions that go against their own interests. How can elected members of Parliament included in this jamboree all keep quiet (save for a few members of the NC) when recommendations to reduce their powers are being tabled? The same goes for the district leaders from the 56 districts of Uganda. Does this perhaps prove that the decentralisation of power was itself a manipulation to create greater centralisation under the Movement System to which all these district leaders owe allegiance? In these circumstances, how can members of the NC claim to be representative of the people of Uganda, when they are so easily manipulated to agree to whatever is demanded by the centre? To be sure, this is the process that Mr Bidandi has expressed his disgust with. In his interview with the BBC after the National Conference, he referred to these "political manoeuvrings" as "wrapped up and stage-managed and orchestrated scheming." The real question is how did this "scheming" happen despite the fact that Mr Bidandi had a sizeable backing in the NEC in Kyankwanzi a year ago when he called for the succession debate? In our view, there have been five manipulations that have been deployed to silence not only Bidandi, but all those that seemed to be backing him as well as the population as a whole. First, the accusation by president Museveni that Bidandi and his supporters were using the wrong forum was the first shot in this manipulation game. This manoeuvre not only put Mr Bidandi's camp into disarray, it also disoriented the every democrat in the country. By accepting the decision to shut up and go to the "proper forum" in closed-door discussions, he by implication accepted this silencing, perhaps, in the hope that his views will in the end prevail. Otherwise why did he concede to the demand? It is clear, however, that within this "proper forum," he was outmanoeuvred into a minority position so that by the time the committee put out their first draft of recommendations in April 2002, he had a handful of backers within the "forum." And finding himself in this isolated position, he decided to
ugnet_: Wholl have a longer political life, Bidandi and Kategaya or Museveni?
Ear to The Ground By Charles Onyango-Obbo Wholl have a longer political life, Bidandi and Kategaya or Museveni?May 28, 2003 Last week President Yoweri Museveni sacked long term buddy Mr Eriya Kategaya, who was First Deputy Premier and minister of Internal Affairs. Along with Mr Kategaya, he dropped minister for Local Government Bidandi Ssali. The two men had been very vocal in their criticism of Mr Musevenis push to lift the two-terms limit for president in the constitution, and thus open the way for a leader to rule until he or she dies or is murdered by a rival for the sweet chair. Ethics and Integrity minister Miria Matembe, minister of State for Internal Affairs Sarah Kiyingi, and minister for Security Muruli Mukasa also went. Of course, Dr Speciosa Kazibwe had also resigned as Vice President, and Dr Gilbert Bukenya landed the job (you have to be a medical doctor to be VP in Musevenis Uganda, as indeed the late Dr Samson Kisekka was an educated medicine man too). It has been argued in the press that Mr Museveni could have learnt from the rout of former Kenya president Daniel arap Mois ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU) last December, to get rid of dissenters early before the 2006 elections. That way, unlike KANU, Movement-Museveni will have enough time to overcome the bleeding from a fall-out with top party members, and not be swept away by a united opposition as happened in Kenya. That is one of the good explanations for Mr Musevenis action but only as far as the events of the last year go. The comparison between Kenya and Uganda however leads us 12 years back to better understand events in Uganda today. Among other things, why didnt Mr Moi retire instead of trying to do a Museveni, and amend the constitution to allow him stand for another term? Well, apart from issues of age, the economic crisis in Kenya, and possibly a lingering peasant goodness of heart, Mr Moi didnt have the choice to stay on. The combined force of the opposition and civil society in Kenya had reached a critical level which would have made any attempt to cling on virtually impossible. How this political balance of forces came to favour civil society and anti-regime politics in Kenya gives us a glimpse into why Mr Museveni is making a try at perpetuating himself in State House. When the democracy wave swept the world after the fall of the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, many countries in Africa were forced to end one-party rule, liberalise their economies, and hold free elections. None of these changes that happened in Kenya between 1990-92, resulting in the countrys first post-independence multiparty election improved conditions. Repression continued, corruption went out of control and liberalisation didnt reverse economic decline. One of the conclusions that the international communitywanted to see change reached was that there would be no improvements in Kenya, unless Mr Moi and KANUs power was weakened, allowing for a hopefully more enlightened opposition to take power. Therefore a lot of effort went into supporting civil society organisations, that would undermine the power of the KANU regime. Thus in Kenya, even environmental organisations were very political. To attract donor funds for your NGO, even if it was a childrens one, it had to have a political agenda of sorts. The result was that by 2000, Kenya had what was reckoned to be the largest civil society sector in Africa after South Africa most of them politically active to force KANU to change by weakening its power. The response of the Moi government, realising it was losing the grassroots battle was to try and stop funding to civil society organisations by having it channelled through the government. Most donors didnt go along with that, and responded more by cutting back funding. In short, a lot of international donor money, and diplomatic work went into weakening Mr Moi and KANU. In Uganda, after Mr Museveni took over in 1986, the opposite happened. The international community began from the assumption that Mr Museveni and his government were enlightened, honest, and wanted the best for the country. The problem was that the government institutions were too weak to deliver those good results. The international community came up with millions of dollars to give civil society groups to help government do the job. Thus while in Kenya civil society was funded essentially to undermine Mr Moi, in Uganda it was created in some instances, and supported in most instances so it might be an effective sub-contractor for the government. Thus while in Kenya being anti-Moi almost ensured you donor support, in Uganda being anti-Museveni ensured that you would not get the money. The cash was in being a partner to help the government. While in Kenya international funding was withdrawn to weaken Mr Moi, in Uganda it was increased to bolster the Museveni government. Even more dramatically, while in Kenya the donors took off with their
ugnet_: Hate malwa groups if you fear free speech
Hate malwa groups if you fear free speechThis That by Henry Ochieng May 28, 2003 That notable man of history George Bernard Shaw left us with many good things of which the following statement has recently interested me: All censorships, he said, exist to prevent any one from challenging current conceptions and existing institutions. All progress is initiated by challenging current conceptions, and executed by supplanting existing institutions. Consequently the first condition of progress is the removal of censorships. Three honourable men and a woman were left suddenly jobless in last weeks cynical and ruthless cabinet shake-up. An emerging believer in the evil doctrine of censorship, Charles Rwomushana, has since christened Mr Eriya Kategaya, who was among these four people, the leader of a malwa group. Obviously, Mr Rwomushana, who seems to have been given the job of running dark, cloak and dagger operations against the responsible Mr Kategaya is taking himself a little too seriously. Before the man (a political spy in State House) runs his mouth off into further scandal, an education into malwa politics might just be in order. In the first instance malwa happens to be a nutritious beverage, which when consumed in reasonable quantities can nourish the human body. The stuff has only been known to make a nuisance of itself when quaffed in liberal and reckless abandon. Only those who are ignorant of this fact make the inaccurate assessment that it is belittling to consume malwa even though it is more popular among the lower income earners of our society. This is a beverage that has managed to bring out one of the more impressive management capabilities of our people. Every malwa group, as we must be aware is pretty well organised. They have a chairman, secretary, treasurer, chief whip etc etc. These officers have well defined duties in enforcing the individual constitutions of their groups. At the daily sittings, as the members of those groups call their gatherings, a quorum is realised on or about the expected time. An agenda for the days discussion is normally introduced by the chair, who then allows each and every member of the group an opportunity to contribute. It is all done in a democratic and transparent way without discrimination. The spirit of freedom of speech and thought is very much alive in the malwa groups whether the issue being discussed is weighty or frivolous. An attack on malwa groupings should be understood in light of what is happening in the countrys politics It is in times when the country, as now, is dangerously being edged towards tyranny, when those at the helm are frightened of principled disagreement that trampling on the willing opposition and removing the spirit of free speech and thought becomes a rather attractive proposition. In times like this we cannot be astonished by allegations that the Hotel Africana group are confusing or stampeding the people. It is not surprising because the only reason they are being labelled is because they are rightly plotting to mobilise the country against this devious third term project of President Yoweri Museveni,. No amount of below-the-belt barks from governments attack dogs can in these circumstances shock and awe the liberals. In fact, those who cannot contemplate that others are free to think must interest themselves in the provisions of Article 29 of the 1995 constitution. There they will learn that the freedom to speak, express oneself and associate with whomsoever one so wishes, is inherently guaranteed. Even the state, which yearns for the omniscient characteristic, cannot legally proscribe that right because it is not granted by the state. Of the various forms of tyranny, the sort that seeks to suffocate free thought and speech must be resisted with greater force because once a regime is allowed to control the minds of men, the men are helpless. The fact that Mr Kategaya, Mr Bidandi Ssali and Ms Miria Matembe, who were clearly sacked for resisting the third term project are being accused of betraying President Museveni, has to be considered in context. Appreciate this fact from the reasons the three advanced for differing irreconcilably with Mr Museveni on the third term project. They all said they are in opposition for the sake of the countrys political growth. With their eyes set on such lofty heights, it becomes far-fetched to say they betrayed somebody. Now, because President Museveni will not be caught swallowing intoxicating liquids, it is likely that he happily shares Mr Rwomushanas aversion to malwa. In this sense, using the malwa metaphor to disparage the betrayers fits perfectly in his new political vision where contradictions will be quickly clarified with a sacking. It is inconceivable then that the spirit of freely exchanging of ideas and thoughts, which thrives in the ubiquitous malwa drinking clubs across the country, can be tolerated in a National Resistance Movement (NRM) party
Re: ugnet_: KATEGAYAIN LEGAL PRACTICE
Mary, He is trained as a "Killer" or is it "Kirra"! He would most probably join kony or one of his many murderous outfits in the killings fields of Congo. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: Mary Nagadya <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: Re: ugnet_: KATEGAYAIN LEGAL PRACTICE Date: Wed, 28 May 2003 09:45:55 -0700 (PDT) I wonder: what would Mu7 do, if he were 'dropped' as president? I mean, is he trained to do anything meaningful or what is his profession, if any? --- Mulindwa Edward <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>wrote: Kategaya In Legal Practice By Vision Reporter FORMER First deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Internal Affairs, Eriya Kategaya, has gone back to legal practice. Kategaya, who was dropped in the weekend cabinet reshuffle, revealed this yesterday at a low-key hand over ceremony to the new internal affairs minister Ruhakana Rugunda. Dropped state minister for internal affairs Sarah Namusoke Kiyingi also handed over to former minister for environment, Dr. Kezimbira Miyingo. Kategaya, without a single bodyguard, drove in a personal red Volvo to the ministry headquarters on Jinja Road, for the function. "I am now in private practice. That is why I am dressed like this (in a jacket and necktie)the things I had for long abandoned," Kategaya said, provoking a bout of laughter. "This morning (yesterday) I was being inaugurated to my chambers at EADB towers, fifth floor. Anytime you want to see me or in case you want legal services you, now know where to get me." Kategaya said he had no ill feelings over his removal. "Since the reshuffle, I have been receiving calls as if it is tragedy. Some have been sending me emissaries and others saying sorry. For me if the boss thinks that you are not contributing, that is it," he said, causing more laughter. & gt; Ends Published on: Wednesday, 28th May, 2003 The Mulindwas Communication Group "With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" __ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Calendar - Free online calendar with sync to Outlook(TM). http://calendar.yahoo.com Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: World Bank denies role in shilling dip
World Bank denies role in shilling dip By Henry H. Ssali Muhereza Kyamutetera May 29, 2003 The World Bank yesterday said it is not responsible for the fall of the shilling. This follows President Yoweri Museveni's accusation earlier in the month that the Bank's policies were responsible for the shilling's steady slide. "In fact it is the World Bank supporting the shilling through its policy of encouraging exports," said Mr Sudarshan Canarajah, the World Bank's senior country economist at a public debate in Kampala yesterday. The shilling has rapidly depreciated over the last two months, and is now trading at Shs 2,010 to the dollar. The Bank man was discussing the topic, 'A Critical Evaluation of Uganda's Economic Performance Over the Last 16 Years' at a public debate at Makerere University yesterday. Mr Canarajah attributed the shilling's fall to unfavourable terms of trade where imports are worth $1.8 billion and exports are a mere $400 million annually. He further blamed the government for not putting donor money to good use. "The problem is not borrowing but what you use the money for," he said. The economist added that at the moment in Uganda money is being used for public administration, paying salaries to several government officials and a large Parliament instead of putting it into social services and capacity building. Mr Canarajah said that at the moment Uganda's debt is unsustainable. "But we don't want to use that as the basis to deny more money, it's like pulling a life support machine off a dying patient," he said. He challenged government to practice good politics because they are directly linked to economic stability. "This money we give you is some other taxpayer's money. Donor countries are now asking tough questions. You cannot tell them that you spent it on junk helicopters because they have them in their backyards," Mr Canarajah said. Currently 53 percent of Uganda's budget is financed by donors. Recently, they met Mr Museveni and advised him to adopt political pluralism. The debate was organised by Makerere Debating Society in conjunction with Friedrich Ebert Foundation. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: Bidandi a political opportunist
Is Bidandi Ssali Becoming A Rolling Stone, Gathering The Most Moss? CHANGED POSITION: Bidandi Ssali SIR Outgoing local government minister Jaberi Bidandi Ssali has, according to press reports, been consistently and publicly accusing President Yoweri Museveni of manipulating the issue of lifting the two-term limit on the presidency during the National Executive Committee (NEC) at Kyankwanzi and the National Conference (NC) at the International Conference Centre in Kampala. These allegations have not only injured the reputation of the President and portrayed him as a political opportunist, but have also created a negative image on the credibility and integrity of the more than 225,000 Movement delegates who attended the conference at Kyankwanzi and the International Conference Centre. Bidandis statements seem to indicate that the Movement delegates are mere rubber-stamps who are out to endorse whatever is put forward by President Museveni. This is false and should be dismissed with contempt. Some of us who attended the Kyankwanzi meeting can attest to this. The true version is that the issue of lifting the two-term limit came from the people at the grassroots. It was reflected in the various memoranda submitted by the district committees and other delegates of the NEC meeting in Kyankwanzi. Perhaps the President could be accused of influencing the opening up to multiparty politics which was very contentious and still is contentious at the grassroots and met with stiff resistance from the majority (almost all) of the delegates. The President had to labour to explain the merits of the shift to multiparty democracy in order to convince the delegates to adopt the proposal. It is not only dangerous but also unfair for Bidandi Ssali to create the false impression that President Museveni initiated the third term business and manipulated it through the independent delegates of NEC and NC. At least President Museveni is on record as not having expressed interest in the third term at any forum. So Bidandi should substantiate and produce concrete evidence to prove his allegations that Museveni m anipulated the outcome of NEC and NC. Otherwise, he has no moral authority to continue calling Museveni a manipulator and damaging the image of the Movement delegates as rubber-stamps. In fact, he should indeed apologise for his false remarks. The second serious and controversial point about Bidandi Ssali is that he has now shifted goal posts on the two-term limit, confirming the long-term view that he is a political opportunist. In the latest Sunday Vision in an interview he gave Joachim Buwembo, he is quoted as saying President Museveni can get any number of terms under a multiparty system. Bidandi has all along been opposed to the lifting of the presidential two-term limit on the ground that it is not wise and proper to amend the hard-earned constitution to grant President Museveni a third term. But soon after being dropped from cabinet, Bidandi shifts his position and now supports the third term under multiparty democracy. Yet the same Bidandi opposed the third term in Kyankwanzi even after the NEC had adopted a resolution to return to multiparty politics. Now what has Bidandi been opposed to? The Movement system or Museveni as person? Because whatever the system multiparty or movement the third term is not possible without violating Bidandis cherished principle of not amending the Constitution to lift the presidential two-term limit. For Article 105 of the present Constitution restricts any individual Museveni or any other person regardless of whatever political system in place to two terms of five years each. Bidandi has no option but to swallow his own words. Samuel Alimundabira Kampala Published on: Thursday, 29th May, 2003 Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Fwd: Akena P'Ojok on Petroleum in Uganda
Petroleum in Uganda Semliki? Who says Presidents do not soliloquize? Dr.A M Obote was very good at it. When agonizing over the bad state of Uganda economy, he was often over heard saying, 'it is bad enough for a person to be poor, but for a country to be poor is a terrible thing!' He would then, almost instinctively ask any nearest person to him about 'this rumour about the smell of paraffin on Lake Albert, is this true? May this indicate the presence of Petroleum deposit? If there is Petroleum nearby in Southern Sudan, why can't Uganda have a bit of it also? After all the bedrock holding the Sudan oil must be tilting towards the western leg of the Rift Valley where Lake Albert is the lowest point. Is it possible to drill a dip hole, say in Attiak there, so that the Sudan oil could flow to Uganda?' The reality dawned in the weirdest way. In the years 1982/84 the world financial system trembled on the brink of the abyss, debtor countries groaned under the yoke of their debt-service obligations. Under a brutal and bloody dictatorship of Idi Amin the Uganda economy had completely collapsed. This was exactly the time when the second UPC government had taken over and had drawn a 2 to 5 year economic Recovery Programme for Uganda. One of the most difficult items on the programme was the shortage an d balancing of the fuel bills.Uganda was counting the shilling and cent over its tottering Recovery Programme when capital flight entered the space age, and financial centres, flight-by-night havens and long-established capitals alike, were shaken to their foundations. Who came up smiling to Uganda? Mr Tiny Rowland, Chairman of the London based London Rhodesia Company (LONRHO), a mining and agricultural conglomerate in Africa. He became a frequent visitor to Uganda, and always demanded to see the President/Minister of Finance at very short notices. He demanded the following four important things. 1.. The right of monopoly to buy all Uganda Coffee and sell it to the world market. 2.. The right to extend the Oil Pipe Line from Nairobi to Kampala. 3.. A free Franchise over the exploration and exploitation of all Uganda's mineral resources. 4.. To build and operate a Stock Exchange and a Casino in Kampala. In return Tiny promised to help Uganda borrow easy loans for its Recovery Programme and debt-service repayment. It is apparent what this man, Tiny, wanted. Reading 2 and 3 above together it was clear that there was something that this man knew about petroleum in Uganda that the government did not knew and could only speculate. Tiny's proposed pipeline was too big for Uganda's fuel needs for 100 years. It could have been that Tiny had set his eyes on an advance pipeline that would carry petroleum from North Western Uganda to Mombasa. The open franchise for exploration and exploitation would have meant that it would be LONRHO to give out rights and licenses to oil explorers, and not Uganda government. Stock Exchange and Casinos are safe havens for capital flights and money laundering. If you knew patriotic Obote, you could guess his answer to Tiny. The answer was a definitive 'No!' to all four demands. Tiny walked out angrily. Obote mused 'how can I, an individual, tie the destiny of a whole country and millions of Ugandans in perpetuity without their consent.' Tiny Rowland flew straight to Nairobi, and from there ordered LONRHO facilities in Africa and London to be put to the use of NRM and Museveni. LONRHO underwrote all NRM bills and debts in Nairobi and Tiny's own Executive Jet was put at the disposal of Museveni. Museveni was now airborne to fly anywhere including Kasese where he soon established his tactical bridgehead for his subsequent advance on Kampala in 1985. Nationalism and patriotism has always cost UPC its governments. That Semliki oil has already cost UPC a government and may cost Uganda its freedom and sovereignty permanently. Oil and other mineral resources always come with a price, sometimes a terrible price. As one time Tiny was flying over Africa, looking down, he boasted to his executives that there was not a single head of state, down there, that he could not bribe. But in the heart of his hearts as he flew over Uganda he must have remembered that there was one he could not bribe, and that is the unassailable Obote. What should already be worrying us now are some of the obvious indicative signs. Foreign interests for several consecutive years have been supporting the Uganda annual budget by over 51%, Uganda's debts have risen from us$1.2 billion in 1985 to a hefty us$7.2 to end 2003, large military equipment including gun ships and missiles have been purchased outside the defence budget, Ugandans have been kept in the dark about the cost of the Congo DR wars, and the huge President's Office Expenditures have never been audited. Who is underwriting these costs? Has that Semliki petroleum been mortgaged already? Is the seeming desperation and callousness, in
ugnet_: Kategaya plotting against Museveni, says Rwomushana
Kategaya plotting against Museveni, says RwomushanaBy Alex B. Atuhaire May 22, 2003 The head of Political Intelligence in State House Charles Rwomushana has accused First Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya of mobilising with other senior Movement and army officers against President Yoweri Museveni. "[Mr] Kategaya is mobilising Movement people against his long term colleague. [This is] treachery of the highest order!" Mr Rwomushana said on Tuesday while appearing on Andrew Mwenda Live, a talk-how on 93.3 Monitor FM. Mr Rwomushana also is a former Constituent Assembly delegate from Rukungiri and RDC for Pader. During the talk-show, he named Local Government Minister Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, East African Community Secretary General Amanya Mushega and an army brigadier, whose name he never disclosed, as part of the group that has been organising against the president over the past one year. Rwomushana claimed that Mr Kategaya, who also is the minister of Internal Affairs, has been working "undercover". "One day a brigadier invited [Mr] Bidandi and Hon. Kategaya and they addressed a training wing of more than 1,000 recruits to mobilise against the third term. This is a high degree of treachery," he said. Mr Rwomushana was commenting on issues regarding the controversial attempt to amend the 1995 Constitution to lift presidential term limits. One is expected to serve as president for two five-year terms. The lifting of term limits, an issue that continues to pervade political discussion, is seen to favour President Museveni to stay on when his constitutional term expires in 2006. Mr Kategaya, Mr Bidandi and Mr Mushega, all senior Movement leaders, are opposed to the amendment. Mr Kategaya was yesterday said to be away on duty in Kenya. But before he left for Nairobi, he warned Mr Museveni against running for a third term in an interview with a local newspaper. Mr Kategaya was quoted urging Ugandans to organise for the sake of their country against manipulation for a third term for Mr Museveni. When contacted yesterday, Mr Bidandi dismissed Mr Rwomushana's allegations as "of course nonsense". Mr Mushega told The Monitor yesterday, on phone from Arusha, that he could not respond to Mr Rwomushana because he was not his equal. He said: "I don't know whether that is true because I have not read or listened to him. But even if it were true, I cannot engage in debate with Rwomushana because he is not my equal and it's not fair to the people of Uganda." Mr Bidandi said the allegations proved what kind of person Mr Rwomushana is and what he is after. "It's these Rwomushanas who could land the country into problems. I think there is something they are looking after, from me," he said. Mr Bidandi denied ever having addressed an army-training unit, adding that he had nothing to do with the army. On Tuesday, Mr Rwomushana alleged that the conspiracy in government started when Mr Kategaya and his group began mobilising, even before Dr Kizza Besigye, a former Movement insider, ran for the 2001 presidential elections. "They wanted to mobilise and put up their own puppet, hijack the Movement and dictate like they used to do before. They discovered that they didn't have the ground, but they have now bounced back. The young Movementists are saying no," he said. "These fellows have over-exaggerated themselves; they have walked on the back of President Museveni, we pray that he sheds them off and we work on them politically," Mr Rwomushana said, before launching stinging personal attacks on Mr Kategaya, Mr Mushega and Mr Bidandi. Mr Rwomushana claimed that Mr Kategaya could not manage competitive politics, a reason he said former Ugandan High Commissioner to Kenya Francis Butagira was given the diplomatic posting to save the minister politically. "They had to remove Butagira to make him an ambassador such that a lazy Kategaya can become an MP. You certainly know that Kategaya cannot manage competitive politics," he said. Mr Rwomushana also claimed that Mr Bidandi had politically collapsed in Nakawa before he retired from active politics in 2001. He accused Mr Mushega of lacking credibility to talk about democracy."Amanya Mushega came to my village many times, oversaw the beating of my supporters. Reason? They were suppressing proliferation of new talent." © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*.
Re: ugnet_: GR WHAT HEADING SHOULD I PUT ON THIS CRAP?
Mulindwa, "DP's Ssemokulembekas for yet another post with the killer NRA/M"! Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: "Mulindwa Edward" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>CC: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Subject: ugnet_: GR WHAT HEADING SHOULD I PUT ON THIS CRAP? Date: Sun, 1 Jun 2003 21:13:34 -0400 DP wants formal invitation The Democratic party (DP) says it will meet President Yoweri Museveni only if they are given a formal invitation. A meeting held mid-this month and chaired by the DP President General Dr. Paul Kawanga Ssemwogerere (in picture) resolved that a selected team of DP officials should meet President Museveni on condition that government writes a formal invitation with a clearly defined agenda. This is after press reports that President Museveni through the National Political commissar Dr. Crispus Kiyonga wants to initiate talks with the DP. A statement signed by the DP Spokesman Jude Mbabali confirms that the state had contacted the party about the talks though informally. Mbabali writes that the development is a timely opportunity to the DP to comprehensively play its role in consolidating democracy. The Mulindwas Communication Group "With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online
ugnet_: Mao not a true DP - Ssebaana
Mao not a true DP - SsebaanaBy Kennedy Lule June 2, 2003 The Democratic Party treasurer John Ssebaana Kizito has blasted Mr Norbert Mao for saying some leaders have squandered the party's money. "If he is a true DP member, why has he never brought it to our attention?" Mr Ssebaana, who also is the mayor of Kampala, said in a telephone interview yesterday. "He is a populist and I suspect he has been sent to make such allegations in order to divide the party." Mr Ssebaana declined to name the person who is behind Mr Mao's outburst. Press reports yesterday quoted Mr Mao, the Gulu Municipality MP, to have said that the opening up of political space will expose DP's lack of financial accountability, amongst other issues. But yesterday Mr Ssebaana challenged Mr Mao, who wants to stand for president on a DP ticket in 2006, to name people who have mismanaged the party's finances. "No donors have ever complained about mismanagement. But I need the said money if it was misappropriated because we have to run the party's activities," Mr Ssebaana said. Mr Ssebaana said they last received about $6,000 to set up the DP's Web site, which was done with additions from local contributions. He said Mr Mao is on the periphery of DP affairs and is not in a privileged position to comment on the party's accounts. "Mr Mao is not an active member. He just comes to our functions and makes exciting comments, and he goes away," he said. Mr Ssebaana said Mr Mao does not even contribute mabugo (condolence fees) when a party member dies. "He does not appreciate any work we do. We file petitions in court. We organise political rallies where police confront us with live bullets and others," he said. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Movt overtures to DP are laughable
Movt overtures to DP are laughableBy Karoli Ssemogerere June 2, 2003 Capping another week in the President Yoweri Museveni third term project drama, was a preposterous proposal by the National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Bazarrabusa Kiyonga to Democratic Party leaders requesting for a meeting to iron out their minor differences. Dr Kiyonga's outstretched arm did not include addressing the key deficiencies in Uganda's political system, that we continue to see unravelling by the day. First is the continued militarisation of the political process, that has choked the ability of national institutions and organizations to organize and realise the democracy quotient. Second, is the continued obsession with a personality cult rule enveloped around the person of the incumbent president and his family that is killing the critical and delicate process of evolution of genuinely national political leaders to shape the destiny of the country's future. Third, is the institutionalisation of a system that has come to be synonymous with corruption, manipulation, and deceptive respect for wishes of the majority of Ugandans. The corruption mafia has ensured that the benefits of economic growth in the consumer economy are limited to a narrow segment of the population, which has reaped from the immense social fall-out where Ugandans are willing to do almost anything to lift themselves from poverty. Fourth, is a growing catalytic apathy for national institutions like the Judiciary and with them the rule of law. Ugandans largely, even in areas of relative political stability, continue to enjoy those rights as benevolently granted to them by the national leaders. Opposition in any form whether peaceful barazas, political rallies, graduation parties, road demonstrations like those in Bunyoro is lethargic and poisonous even while we continue to fail to deal with more fundamental problems like the rebellion in Acholi. The next major flaw in Dr Kiyonga's analysis is a total failure to account as to why Uganda has been subjected to this costly experiment, through fraud, fear and deception. Then as now, political critics pointed to the Movement political system as a complete farce, a dress to be worn and shoved into the closet once it had won over the hearts of Ugandans. The light years Uganda has lost, in both economics and social change, to politicking is already beyond the pale. This fraud began with a similar process initiated by the now sacked former national political commissar, Mr Eriya Kategaya in the run-up to the 1994 Constituent Assembly elections, and was a cap to the 1992 National Resistance Ccouncil "Gentleman's Resolution" that suspended political party activity during the constitution making process. A position that gained legal currency in the Rwanyarare and Others v Attorney General, Constitutional Case No. 1 of 1993. It is instructive that Judge Alice Nansikombi Bahigeine's lead judgement completely reversed itself in the recent ruling that declared the Movement nothing more than a political faction, that was clinging to the structures of state - in effect creating a one party state prohibited by Article 75 of the Constitution. After 1994, Eriya Kategaya made a further analysis of the situation claiming rightfully that money was completely corrupting the political process after Abbey Kafumbe Mukasa and Capt. Francis Babu spent unprecedented amounts of money in the Kampala Central race. He, like others, soon changed wagons mid-stream to form Danze and Heritage Inc. to perpetuate the same bribery in 1996 from which the political system has never recovered to this date. What we find ourselves in today is a quandary of sorts. Political parties need to be allowed to reorganise internally without pre-conditions. Political parties alone are not a solution to the current mess. Infact, to presume so would be extremely dangerous. The moral fabric of the state is at stake. Waking up and giving Mr Museveni powers both constitutional and extra constitutional is such a huge organisational risk to the stability of Uganda. Ugandans need a roundtable to renegotiate their contract with an entity that was formed long after they had settled in their communities. It would be a tragedy of untold proportions if political parties signed off onto piecemeal reforms like funding of political parties in order to perpetuate a basic injustice and corrupt political system. The Movement then as now has never failed in its wily attempts to confuse and manipulate all sectors of society. It has deteriorated to an extent that its planted followers likes of Vincent Kirabokyamaria, Peter Kasenene and many others in different faiths, social organisations, and cultural organisations will issue the Mr Museveni refrain even when it completely distorts the genuine feelings and aspirations of the organisations they represent. That is why Msgr. Joseph Obunga should not be embarrassed with a Mr Kaseneene pretending to speak on his behalf, and
Re: ugnet_: MUNINI MULERA'S NOTE TO TINGASINGA
Mulindwa, As usual you have your hands on the right button. Thanks for this onebut will they listen? Rgds Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: "Mulindwa Edward" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] CC: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Subject: ugnet_: MUNINI MULERA'S NOTE TO TINGASINGA Date: Mon, 2 Jun 2003 20:01:58 -0400 Netters Africans and Ugandans I must encourage every one to read Dr. Mulera's writing in today's Kampala Monitor for it has some very compelling reasons that we must look at and very carefully as Museveni's brutality encompasses our entire nation. It is as well important that we look at the Banyoro/Bakiga problem very carefully for we can easily get a genocide that no body will know about. Just for the record I must start by appealing to Ugandans in Western Uganda to try their best and solve this problem as amicably as possible. After reading this very interesting piece, I have found nothing new from the way Museveni operates. It is the usual tactic Museveni has used from day one. The only remaining factor in Banyoro Bakiga equation is the involvement of Uganda People Defence Forces, for they are going to go to Kabaale and give guns to both Bakiga and Banyoro and ask them to protect them selves. Those sporadic killings that we have witnessed so far are going to be escalated as soon as guns are put into the hands of these two groups. Museveni has done it to the Hutu's and Tutsi's of Rwanda, he has done it to the Karimojongs, he has done it to all fighting groups in The Democratic Republic of Congo, right from the old Kabila to now the Hema and Lendu tribes. Now that is a very long history that I can not go through today, but it has been all followed by an enamours deaths that we have never experienced in our Great Lakes Region. All this is thanks to one man Yoweri Museveni. Again we must go back in Luwero District where it all started. I have stated before that during the war in Luwero, Museveni's use of tribes against each other was very public, and we made it as public as possible only that Ugandans refused to listen. Let me remind all of you that Museveni's war in Luwero was a war fought by Baganda who were commanded by Westerners. And I must define that broad term. It included the Rwandese, and all tribes West of Masaka. But at this time all of them used one language Lunyankole, a language which for some reason can become very accommodative. This brought allot of controversy among Baganda old people. But let us not forget that NRM to start with had no plans what so ever to recruit any Baganda in their ranks, but that is a debate for another day. For the record I must as well mention that during the fighting between NRM and UNLA, if a Muganda commanded his platoon successfully and they recognised that he was a good fighter, Officers who were Westerners would undermine him and kill him some how. Many Baganda fighters did not survive that war not because they were killed by the then Government forces but because they were killed by high ranking officers in NRM for fear that a Muganda good fighter will become powerful later in the journey to kampala. The results of this very offensive habit became very clear at the end of the war, when UPDF had very many Baganda men/women but with very many Westerners as officers. In fact that is why you see the Kagame's the Kaziini's and so on today, they were not promoted for they were good soldiers it was solely based on their tribes. Although these complaints were made public over and over, Westerners failed to understand that Museveni and the Movement were actually Using them. A good example is the attack on Rwanda which NRM used to kill very prominent Rwandese who were viewed as potential leaders, in fact it was that murdering of those officers which resulted into Paul Kagame's becoming a leader of RPF. Our conscious must lead us to ask a very simple question, what happened to original leader/s of RPF? When the war started in Northern Uganda, it was a war between Northerners and Southerners, we as society did not oppose it, for we deluded our selves that Museveni was actually tellin g us the truth that Northerners are biological substances. Very many of them have lost and are continuing to loose their lives. When The Hutu's and Tutsi's of Rwanda slaughtered them selves, we again bought Museveni's story, many lives were lost. Today it is the Hema and Lendu's in Congo, just for record Museveni and kagame have at a certain point armed both of these groups. Again we kept quite. When prisoners of war from Congo were ferried to Kanungu and killed over night, we bought the story of Uganda has a cult lead by Kibweetere. Is Kabaale the next genocide district? I do not know but this I will say, the situation lacks only one ingredient, UPDF supplying guns to the citizenry to protect its self. And that is why I am very slow to ask
ugnet_: Globalization, How Ignorant can Museveni be?
Original Message Follows Globalization, How Ignorant can Museveni be? In his Army Day speech of 25.01.20. the beleaguered President of Uganda, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, once more blundered into a topic he does not know anything about. "GLOBALIZATION", he thought meant voluntary or forced migration of a people or racial spread on the globe face. On globalization, Museveni went on a ridiculous pretence and spoke of "The slaves who were taken from West Africa in 1444: the black people who are found today as far as California, Pele in Brazil, the Ugandan soldiers who were in the then British Army to fight the Japanese in Burma and the singing Acholi soldiers among them". Clearly, the real Museveni is being unveiled; an arrogance, brutal and ignorant Dictator who uses words he does not understand himself as long as they serve his one and only one ambition, to remain in power as long as he lives. This revelation throws into doubt the whole intentions of the NRA regime and the very future of Uganda. It is even doubtful whether Museveni and cabal understand what their own words "Movement" and "Referendum" really mean. For Museveni there is no such a thing as 'society', but only 'individuals'. As such his regime has been characterized by a collection of individuals who have been handpicked and hired and fired by him at his pleasure: and is virulently opposed to any society based voluntary organisations, be it the churches, cultural societies, political parties and sports clubs, he is dragging the country to a referendum about, "Movement", is meaningless to him. One cannot make a 'movement' out of 'individuals' - that is a contradiction in dielectrics as well in politics. One can make a long list of words he has used wrongly in the past and quickly abandoned them as soon as they no longer served his purpose. He is now dragging the country to a 'referendum'. His explanations seem to suggest that he wants to hold a 'plebiscite' rather than a referendum. But then, how do people hold a plebiscite on no important national issue at all? Each time he has to explain his 'referendum', he gives a long windy reply, the first half consisting of inaccurate or totally fallacious history of Uganda, the second half consisting of fudged economic figures and sheer arrogance, boasting of his military prowess and insults on past leaders. His presumption that he was some intellectual of some sort, when he told an American Prayer Breakfast club that he was a holder of three degrees in Politics, Economics and Social Sciences, whereas he just scrapped through a social sciences course at Dar-es-Salam University (thanks to the late Nyerere), is all coming up to the open. The hundreds of thousands of lies with which he deceived Ugandans and the world is all hanging up on the walls for anybody to read. FRONASA, the guerilla group he modeled on socialist principles (1973) was dropped as soon as it did not serve his purpose. Its ardent supporters were eliminated. So was UMP (1980) which he suddenly dropped as soon as it flopped at the general elections (1980, and could not carry him to the presidency of Uganda. The NRA/NORM Ten point programme was discarded. The last of the supporters, Dr Besigye is on treason charge. What the 'Movement' is now is an empty word that means "Museveni Yekka", which has turned Uganda into a huge research station for various world diseases and the testing of new drugs. The IMF and World Bank have also zeroed on Uganda for their economic policy trial. Uganda is one country that hosts a large number of mercenary troops to continue the " War by Proxy" for the Western powers. When Museveni goes, (he will go down fighting), therefore, there will be no Movement, no constitution except chaos and economic catastrophy. What Ugandan should know now is that whether you vote or not in the so called Movement System, you do not belong, you do not count, you are not welcome, things will go on as has been in the last 14 years without you. What Ugandans should be asking is not whether or not Museveni will win; rather ask what will happen after the referendum date. The answer is actually simple. If you jump on that Museveni's Bus Wagon, you are entrusting your dear life in the hands of one sickly and fat driver, Museveni If he made one little mistake or dosed off that bus will plunge into the nearest lake. All of you in the bus, including the driver will be dead. If you want to remain alive after the referendum, keep out of that bus. Do not bother about the referendum! It is important also to begin to be aware of the word Museveni has started to throw around. "GLOBALIZATION" is the new world economic concept, to disguise the name and the unacceptable face of the next stage of CAPITALISM to come in the face of the collapse of the socialist experiment. The 'globalization' theorists put it clearly that there are only two forces that matter in the world economy, namely, global market forces and trans-national
ugnet_: No civilian president-UPDF man
No civilian president-UPDF man By Lajul Simon June 5, 2003 A UPDF officer recently shocked mourners at a funeral in Kitgum district when he said the army might topple any elected civilian president unless it is President Yoweri Museveni. Maj. Okot Wii-Lit, who accompanied Kitgum LC-V Chairman Nahaman Ojwee, was speaking at the funeral of the late Anthony Opwa, a teacher of Padibe Secondary School in Olebi Parish, Lokung sub-county in Lamwo county. "We have learnt that you the civilians are agitating for regime change in 2006; you forget. Whoever would like to be president of Uganda must fight for it," Maj. Okot said. He said Acholi commanders in the UPDF had requested President Museveni to deploy them home to fight the LRA rebels. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Bugiri is poorer today than 1985
The same is true for most rural and urban areas expect probably kla and Mbarara.gook Bugiri is poorer today than 1985By Wandera w'Ouma June 5, 2003 Bugiri residents are poorer today than they were 17 years ago, a survey has revealed. A study conducted by Isis-WICCE in the sub counties of Bulidha, Buyinja, Nabukalu, and Sigulu Islands in 2002 rates the district among the "poorest of the poor" with a majority having no enough food to eat. Isis-WICCE is a women's resource centre based in Kampala. The survey sampled 155 households, in addition to focus group discussions in each sub-county and interviews with district leaders. Bugiri has about 400,000 people. "A household wealth index of this research shows that the percentage of the 'poorest people' has increased to 56 percent from 19.9 percent since 1985," the study team leader said. Mr Joseph Tumushabe, who also is a lecturer at Makerere University, was launching the report at Bugiri Town Hall last week. The household wealth index shows that the rich group has dropped from 22 percent in 1985 to 13 percent in 2002. Ownership of bicycles, which is the most common means of transport in Bugiri, was down from 60.3 percent in 1985 to 56.4 percent. "The research also shows that ownership of radio and radio cassette recorders reduced from 30.1 percent in 1985 to 29.5 percent in 2002," he said. The report also indicates a drop in the households with cattle from 13 percent in 1985 to 6 percent in 2002; goats from 11 percent to 5 percent, pigs from 7 percent to 3 percent. However, there was an increase in sheep ownership from 7 percent in 1985 to 10 percent in 2002. The report says that 56 percent of the population, which has doubled, does not have enough food to eat. While 70 percent of the people depend on agriculture, there is shortage of food due to lack of farm labour because the majority of men move to the townships to drink and to play matatu (cards) and mweso. Other problems in the district include lack of improved seeds, shortage of drugs to control pests and diseases, infertile soils, uncontrolled population growth and low levels of education. Ms Ruth Ojambo-Ochieng, the director of Isis-WICCE, asked the district officials and the central government to use the data in planning. Bugiri district was one of the control areas for a study conducted by Isis-WICCE on 'Women, Armed Conflict and Food Security in Uganda'. Other districts covered were Kitgum, Kasese and Mbarara. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online
ugnet_: Fwd: Darlington Sakwa on Bidandi Ssali
Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*---BeginMessage--- From The MONITOR June 8, 2003 Bidandi is the hub, not spoke in NRMBy Darlington SakwaPosted June 8 - 13, 2003 Mr Bidandi SsaliMr Bidandi is deliberately sweet-talking Ugandans in preparation for shifting goal posts, a job he has done very well in the past and continues to do today. - Several weeks before the famous Kyankwazi meeting, which culminated into two major decisions by the NRM National Executive Committee and later overwhelmingly endorsed by the national conference, Mr Bidandi Ssali was reported to have prepared a minority report recommending the opening of political space, paving the way to multi-party politics.Reactions came from both the big and small wigs in the NRM party, the so-called opposition parties and the Reform Agenda. While the majority of the insiders were critical of Mr Bidandi's stand and even threatened disciplinary action against the veteran politician, the outsiders were full of praise for Bidandi, calling him a foresighted statesman who was concerned about the stability of our mother nation Uganda! I wonder if either side knew what they were talking about. The ability of both insiders and the opposition to decipher the machinations of the likes of Bidandi is what puzzles me. While answering a group of journalists about his stand on the return to multi-party politics, Bidandi posed this question: Some people are shouting they do not want a return to multi-party politics because they believe Museveni does not support the idea. What will you do, what will you say if he turns round and says he is for multi-party? Mujja kuswala! (You will be embarrassed)" Came the Kyankwazi meeting and Bidandi's words came true. The minority report was adopted in preference to the majority view. Even the National Political Commissar has never commented or explained to the firebrand cadres who attacked Mr Bidandi over what happened. Historical activities To understand the value of Mr Bidandi Ssali to Museveni you need to revisit his historical manoeuvres in the recent political space of Uganda. Bidandi during the bush war period Unlike the rest of UPM members and those from DP etc who went into exile, after Museveni declared his bush war against the UPC government, Mr Bidandi remained in Uganda. And apart from serving a stint in Luzira prison, he 'hid himself' in football while mobilising for the future. He made himself so busy with soccer that it was difficult for the intelligence system to detect his connection with comrades in the bush. The ushering in of NRA/NRM Come NRA/NRM in 1986 and Mr Bidandi is at the forefront managing local government, introducing and ensuring decentralisation is adopted despite the views of the majority as recorded by the Odoki Commission. Mr Bidandi was very vocal in the CA on many issues. On 30 June 1995 while opposing an amendment by Hon. Eryasu Elyau and Hon. Mwaka to delete the referendum from the then article 94, he had this to say, and I quote from page 5121 of the CA proceedings report. "Madam Chairman, for goodness sake, Hon. Mwaka and some of the people having the same idea, why do we not get off this thing called greed for power, power, power! It is not true that members in this Hall are discussing power, as you are stating, that they want to keep themselves in power. I want to assure you, I am not one of those who want to keep myself in power, no way! My phobia, my ambition, my sitting here everyday is an attempt to contribute together with you and the rest of the people of Uganda, to a foundation for our country where the suffering so far we have gone through as a country, where the suffering which the people of Uganda have gone through or are going through, is really a foundation provided so that no such suffering happens again. That is why we are here, at least the majority of us, not because we want power" Then came the 2001 presidential elections. Without boring you with the obvious, the group that was not interested in power during the 1995 constitution making had ruled the country for 10 years up to 1996. And through a sham election, they had ruled for another five years. Mr Bidandi Ssali was at the helm of the campaign for the LAST TERM. "Banange omusajja tu muwe ekisanja kye ekisembayo."(Fellow citizens let's give the man his final term in office). You remember the radio adverts recorded in his own voice! Olina kewekoledde? Olina abana?...(Have you made an investment? Do you have children?). Indeed him and his group were not interested in power. They were still laying the foundation for banishing suffering from Uganda. During the current term of presidency and parliament, there have been glaring cases of torture and death of political dissidents; including those mistaken for dissidents,
ugnet_: Fwd: Andrew Mwenda's opinion
Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*.---BeginMessage--- From The Monitor, June 8, 2003 Museveni's third term bid is a powder keg?By Andrew M. MwendaPosted June 8 - 13, 2003 Ex-Zambian president Fredrick Chiluba told President Yoweri Mr Museveni and Mr Eriya Kategaya [in Algiers] that any African leader who does not respect term limits on the presidency is "hopeless." Three months later, Mr Kategaya and Mr Museveni met at the height of the third term debate in Zambia. Mr Kategaya asked Mr Museveni what the president thought of Mr Chiluba given the Algiers discussion and Mr Museveni answered "he is not serious", writes By Andrew M. Mwenda- Over the years, President Yoweri Museveni has fought - and even won - many battles. However, his intention to amend the constitution to remove term limits on the presidency, otherwise called the "third term" is going to be a different cup of tea. This single issue stands to significantly dent his reputation and achievements, and it also holds the future of the country in a precarious balance. It will not matter whether President Museveni finally gets or fails to get his much coveted third term; his mere attempt has put him in a dangerous political spot. The sacking of his childhood friend and compatriot in arms for half a century, former first deputy prime minister and minister of Internal Affairs, Mr Eriya Kategaya, shows that when it comes to his love (or is it greed?) for power, Mr Museveni has no friends. While Mr Museveni had said he wants a debate on the third term, the sacking of only those ministers who were opposed to the third term left no doubt that the president is determined to cling unto power - at all costs. But will he? The many battles Mr Museveni has fought and won in Uganda, be they on economic policy reform, politics and in the military have misled him to think that he will always be victorious. Apparently, Mr Museveni is taking the nation too much for granted. Mr Kategaya exercises exemplary personal discipline of any politician I know in Uganda today, the others being Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu, Mr Augustine Ruzindana, Mr Bidandi Ssali and Mr Mathew Rukikaire. These are politicians you would call "steady hands". They will not speak unless they have fully thought about and digested the implications or consequences of their words. Thus when I heard what Mr Bidandi, Mr Muntu and Mr Rukikaire told the president in Kyankwanzi on the third term, read that Ruzindana was chairing meetings of Members of Parliament opposed to the third term project, and when I read Mr Kategaya's press interview, I knew that something is now amiss with the president. If Mr Museveni has signals to read, the position of Uganda Joint Christian Council, an umbrella organisation of the leading Christian churches in Uganda on the third term should be the last remainder. Never in the history of Uganda has an issue united opposition and ruling party politicians, church and mosque clerics, traditional and civil society leaders, etc than the anti-third term campaign. Why has the third term debate almost drowned other issues on our nation's political agenda? Mr Museveni says third term is not an important issue precisely because he is shy about his stand, and unwilling to directly confront debate. Mr Bidandi says the real issues are how to control electoral violence, manage a transition from a movement (read one party) system to multi party system, etc and not the third term. Mr Bidandi is naïve. Indeed, Mr Museveni, Mr Bidandi and all others who think so should pause and think about public concern. Why are Ugandans so agitated about the third term? If we accept that people know what they want and are all capable of making good choice about their interest, then we must accept their verdict through the choice of information they want to consume. No headline in our newspapers today sells more than one with the third term on it. No talk-show on radio attracts more ratings and callers than a debate on the third term. The idea of the term limit is born of our own history: the country has had eight changes of government seven of which have been violent, while the eighth was marked by massive street protests that forced the army to fire at the crowds. From that history, no amount of economic growth figures, no number of factories, schools, hospitals a president will build, no record of kilometres of tarmac a government will construct will give Uganda an enduring legacy of political stability and maturity than a peaceful hand over of power by one president to another. Those who see successful government in economic growth figures miss the point of what builds nations. The foundation of any country is its political culture inherited from the symbols of power
ugnet_: Let Okurut wash the president's mouth first
Letter to a Kampala Friend By Muniini K. Mulera Let Okurut wash the president's mouth firstJune 9, 2003 Dear Tingasiga: I agree with Presidential Press Secretary Mary Karooro Okurut that insults have no place in civilised dialogue, especially among leaders in our society. In her column last Saturday, Ms Okurut made three entirely valid observations. First, that Mzee F.D.R. Gureme's public apology to President Yoweri Museveni and his family for using an apparently offensive _expression_ in his column in reference to the president is a sign of the Old Man's civility. Second, that Mzee Gureme's action bodes very well for the country. Third, that while it is healthy to criticise the President, it is wrong to insult him. Few would disagree with Ms Okurut. There is absolutely no circumstance under which personal insults can be supported as a valid mode of discourse. However, Ms Okurut has her work cut out for her in her zealous attempt to educate the rest of us about proper etiquette. The very gentleman whose honour she valiantly sets out to defend is a master at the art of hurling insults. I cannot recall any other Ugandan president who was as prolific as President Museveni in the use of blatantly abusive language to describe, rebuke, humiliate and threaten opponents and critics. Ugandans have been so insulted by the Ssabagabe, who determined long ago that everyone else was an idiot, that they have become totally habituated to His Excellency's gutter language. Words like `buffoons', `idiots' and `fools' have issued from the presidential tongue so often that they are now part of the country's political lexicon. My editors will not allow me enough space to do justice to my long compendium of President Museveni's insults, which have done greater dishonour to the presidency than Mzee Gureme's well-intended _expression_. Consder the following: Addressing a gathering during the official opening of the Hotel Africana in Kampala a few years ago, the President took off time to engage in his favourite sport of abusing former President Dr Apolo Milton Obote. "Obote who has now grown hair like a bush, looking like a ghost can continue talking from Lusaka but let him step here ...," The Monitor quoted President Museveni telling an audience that apparently found it funny. That was the speech in which Mr Museveni informed his countrymen that he would murder his predecessor should the latter be foolish enough to return to his own country. Though he has always excelled at insulting Ugandans from the North and North East, Mr Museveni has so far been fairly non-sectarian in his choice of targets for abuse. A few weeks ago, he hurled one at Mr Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, his then Minister of Local Government, whom he described as a mere spoke in the wheel and a "nothing." Had he been speaking in Runyankore, the president would have told Mr Bidandii: "Ori busha (You are nothing)." Although Mr Museveni has now made the unsurprising attempt to backtrack by claiming that he had been misinterpreted, his description of a person of Mr Bidandi's stature as a mere spoke in the wheel and a nothing was one of the lowest moments in the history of this president's public utterances. But when one thought the Ssabagabe had exhausted his fund of insults, he came out with another one this past Friday. According to the government-owned New Vision, Mr Museveni returned to the gutter during a speech to celebrate vice-president Prof. Gilbert Bukenya's swearing-in ceremony. "We must talk and agree among ourselves," Mr Museveni advised his good Movement cadres who gathered for the happy occasion. "Don't go out and throw up. Who are you? You are nothing." Here he was referring to respectable comrades like former First Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya and former Minister of Ethics and Integrity Minister Miria Matembe, who had made "controversial statements" about the president's suspicious motives in his current game of political manipulation. What worse insult to others and to the dignity of the presidency could Mr Museveni have conjured up? One hopes that people were not eating or drinking when the president talked about "throwing up." In fairness to Mr Museveni, he shares this love for the gutter with a number of other good Movement cadres. In a contest for "worst user of gutter language," Mr Museveni would be bested by folks like Lands, Water and Environment Minister Kahinda Otafiire. Brother Otafiire, who once described political opponents as chicken droppings [Maavi ya kuku], is not a man you want to cross if you have a delicate constitution. He can pull out a zinger without losing his train of thought about heavy matters of state. My choice for author of the worst insult remains the late Minister of State for Finance Kafumbe Mukasa who made highly derogatory remarks about his political opponent Capt. Francis Babu's mother a few years ago. I cannot reproduce them in a family newspaper. Not far behind these
Re: ugnet_: QUEST FOR PEACE: LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH
This is the kind of stuff Oloya Opio (The ESO agent in Canad?)should have been writing and doing instead of discouraging Ugandans from agitating against the Third term as he did recently! Brother Ochan..thanks! Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: "Mulindwa Edward" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> CC: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,"Rwanda" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Subject: ugnet_: QUEST FOR PEACE: LETTER TO PRESIDENT BUSH Date: Mon, 9 Jun 2003 21:58:50 -0400 Mr. President, This is an exciting time in America for peace lovers and those who cherish justice. This is a Godsend time for those suffering under repressive dictators and governments. Your actions against international terrorism and dictatorial regimes have put hopes for peace and democracy in the hearts of all the oppressed of this world. We the members, board of directors, and the executives committee of Friends for Peace in Africa (FPA) have such hope and we, therefore, humbly ask you to answer our cry for peace in Northern Uganda.This is because President Museveni has been waging a vicious war against child soldiers in Northern Uganda for the past 17 years and forcing innocent citizens to live in camps under horrendous conditions. Although President Museveni is sometimes portrayed as an African leader of the new breed, he has a dark side that most American people do not know. President Museveni has been fomenting war in the Great Lake Region of East and Central Africa long before he became President of Uganda. He overthrew the governments of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Zaire. In each of these countries, unprecedented levels of killing attended the overthrow governments, the best known of which was the Rwanda genocide of 1994. He tried, though without appreciable success, to do the same in Kenya through the Wakenya rebels, and in Sudan through the SPLA. In his own country, he has herded a whole Acholi nationality into concentration camps, ostensibly to protect them from the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels. He and his brother Gen. Salim Saleh now have plans to completely destroy the Acholi people and take away their land. As you prepare to host President Museveni at the White House this week, we humbly bring up the following observations and request that you ask him for explanations during your discourse. 1. The government of Uganda herded up the Acoli people into 'protected villages' in 1996, supposedly to protect them against raids by the LRA. Yet the LRA raids these camps, kills, and abducts children unchallenged by the Uganda Peoples Defense Forces (UPDF). The Acoli people are starving in the Internally Displaced People's (IDP) camps. The UPDF won't allow them to go back home and plant food crops. The Uganda government, on the other hand, is not providing food aid, sanitation, water, medical services, or school for children. Since the UPDF has shown that it is neither able to defeat the LRA nor protect the camps, why can't the President allow the Acoli to return to their homesas they want to? 2. Several years ago, President Museveni boasted that he had the second most powerful military in the worldsecond only to that of the USA. How can the 'second most powerful military in the world' fail to defeat a ragtag guerilla army made up mostly of 8-13 year old children? Yet, he continues to ask for military assistance from donor countries to arm his troops against the abducted children turned rebel child soldiers. 3. The Uganda government claims that the UPDF went into Congo to protect its citizens and prevent another genocide at the scale of the 1994 Rwanda massacre. Why was this potential genocide more of an emergency than the actual one happening in northern Uganda? Why should President Museveni spend so much financial and military resources trying to 'prevent a genocide' in Congo but when he should stop the one that has been going on in his own count ry? Why has President Museveni who has negotiated settlements of disputes between Uganda and Rwanda, Uganda and Sudan, Burundi and its rebels and between the Uganda Government and it other rebel groups, steadfastly refused to end the war in Northern Uganda by negotiation. 4. The Uganda government goes to donor countries every year to ask for more money to fight the LRA, but the LRA grows stronger every year. Every year, the defense budget and other defense-related appropriations take up ever-bigger percentages of the national budget, a budget that is 50% subsidized by donor countries. Where is the money going, and why are corrupt UPDF officers and government officials not made to account for their actions? What and when does he
ugnet_: Brig. Tumukunde forced out of office Survives arrest
Brig. Tumukunde forced out of office Survives arrestBy Alex B. Atuhaire Emmanuel N. Mugarura June 11, 2003 Tension engulfed the Internal Security Organisation offices at Nakasero yesterday when the former ISO chief Brig. Henry Tumukunde initially refused to hand over to Col. Elly Kayanja. Brig. Tumukunde reportedly said that he needed an explanation from the appointing authority as to why he was sacked. In the confusion, the new ISO chief called in the Presidential Advisor on Military Affairs Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza, who arrived shortly with a truckload of armed escorts. Lt. Gen. Tinyefuza immediately entered Brig. Tumukunde's offices. The Chief of Military Intelligence Col. Noble Mayombo, Army MP Lt. Gen. Elly Tumwine and the new security minister, Ms Betty Akech, had also arrived to witness the delayed hand-over. Lt. Gen. Tinyefuza reportedly told Brig. Tumukunde that he could not question the powers of the president and commander in chief to sack him. "Who are you to question the president on deployment? Why didn't you ask him to explain why he appointed you?" Lt. Gen. Tinyefuza reportedly said. After a hastily arranged meeting in the ISO boardroom, Brig. Tumukunde reportedly accepted to hand over to Col. Kayanja, but not before he complained: "This is the first time a senior officer is handing over to a junior officer!"Brig. Tumukunde reportedly only agreed to hand over on learning that President Museveni, who is presently in the United States, had instructed Lt. Gen. Tinyefuza to arrest him had he remained stubborn. Mr Museveni had reportedly also instructed that the Prime Minister Apolo Nsibambi and senior army officers led by lieutenant generals Tinyefuza, Tumwine and Salim Saleh all move in to ensure that Brig. Tumukunde handed over to Col. Kayanja without any further delay. At the initial official ceremony at 10 a.m., Brig. Tumukunde handed over most of the things except the organisation's bank statements and two operation cars. That ceremony was witnessed by Prof. Nsibambi and the Minister of Internal Affairs Ruhakana Rugunda. Others were permanent secretaries for Internal Affairs Stephen Kagoda and President's Office Tecla Kinalwa. Inside ISO sources said that Lt. Gen. Tinyefuza later left but after instructing Brig. Tumukunde to hand over all ISO property, including the two vehicles that he claimed were in the field. He was also instructed to hand in bank statements and files that he had said were not ready and conclusive. Lt. Gen. Tinyefuza promised to return to Nakasero at 5 p.m. to check whether Brig. Tumukunde had fully complied. Brig. Tumukunde finally handed over all the property and the bank statements at about 6 p.m. The hand-over ended a long weekend ordeal for Brig. Tumukunde who was dropped as ISO chief last Friday. His subordinates greeted his removal with celebrations at the former Operation Wembley headquarters in Nakasero. They reportedly feasted on roast goat meat and alcohol late into Friday night. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: Join us, UPC tell Reform Agenda
Join us, UPC tell Reform AgendaBy Samuel Wossita June 12, 2003 The Reform Agenda has been invited to join the Uganda Peoples Congress in order to defeat the Movement at the next general elections. The Chairman of the UPC Presidential Policy Commission James Rwanyarare invited the Reform Agenda to join hands during the weekly press briefing at the UPC headquarters at Uganda House yesterday. Mr Rwanyarare said that the Reform Agenda alone would not reform the Movement. He said that the UPC was the party that could defeat the Movement. He said that the Movement government has destroyed the infrastructure that the UPC had built. He cited the Uganda Commercial Bank and the Cooperative Bank that failed under the present government. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: Uganda To Ratify US Treaty Today--M7 a Tom Boy?
Uganda To Ratify US Treaty Today By Alfred Wasike UGANDA today signs a controversial treaty which gives US soldiers in global peace keeping operations immunity against prosecution by the new International Criminal Court. the July 1 deadline looms for nations to sign the pacts or lose billions of dollars in US military aid. Also today, the United Nations Security Council votes on an extension of the contentious resolution shielding U.S. soldiers against prosecution by the new International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes. Last July, the Security Council granted a request by the US to exempt US soldiers and those from countries that have not ratified the ICC from arrest or trial. Under US law, countries that have not signed Article 98 agreements by July 1 could lose all of their military aid from the United States. But the exact number of countries affected and the exact amount of aid at stake was not clear. This is because some nations were exempted from the requirement and others have secretly signed the pacts, officials said. US government officials cited Uganda, which they said was expected to sign an Article 98 pact today, as an example. Ends Published on: Thursday, 12th June, 2003 Email this article to a friend. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online
ugnet_: Uganda joins list of shame
Uganda joins list of shameEditorialJune 18, 2003 President Yoweri Museveni has signed the so-called Article 98 agreement with the United States of America. By this action he has exposed this country to a situation where an American soldier can commit crimes against humanity here and get away with it. The soldier would escape because the US is presently carrying out a diplomatic operation that frees it from the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Let us reflect on what the ICC is all about. The final Act establishing this court became enforceable after 17 July 2002. It was a culmination of a process following the United Nations General Assembly adoption of Resolution 51/207 on 17 December 1996. Months after, when all the legal niceties had been worked out, Uganda as a States Party signed into this agreement and our Parliament subsequently ratified our signature. The ICC was a conscious effort by the world community to put an end to the impunity of perpetrators of war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and aggression. This was an attempt to end crimes, vivid examples of which are provided by the illegal internment of Afghan prisoners of war by the US on Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and the ongoing killings inside Iraq. But almost from stage one, the United States, a country that purports to uphold human rights and dignity in all its forms, thwarted this noble effort enshrined in the ICC. First, the US Senate has not ratified their signature. Second, the US is presently going around signing Article 98 agreements with countries as obscure as Tonga. The essence of the Article 98 is that it annuls the co-operation [of a given state] with respect to waiver of immunity and consent to surrender. This means that the US is not compelled to waive the immunity of, or surrender its nationals for prosecution by the ICC. Mr Musevenis decision was unilateral in a matter that definitely required discussion in Parliament and the Cabinet. He single-handedly committed Uganda in a process that comes very close to abetting the commission of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, etc. Did our President sign because he believed it was in the national interest or was he buying some hidden favours from the Americans, who as we all know are increasingly acting in near criminal fashion worldwide? © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: US To Give Uganda Sh400m Military Aid
What a shame! All that for a few pieces of silver? Gook US To Give Uganda Sh400m Military Aid UGANDA will receive US$200,000 (about sh400m) in military aid from the US following the non-surrender agreement the two governments signed last week, reports Jude Etyang. President Yoweri Museveni, while on a visit to the US, signed the non-surrender pact with Secretary of State Collin Powell, exempting US soldiers on international combat assignments from prosecution by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Uganda like 63 other countries in the world which receive US military aid, had up to July 1 to sign the non-surrender pact or risk losing the aid. Under the pact, Uganda and the US will not surrender their citizens wanted for war crimes to the ICC without consent. Ends Published on: Thursday, 19th June, 2003 Email this article to a friend. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X STOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: A blind govt lets her people die of hunger
A blind govt lets her people die of hungerThis That By Henry OchiengJune 18, 2003 All that is left of Ms Florence Nyangireki is in a wooden box buried in a tiny corner of the public cemetery in Kampala. On Monday, she died of hunger -related causes. She died because for more than a month she and many others have been living rough in Lugogo. Deceased: Ms Nyangireki Ms Nyangireki died because she was trapped in the triba lclashes between the Banyoro and the Bakiga in Kibaale. I will resist the temptation to refer to the Bakiga as settlers as has become typical definition in various essays on the subject. This lady, in the prime of her life at 36 years of age, died because she found herself in the harsh environment of Kampala city with just her God and a few earthly possessions. Presumably, in Kibaale Ms Nyangireki could have been the proud occupant of a stretch of land from which she fed her family. But today she is dead because nobody cared. Remove your mind from the polemics that have characterised the debate on whether or not the Bakiga should be in Kibaale. Now ask yourself what a responsible government should have done for Ms Nyangireki. A responsible government, which allocates millions of shillings every year to a ministry for Disaster Preparedness and Refugees, should not have allowed that woman to die of hunger. But she is dead today, buried with only a few friends to sing her swan song.They put her in an unmarked grave because the government of President Yoweri Museveni has gradually grown a skin as thick as a rhinos hide. This government has got to a point where it is wrapped up in the more pressing business of signing loan agreements with the wealthy West even when it is clear the national foreign debt at nearly $ 4 billion is unsustainable.Mr Musevenis government has succeeded in giving the lie that it cares for the people. High-sounding programmes under equally fascinating titles have become the lingua franca at the annual State-of-the-Nation addresses and other national events. The peasants have been told that a miracle-working holistic approach has been discovered as the ultimate cure for the de-humanising living conditions under which they have subsisted these past many years. They have heard about the magical Poverty Eradication Action Plan, and the equally intriguing Poverty Action Fund which together with the Plan for Modernisation of Agriculture should have them without the ever-present hunger pains in no time at all. Many peasants have actually believed these sweet nothings that have dripped from the mouths of the regimes spin-doctors. The men and women of the regime have come to them with these lies while clad in designer suits and driving fuel guzzling 4WD behemoths.But the truth must have flashed before Ms Nyangireki in one instant of clarity in her last moments. Just before her broken body gave up the ghost, just before she was freed of the physical and mental anguish she has suffered this past month, Ms Nyangireki must have understood that the government does not feel hungry. If the government also felt hungry, if it also did not have money to pay the doctor when it is sick, if the government was aware that people are dying at its very doorstep, the government would have not allowed that woman to die like that. The minister for Disaster Preparedness would have cast aside any fixed positions the government has on the Kibaale land crisis and made it imperative that the fellows who had somehow found their way to Lugogo lived in relative comfort. This is what it means when you have a Constitution that recognises the right to human dignity as one of the fundamental human rights and freedoms. The government should have given them food, water and medical relief of a sort. But it did not, may be because some politician with a warped mind put the politics of their presence at Lugogo ahead of the fact that they were first and foremost Ugandans. Ms Nyangireki died because Mr Musevenis government has been around for such a long time, and is presently engrossed in the involving business of seeking ways to perpetuate its stay, that he has forgotten what Article 99(3) obliges him to do. All the presidents men have become insensitive to the hunger of Gods people in this country. This is why they have forgotten to remind Mr Museveni that Article 99 says, It shall be the duty of the president to abide by, uphold and safeguard this Constitution and the laws of Uganda and to promote the welfare of the citizens . If that basic fact had not been obscured by layers of fat the result of feeding off the citizens that now press against the politicians brains, they would have remembered that they have a duty to the peasants. The death of the woman in Lugogo shocked those who thought the peasants mattered beyond the cynical price paid for their votes in election years. It shocked them into the reality that Ms Nyangireki is free to die and be buried in a strange land so
ugnet_: Not in our name, Mr President!
No-Holds-Barred By Peter G. Mwesige Not in our name, Mr President!June 19, 2003 He has done it again! President Yoweri Museveni last week broke ranks with the dominant opinion of the international community and signed an agreement that exempts American personnel from prosecution in the International Criminal Court (ICC). This comes on the heels of his support for the US war on Iraq, where he again broke ranks with African and other world leaders and committed Uganda to support the dubious American military campaign. Up to now the Americans and their British allies have not unearthed any credible evidence that suggests Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction prior to the shock and awe war that was justified mainly on those grounds. International human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have condemned Ugandas latest deal with the Americans. President Museveni should uphold Ugandas obligations as a state party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court by rejecting such agreements, Amnesty International said in a statement last week. These agreements are illegal as they violate Ugandas duty to cooperate with the ICC and the obligation of all states to ensure that people responsible for the most serious crimes under international law are brought to justice. The ICC, the worlds first permanent war crimes tribunal, was inaugurated in March this year in The Hague. The U.N. charter, ratified by both the United States and Uganda, calls for the creation of such a court. The concept had its genesis in the Nuremberg trials of Nazi war criminals after World War II, and gained currency in the 1990s following the creation of international tribunals to consider charges of genocide in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Individuals can be brought before the International Criminal Court on charges of genocidal crimes that involve the widespread and systematic murder, torture, rape, deportation and enslavement of civilians. The Rome Statute that created the ICC in 1998 has been signed by about 140 countries, and ratified by 90. The American administration of Bill Clinton had signed it in 2000, shortly before the cowboy from Texas took over the White House and abrogated the action. The Bush administration justifies its opposition to the Court and exemption from the Rome Statutes provisions on grounds that American citizens, be they peacekeepers or soldiers involved in military campaigns, could become vulnerable to frivolous or politically motivated prosecutions. Of course the Americans have every reason to worry given their involvement in armed conflicts all over the world. And a lot of these have often been brutal campaigns that claimed the lives of thousands of innocent civilians. A year ago the United States leaned on the UN Security Council to approve a measure exempting American peacekeepers from the jurisdiction of the ICC. In a resolution last week the Security Council passed a one-year renewal to that measure. The United States has also signed so-called Article 98 agreements with 38 countries, including the latest one with Uganda, stipulating that neither side can surrender the others citizens for trial to the ICC. The U.S. Congress went as far as enacting a law, the American Members Protection Service Act of 2002, which bars military assistance to governments that ratify the treaty that created the ICC. As UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said last week following the renewal of the Security Council resolution exempting the US, such exemptions could undermine not only the authority of the ICC, but also the authority of this Council and the legitimacy of United Nations peacekeeping. The exemption of the U.S. creates a two-tiered standard of justiceone for Americans and another for the rest of us. Now enter our own Mr Museveni. It is amazing that the president can commit the country to such agreements without any attempt at forging national consensus or even explaining his actions to the nation. There was no debate on the matter in Parliament, which he did not consult, and it would not be far-fetched to suggest that his own cabinet was also in the dark. Such is Mr Musevenis contempt for institutions of government, civil society and public opinion. For all his arrogance and unilateral streak, Mr Bush has the backing of the American Congress on his stance on the ICC. And his administration has clearly put its case before the bar of American public opinion. Not Mr Museveni. He is wont to remind us that power belongs to the people, but he often exercises it without due regard to their voice. His unquestioning embrace of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and now his acceptance of the new imperial American foreign policy starkly contradict his self-glorified history of struggle against imperialism and colonialism. Perhaps, as a leading legal mind in Parliament intimated to this columnist, His history was just a façade.
ugnet_: Is it right to shift political goal posts?
12:12 pm All results 5 results 10 results 20 results 30 results 50 results Is it right to shift political goal posts?By John IrakaJune 19, 2003 In the Ugandan farmyard some animals are more equal than others. And it is not the cows. You will identify them by their dominance of the political scene and also by their cunning behaviour, greed and outright arrogance. They balance on their hind limbs, brushes in forelimb knuckles and paint new rules over existing ones. Thus, instead of keeping to the two presidential terms prescribed for in the constitution, they are busy altering the script to allow third and everlasting term for a president. Instead of no detention without trial they are busy adding except in safe houses. Instead of giving equal opportunities to all political parties they are busy funding one while strangling others. Yes, their children will be chauffer driven to exclusive private schools in Kampala or even sent abroad while up to seventy peasant children crowd under a tree for a classroom to receive basic education. But what hurts most of all is their arrogance of saying they are doing all this for the good of the country. First of all let those who are involved in the current political debate about the future of Uganda identify what is at stake and what this fight is all about. What is at stake are principles. The fight is about principles. Those people who are caught up in the crossfire are what is often referred to as collateral damage. We should focus on what is more important: collateral damage like the possible loss of a proven and capable leader or the loss of the sacred principle that allows us to identify even a better leader in good time? I have no doubt that President Yoweri Museveni wants to run for the third (actually fifth) term. His actions in purging those opposed to the third term, his body language while speaking on this issue, his silence as to whether he will retire come 2006 are enough indicators of his intentions. I have never known Mr Museveni to be shy on political matters unless he is planning a surprise move like announcing his brother or son to be his chosen successor. Is the opposition intent on humiliating Mr Museveni? Not at all in my opinion. On the contrary, after sampling the various divergent views, the most commonly expressed sentiment is that they would like to see him retire as a dignified statesman. I am one of those who share this view. When people like former ministers Eriya Kategaya, Bidandi Ssali, Miria Matembe, Mathew Rukikaire, Nuweamanya Mushega etc and religious leaders start coming out in the open to advise the driver of the bus to change course, the driver had better listen. These were once upon a time reliable fellow travellers on the bus. They must have sensed something amiss. They cannot all be misguided, mischievous or malicious in advising the driver to change course. A lot has been made of previous winning margins by Mr Museveni. There was a lot going for him then. He had brought relative peace and order to the country save for the North. Economic growth rate had taken off from zero and was bound to accelerate even if it reached two percent. He had good press reviews both locally and internationally. Above all let us not forget that Mr Museveni was very popular in Buganda and Western Uganda at that time. Given such favourable parameters plus control of government machinery, who would fail to win an election? But is the political climate still so favourable? Voters, especially in Uganda are extremely unpredictable as to which way they will sway. If a candidate is perceived to have the potential to deliver on certain promises, that candidate is likely to win the elections. When that candidate reneges on the promises he made, then he or she stands a good chance to loose the next round of elections. To me this appears to be what is awaiting the majority of our current parliamentarians who have contrived to support a third term for the president. There is of course the unpredictability factor. No one gave Mr Museveni much chance of becoming president on his second attempt sixteen years after losing his deposit in his maiden attempt. As the debate gets hot on the subject of the third term, I wish to advise participants not to jump into the fray just for the fun of getting their adrenaline going. I remember whenever there was a fight in my locality Obwinobwencende, Sheema North, you could always count on two notorious young men getting involved in the fight without even asking what the fight was all about. During such a fight often the wrong person got the puffy eyes. We must not confuse issues when debating the third term. In my opinion the hue and cry is not so much against Mr Museveni as a person getting an extra term in office as president. It is about a precedent being created for any other president in future. No president, however popular and gifted, should attempt to remain in office longer than what the
ugnet_: Poverty is in the minds of Ugandans I think
Poverty is in the minds of Ugandans I thinkBy Joseph M. MwagalaJune 19, 2003 Many political wannabes have taken advantage and used the issue of poverty to discredit those in power today. They have taken the public captive and continued to pound the self-fulfilling claim that Ugandans are poorer now than they were a number of years ago. I assert here that Ugandans are not poorer today, in fact we are richer today than we were years ago. This is why: The Ugandans of today have spending habits which leave them, not necessarily poor, but with no cash in their pockets. For example, many Ugandans own items like mobile phones, which they do not need to have. The mobile phones are mainly used for gossip how many times have heard a person in a bar call another just to ask how that person is doing, where that person is, and why that person is lost? A few years ago how many people would afford such items. Look at the statistics of the three mobile phone companies; they indicate a growing clientele and of course this means less money left for the phone owners to spend on necessities. Definitely the grandmother in the village will not get sugar from the working relative in Kampala because to the latter mobile phone airtime and service fee are the most demanding day to day needs. Look at how many bars are springing up at every corner these days in fact even village joints sell beer these days. Where hasnt Coca Cola and Pepsi Cola reached? These days you see their trucks criss-crossing the village roads delivering goodies. This was not the case 10 years ago. Look at the traffic jams in Kampala - these days it is no longer a pleasure to drive in Kampala. Look at the skyline of Kampala. All these show that we are spending more on unnecessary items I mean items the majority of Ugandans can do without. I will look at the salaries of the most poorly paid cadre the civil servants and compare it in real terms over two points in time. The year was 1984 when former president Dr Apollo Milton Obote announced in a budget speech that the minimum wage for the lowly paid civil servant was to be Shs 6,000 from midnight tonight. The first salary my mother earned found me nagging her for canvas shoes which were in vogue then and she had to part with Shs 6,500 for me to purchase the shoes. This means that the lowly paid civil servant then could not afford a pair of shoes and at the same time live. Today the most lowly paid civil servant gets over Shs 100,000 per month and new good canvas shoes can be got for Shs 25,000. The get rich quick attitudes of Ugandans can only work when one is a thief, or in rare circumstances, lucky. This mentality has led many to despise jobs and vocations and opt for idling, gossip etc. This attitude is coupled with laziness among the population. There is a lot of arable land in Uganda and there are many countries, which do need food and other agricultural products. A person would rather work as a taxi tout shouting (noise pollution) destinations which the travellers already know and demand money from the taxi owner for having `given or lured travellers for the taxi instead of going to till the largely available land in the countryside. There is a lot of money and opportunity in Uganda that is why foreign investors come all the way to Uganda and go to upcountry areas such as Gulu, Mbarara, Mbale etc. And they do this while Ugandans are soundly alseep. Poverty is in the minds of those who want it near them and are willing to listen to self-seeking politicians drumming up the allegation of widespread poverty. Eventually they actually begin to believe that the poverty stricken. We Ugandans should wake up and have it in our minds that unless we make a contribution to the economy, through participating in production, then we should not expect to partake in the fruits of the freedom we are experiencing now. We should also change our spending habits and learn to save for future investment. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X STOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Man killed in army barracks
Man killed in army barracksBy Sylvester OnyangJune 21, 2003 A man who went missing since Saturday was allegedly tortured to death at Kireka military barracks. His tormentors were reportedly from the Violent Crime Crack Unit. The body of Maurice Nsangi, 29, was on Thursday collected from the Army mortuary at Mbuya after a tough bargain by Bugweri County MP, Mr Abdu Katuntu. The body had stab wounds and burns. The post-mortem examination report that The Monitor saw indicated that the immediate cause of death was shock following severe internal bleeding. The report indicates that the bleeding occurred on the surface of the brain. The report said that the man also suffered external injuries including deep burns on the buttocks, 14 wounds and nine bruises on both arms, and a deep cut on the left leg. The mans body was shown to journalists at the City Mortuary. A wide red-white patch covered the right buttocks. Katuntu said that the suspect could have been electrocuted. Sometimes I am told these people (security operatives) use flat irons, Katuntu told journalists on Thuirsday. He criticised security organisations for killing Ugandans without allowing the suspects to go through the due process of the law. The MP said that the government has no moral authority to condemn Joseph Konys LRA rebels because state agents are also committing savage acts against Ugandans. I will raise this matter in the House. Ugandans should know about this abuse. We are back to the situation suffered [under] previous regimes, Katuntu said. Relatives said that Nsangi was picked by a Police 999 Patrol car from his home on Kafumbe Mukasa road and taken to Kireka. They first learnt of his death on Tuesday from workers in the Kireka barracks. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Tired of spam? Get advanced junk mail protection with MSN 8.
Re: ugnet_: URC west closed passenger, goods made no profits!!!
And this is the NRM/A that brought "fundamental" change, peace and "clear line " of leadership? Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: "dbbwanika db" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: ugnet_: URC west closed passenger, goods made no profits!!! Date: Sun, 22 Jun 2003 11:37:04 +0200 URC loses sh2bn in stolen material UNPROFITABLE? A train leaves Kampala and (below) a neglected line By Geoffrey Kamali and Felix Osike RAIL track materials worth over sh2bn have been stolen from the Uganda Railways Corporations (URC) closed routes to the east, west and northern regions. But billions more stand to be lost as the lines lie in waste, covered by thickets, anthills and in some cases, the soil under the lines washed away by soil erosion. Neglected routes include the 230-mile (333km) Kampala-Kasese line, the 80-mile (120km) Jinja-Kamuli-Busembatia (Busoga loopline) line and the 312-mile (500km) Tororo-Lira-Pakwach line. URC now mainly relies on the Kampala-Port Bell pier line to transport cargo to and from the coastal towns of Mombasa and Dar es Salaam. State Minister for Communication Michael Werikhe said the ministry was aware of the thefts. We are aware and we are trying to police the lines in collaboration with the local leaders, he told Sunday Vision. URC closed down the 50-year-old lines at various times in the 1990s and withdrew its staff due to the insurgency that engulfed those regions. URC officials say they also closed the western route for failure by the passenger and goods train services to make profit. URC officials say $150m is required to relay the Kasese line alone. A number of investments including Hima Cement factory and Kasese Cobalt Company are located in Kasese where railway transport would be significant. Some railway stations on the western line are now deserted and only occupied by monkeys and baboons. A group of steel scrap collectors, mainly agents of steel recycling plants, have since taken adva ntage of the situation and pilfered over 5,000 steel sleepers, the main components of the railway lines. The URC deputy chief civil engineer, Henry Mwanaki, told Sunday Vision last week that they estimated over 3,000 heavy duty sleepers over a 15km-rail distance had been stolen by June last year. We get such reports (rail material theft) almost on a daily basis. The thefts have increased persistently since that time (last year), he said. Stolen materials include heavy-duty steel rails, sleepers (metallic bars fitted between rails), clips, bolts, fittings, fish plates, fasteners and nuts. Mwanaki said the loss then was valued to cost the company over sh575m to replace the sleepers alone. Over 30 cases were recorded up to July but there are no updated figures. The sleepers and rails are recycled into steel bars while the rest are sold on the open market as slabs for covering pit latrines. Other uses are for making karayis (metallic basins) and ox ploughs by blacksmiths in Katwe, Kampala. Some of the scrap is also exported to Kenya, where the price is better. Prices range from sh50 to sh500 a kilogramme. An average sleeper weighs 40kgs and is about 1.5 metres in length. It costs over sh150, 000 while the rails are 40ft (12 metres), weigh over 80kgs each and cost over sh550, 000 a unit. Investigations by Sunday Vision show that rails were pilfered right from Nalukolongo and Kyengera in Kampala, where the western line begins its journey to Kasese. Other areas include Musozi and Kawologonjo railway stations in Mityana, Kamwenge, the Jinja- Kakira-Kaliro-Busembatya loop line, where thieves have uprooted entire sections of the track, leaving hundreds of metres of gaping space. Specific areas where thefts have been reported to Police are, Butamira village, Jinja, where 522 sleepers and 148 rails were stolen, Luzinga, Buwongo, Kamuli district (close to 1,000 sleepers are missing), Others are Mbale-Manafwa stations, Mbale (numb er unspecified), Pakwach East line, West Nile (over 500 pieces loaded onto three lorries), Bar Landhie, Aloi-Lira (unspecified), Ayara parish, Lira (129 sleepers), Kiwolongojo, Mityana (unspecified), Aryomorem parish, Lira (250 sleepers) and Onywako Parish, also Lira (unspecified). The Police in Kampala and Jinja early this year impounded four trucks loaded with rail materials, two of them belonging to the Jinja-based Steel Rolling Mills Company. The senior CID officer at the URC Police station, Wilson Egwang, said about 10 people were arrested over the thefts and later prosecuted in court. We impounded the trucks and in fact, these people people were taken to court but the case has stayed because one of them, a woman called Nakimera, ran mad in prison, he said. Scrap collection has become a lucrative business over the years after a number of steel recycling companies opened up in various
ugnet_: Police close Soroti radio over rebels
Police close Soroti radio over rebels By Monitor teamJune 23, 2003 Police yesterday closed a Soroti-based radio station that defied a ministers directive not to broadcast news about LRA rebel attacks in the area. Radio Kyoga Veritas FM had gone off air by 3 p.m. after it was stormed by police officers and Soroti Resident District Commissioner, Mr Edward Masiga. Armed policemen and security operatives in plain clothes accompanied the Soroti District Police Commander (DPC) Patrick Awai and Regional CID officer Vincent Aisu to the station. The station is located within the premises of Soroti Catholic Diocese Integrated Development Organisation (SCDIO), about half a kilometre on the Soroti-Serere road. For several hours, no one was allowed to enter or leave the SCDIO premises. All the people, including Soroti Catholic Bishop Erasmus Wandera were only allowed to leave at 6 p.m. Mr Awai said on phone that the security operatives were carrying out a security search. The search is to continue this morning, the police said. Upon coming out of the station yesterday Fr Athanasius Mubiru, a Catholic priest linked to the station, said that the security people took away 25 videotapes bearing testimonies of people affected by the war and the stations news scripts dating back to 1 January. Fr Mubiru said that he had in the morning met the Army Commander, Maj. Gen.Aronda Nyakairima and other security officials. It was during the morning meeting that he was informed that the station would be "inspected". Lies or the truth? Bishop Wandera yesterday held a meeting with the Minister of State for Defence, Ruth Nankabirwa, in Soroti but no details were available. The Monitor could not readily establish the official reason for closing the station, but sources in Soroti said that the office of the RDC had recently wanted to "edit" the radio stations war reports before they are aired. This request was reportedly not fully complied with. It is said that Fr Mubiru has been recording voices of civilians affected by the war and then having them aired. The station, sources said, was perceived by the authorities as "alarming" the population. Fr Mubiru denied this yesterday. The whole gist of this inspection is that they have been saying that we have been putting on air sensational news, Fr Mubiru said. But we have not. What the people of Teso need is the truth, it is only the truth which will solve this war situation. Lies will not. Veritas FM has been reaching about 14 districts, including those affected by the rebel insurgency. At a security meeting in Soroti last Tuesday, the Minister of State for Refugees and Disaster Preparedness Christine Amongin "banned" Soroti radio stations from airing news about attacks by the LRA rebels. Fr Mubiru told the minister that what people needed were not condoms and food, but security that is supposed to be guaranteed by the UPDF. This is not the first time that the media is punished for reporting the Kony-led insurgency. The UPDF, police and military intelligence personnel on 10 October 2002 ransacked The Monitor offices and shut down the paper for seven days over its coverage of the war up north. Civilians flee The Monitor yesterday morning interviewed terrified civilians who continued fleeing from their villages into Soroti town. From Soroti to Akakai, a six-kilometre column of people with bits and pieces of luggage and livestock was seen walking towards Soroti town. One of the younger boys interviewed reported that a group of rebels taunted a UPDF unit at Akissim, near the home of Soroti County MP, Samuel Anyoro. He that said the army later shelled the rebel positions. Funeral raid The LRA had on Friday disrupted the funeral of the late Kapelebyong intelligence officer Mr Moses Amou at Oditel village in Katakwi. Kapelebyong MP, Johnson Malinga who visited the area on Saturday told The Monitor yesterday that among those abducted were the deceased's relatives who include his brother, Mr Michael Amou and his wife Ms Achen. Also abducted but later released was the deceaseds elderly mother. Malinga said that the rebels also reportedly abducted some children aged between 10 and 14, which is their favourite age group for recruitment. The LRA shot Amou dead on 18 June as he was driving with Fr Boguslow Zero, the parish priest for Acumet. The LRA on Saturday night attacked Odudui trading centre killing two people, burning 35 houses and looting drugs from the health centre. UPDF response The rebels are reportedly camped in Amuria County, from where the UPDF was yesterday fighting to repulse them. Between 9 and 10 a.m. yesterday, truckloads of soldiers were seen driving down the Soroti-Moroto roads towards Wera sub-county. An hour later attack helicopters took to the air, in the general direction of Amuria. The UPDF yesterday closed the road from Soroti to Lira reportedly because of suspected rebel activity. A Lira-bound bus was forced to return to Lira at Atirir, 17km from Soroti.
ugnet_: Fwd: Refugee: 'Are my kids still alive?'
Subject: Refugee: 'Are my kids still alive?' Date: Mon, 23 Jun 2003 20:34:17 +0100 South London headlines Refugee: 'Are my kids still alive?' By Zara Bishop PHOEBE Kabala lives for her three children. But she has not seen them for six years and does not know whether she will ever see them again. She has no photographs of Isac, Tim and Natasha - and her memories of them are beginning to fade. Phoebe is a refugee from Uganda, who was forced to flee to Britain to save her life. Her parents and her husband are dead and her home has been destroyed in the battle between the Ugandan government and rebels. She is living in a room in Catford, while the Home Office decides what to make of her story of survival. Phoebe, 41, met her husband Kigozi at school. They ran a shop selling fresh produce, sugar and milk in Bombo - the town where they grew up, which is about 12 miles from the capital, Kampala. One day in 1997, soldiers took her husband away and killed him because he had been rebelling against the government. He was 40. The fear Phoebe says she felt when a group of soldiers came and took her from her home to a prison cell 50 miles away shortly afterwards is almost unimaginable. Her eyes full of tears, she said: "I never saw my children again." In the tiny cell, they bound her with rope around her stomach and threatened to kill her. Later, four soldiers raped her. Phoebe would almost certainly have been shot had a young guard not taken pity on her and helped her to escape. He let her out of the prison when the other soldiers were not around and pointed the way to a nearby main road. Filled with the terror of an animal being hunted by a predator, Phoebe scrambled through the bushes. She said: "My stomach was really hurting and I was bleeding a lot after being raped. The trees were cutting me and I thought the soldiers were following me." Phoebe flagged down a car and the driver agreed to drive her to the capital, Kampala. Once in the city, he demanded money although Phoebe did not have a penny with her. She asked him to drive her to the home of one of her husband's friends and begged him to pay, which he did. Phoebe said: "My husband's friend took me to his wife and they called a doctor because I was cut very badly. "I told them what had happened. "They said I couldn't stay with them because they might be killed too. "He took pictures of me to make a passport and visa under a false name and put me on a plane to Heathrow. "I was not frightened of flying although I had never been on a plane before. I was frightened of being recognised as I got on to the plane." Six years later, Phoebe is living in the room in Catford while she waits for the Home Office to process her asylum application. Banned from working while her application is processed, she spends her days reading and working out how far she can stretch the £30 she gets to live on each week. The Lewisham Refugee Network in Deptford has given Phoebe clothes and support. She relies on counselling and anti-depressants, which make her feel dizzy, to get through each day. She said: "I could only go back to Uganda if there was a change of government there. I know my home has been destroyed. There will be no one there now. They will all have run away." She added: "Every day in Catford, I see people out with their kids and think of my children. "I just want to know whether they are alive." *The Lewisham Refugee Network in Evelyn Street, Deptford, is appealing for donations of clothes, toiletries and non-perishable food. If you can help, telephone 020-8694 0323. MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: Family perishes in gunship bombing
Family perishes in gunship bombing By Monitor TeamJune 24, 2003 10 killed as rebels attack Soroti, Lira At least 10 people have been killed in separate incidents in Soroti, Lira, and Kaberamaido since Sunday. Gunmen said to be part of the rebel Lords Resistance Army yesterday ambushed two vehicles in Otuboi in Kaberamaido and Atirir in Soroti district. According to the Lira district youth chairman, Mr Hamson Obua, who was travelling from Lira to Soroti, the rebels burnt a Toyota Dyna truck in which five people are feared to have died. Only the tonne-boy escaped. The Soroti RDC, Mr Edward Masiga, said that the incident was near the Oculoi hill in Soroti. I understand that the vehicle is still burning, said Mr Masiga at 5 p.m. But you also know how they operate. They commit a crime here and then they withdraw. The rebels also reportedly ambushed another pickup truck and shot dead two of the passengers. Speaking on phone from Soroti, Obua told The Monitor that there were no UPDF soldiers at the scene of the ambush. Family tragedy Meanwhile, an army helicopter on Sunday morning fired on a group of civilians in Abeko, Tubur sub-county in Soroti, killing four members of the same family and injuring nine. One of the injured, Mr Moses Iyolit, said from his Soroti Hospital bed that his family had regrouped after suspected LRA rebels invaded their village on Saturday. He said that the helicopter gunship closed in on Abeko at about 10 a.m., hovered over their home twice and then unleashed a volley of machine gunfire. We had just started work at home and then suddenly the helicopter appeared, flying at a very low altitude, Iyolit said. Iyolit identified his dead relatives as Mike Atidi, Simon Olupot, John Adotu and an elderly woman. He also said that it is possible more people died in the bushes where they fled as the helicopter sprayed its deadly payload on the village. Abeko is about 5km from the rebel-infested Achomai forest reserve along the Amuria-Orungo road. Meanwhile, a band of suspected LRA rebels yesterday looted valuable items and drugs from the Oimai Catholic Mission in Wera sub-county, 17km on the Soroti-Moroto highway. The rebels broke into houses in the mission and shops, said Katakwi LC-V Secretary for Finance, Mr Stephen Ariko, soon after he rode into Soroti town yesterday. The incident happened around 2 a.m. Ariko said that an army unit arrived at Wera sub-county headquarters at about 10 a.m. yesterday to reinforce the group already there. By 11:30 a.m. would-be travellers to northern Uganda were still stranded in Soroti town because the road to Lira remained closed for much of Monday. But RDC Masiga last evening said that the road is now open. All day on Sunday and into Monday, people were still pouring into Soroti town from the Soroti-Moroto road and Soroti-Lira road. ironically, as they entered into town, hundreds of others were leaving the town on bicycles, taxis and on foot in a panic mainly along the Soroti-Serere road. Radio under siege The Minister of State for Defence, Ms Ruth Nankabirwa, the director generals of the External Security and Internal Security organisations, Mr David Pulkol, and Col. Elly Kayanja, respectively, had earlier met with religious leaders here on Sunday. Meanwhile, an army unit yesterday morning joined the police at the premises of the Kyoga Veritas FM radio, which was closed by Soroti district authorities on Sunday afternoon. The soldiers were brought in as the police and other security officers continued to search the premises. The security operatives took away more documents in paper form, mini-discs and videotapes. The Co-ordinator of the Soroti Catholic Diocesan Development Committee, who also is the station manager, Fr Athanasius Mubiru, told The Monitor that the security men, who were led by the Regional CID officer (mid-eastern), Mr Victor Aisu, had offered to allow them to open up part of the complex. But I objected. Because when you close the radio, you affect the other projects that are run [by the Soroti Catholic Diocese Integrated Development Organisation] which is part of the complex where the radio is, he said. More than 10 departments operate under the organisation, which is housed in the same complex as Radio Veritas.Appeal to the UN Elsewhere, religious and cultural leaders from northern Uganda and southern Sudan meeting in Gulu have called on the international community to intervene to end the Kony war. A press release following a meeting in Gulu urged the UN Security Council to address the issue of conflict in northern Uganda so that all necessary measures are put in place for the protection of the civilian population and to bring about an end to the 17-year-old conflict. A joint report by Patrick Elobu Angonu, Henry Ochieng, Patrick Ebong Richard M. Kavuma © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X
ugnet_: Baby killed in army raid
Baby killed in army raidBy Joe Wacha, Patrick Ebong Richard M. KavumaJune 24, 2003 Ms Grace Enang, on Friday, lay in Lira Hospital, spoke with difficulty and could barely sit. Her back bore wounds. But Enang is only lucky to be alive. Stray bullets on Wednesday killed her 3-year-old son Prisco Okello, whom she was carrying on her back. The incident took place in Adwir parish, Moroto County, Lira district. The army has stepped up its campaign against the rebels of the Lords Resistance Army who have been terrorising Lango and Teso regions. Speaking from Lira Hospital on Friday, Enang said that the armys helicopter gunships first hovered over the village and then vanished. The rebels had raided the area a few hours earlier. The helicopters returned at around 3 p.m. Enangs son was buried on Thursday in Adwir. Three other civilians were injured by the gunships. Army spokesman Maj. Shaban Bantariza said on Friday that he had not received information about the incident. Meanwhile, the rebels attacked Ibule and Amugu trading centres in Moroto county, Lira district in the wee hours of Friday. They burnt a truck, a pick-up vehicle and an omnibus. According to Mr Moses Aliang, who escaped from the rebels under the cover of darkness, the rebels burnt an estimated 100 huts and abducted about 70 people. Earlier on Wednesday, the rebels attacked Akong village, Alito sub-county in Apac district. Alito LC-III Chairman Charles Okeng Olet said the rebels killed 10 people, burnt at least 200 houses and abducted 70 people. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: Closing Soroti radio is wrong
Closing Soroti radio is wrongEditorialJune 24, 2003 The closure of a private FM radio station that defied a ministers directive not to broadcast news about rebel Lords Resistance Army attacks in eastern Uganda is most unfortunate. The Police raid on Radio Kyoga Veritas FM in Soroti was in itself unwarranted, because there are legal instruments for the supervision and control of the press in Uganda without recourse to extremism. However, it is the thinking behind the news blackout that is even more worrying.Ugandans, especially those living in affected areas, have a right to information that affects their lives. It is therefore wrong to keep them in the dark about rebel attacks in their communities. The government may have some legitimate concerns about the rebels using the media, especially radio, to sow seeds of terror. But a people with information are better enabled to make logical decisions, such as whether to leave a rebel-infested area. On the other hand, keeping people in the dark about life-threatening events is bound to provide fertile ground for imagination, hysteria and misinformation. The right thing to do is to urge self-regulation by the media; after all, there is the Anti-Terrorism Act that would punish them if they did otherwise. News, on the other hand, should not be subjected to such undue restrictions. If the rebels attack an area, the people have a right to know, and the media have a responsibility to inform them. In the event that the news being broadcast on the radio station is not accurate, the Media Council should have the responsibility of sanctioning the errant media house, rather than have security operatives raiding it. Rather than wrap a news blackout over the war, government should provide accurate and regular information to Ugandans through the media. In the recent war on Iraq, the United States government embedded journalists with their troops as they went into battle. While critics questioned the accuracy and objectivity of the reports from the embedded journalists, the people were informed about the war all the way. Ugandans in the north and east have suffered a lot under the LRA. Keeping them in the dark about the next rebel attack is to punish them twice. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: M7 and his helicopter dreams
Pressure Piles On Rebels M7 MEETING GENERALS: (Left to right) Kivejinja, Kivuna, Rusoke, Tinyefuza, Tumwine, Museveni, Salim Saleh, Kazini, Kyaligonza and Kaihura pose on Heroes Day in Fort Portal on Saturday By Vision reporter PRESIDENT Yoweri Museveni has re-iterated that the LRA is only infiltrating north Teso because it is under pressure in Acholiland. Now it is a matter of mere survival for those rebels, he told New Vision yesterday. He dismissed fears that rebellion was spreading to Teso and other areas. You cant say that kondos (robbers) have struck Kampala just because a few thieves have robbed some shops on the edge of Kampala. They are just roaming bandits trying to infiltrate but not to attack. They cant sustain it. Museveni said he would be going back to the north in one month to resume supervision of the war campaign. But the plan is going very well. The plan was to occupy the forests in the north where the rebels were hiding. Their fleeing out of Acholi is to do two things. Number One, they think if they go down there, we might reduce forces in Acholi and they can go back. Number two, they need to get food and drugs. Thats why they were attacking the camps but failing in most cases. So they thought north Teso had few soldiers, they could go there and that would compel us to thin out our forces. We havent done that. We have brought in new forces, Museveni said. He said the LRA had a problem of shrinking manpower because they no longer had rear bases in Sudan where they could brainwash abducted children. My plan was to end this problem by April but there was delay in delivery of our helicopters, said Museveni. The helicopters have made a big difference. All the attacks on the rebels in Teso have been by helicopters out of Gulu. They are prompt. Our only weakness is that we do not have enough transport helicopters to follow up the attack with landing troops, he said. He said the army needed to create air cavalry moving by helicopters. Helicopters are force multipliers. We need them because we reduced the size of our army in 1991. Force multipliers like helicopters or armoured ca rs allow one unit to do the work of three or four forces moving on foot. The problem is that donors have been holding us back from acquiring them. This type of war, where the rebels target civilians, needs either very many soldiers or these force multipliers, Museveni said. Ends Published on: Tuesday, 24th June, 2003 Email this article to a friend. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Rebels attack Soroti town
Rebels attack Soroti townBy Monitor team June 25, 2003 Rebels of the Lord's Resistance Army yesterday morning launched a three-pronged attack on Soroti town. At least four people were confirmed dead in the attack that started just after 1 a.m. Two UPDF soldiers reportedly died in the fighting which lasted about 45 minutes. The Director General of the External Security Organisation, Mr David Pulkol, said that a group of about 50 rebels attempted to attack Soroti town. "The attempt was foiled. We knew about it in advance and the commanders were alerted," Pulkol said on phone from Soroti. He said that Charles Tabuley led the group following orders from LRA commander, Vincent Otti.Pulkol was silent on the causalities but said that the rebels were confronted before getting to the civilians they wanted to abduct. Appearing on a local radio together with one Capt. Agaba, the Soroti RDC, Edward Masiga said the fact that the attack was foiled means that there is no need to panic. The rebels first attacked Nakatunya, half a kilometre outside Soroti town, using mostly small arms. About ten minutes after, shots rang out in the general direction of Soroti Flying School where the army has set up its tactical base. Then sustained gunfire was heard south of the town around the Agip suburb and the Kichinjaj area down the Soroti-Mbale road. Three of the four civilians who died fell on the Soroti-Moroto highway and the other died at Arapai trading centre along the Soroti-Lira highway.RDC warns on rumours RDC Masiga and Capt. Agaba warned people who are spreading rumours of impeding attacks in order to loot the property of those who would have fled. Such rumour-millers, Mr Masiga warned, would be treated like the terrorists (rebels). Masiga, who chairs the district security committee, said that the rebels would be defeated."Very soon we shall have a major engagement with them [the rebels]," Masiga said. "We have filled all the places where they have been eluding us." Masiga then added: "I only hope they shall stand and fight and not run like they have been doing."Masiga advised people to stay indoors after midnight. "I am not imposing a curfew," he said. "But give our forces time to operate. Stay indoors and do not come our early again. You might be caught in the crossfire." 40 abducted in Gulu In other attacks elsewhere, at least 40 people were abducted from within six kilometres of Gulu town on Sunday and yesterday. Local people said that the rebels took 23 people from Kilombe parish in Layibi division, one kilometre south of Gulu town. A mentally sick woman was shot dead as the rebels fled, upon being pursued by the army. Another 19 people were on Monday night abducted from around Unyama camp for displaced people, five kilometres east of Gulu town. UPDF's 4th Division spokesman Lt. Paddy Ankunda confirmed the two attacks but said that he had no details. He only said that an unspecified number of people were abducted from the villages around Unyama valley on Monday.Joint report By Henry Ochieng, Sylvester Onyang, Patrick Elobu Angonu Richard M. Kavuma © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: WHAT UGANDA NEEDS TO DEVELOP A TRUE DEMOCRACY
WHAT UGANDA NEEDS TO DEVELOP A TRUE DEMOCRACY A SUCCESS? It is imperative for democracy to prevent exploitation of vulnerable groups For the past 15 years Uganda has been experimenting with democracy and, as can be expected, there have been some mistakes here and there UGANDAâs walk towards an ideal democracy has been long and difficult. Hon. Eriya Kategaya looks back at how the NRM lay down important goals and offers insight into the things that Uganda as a nation will need to reach such a lofty heights. DEMOCRACY was one of the original points in the Ten Point Programme of NRM. When we were still in the bush, we introduced the practice of people electing and removing their leaders in the areas under our control. The RC system was born out of necessity and imperatives of the struggle. On taking over government in January, 1986 the system was expanded to cover the whole country. This system has been entrenched in our political culture whether one likes it or not. The entrenchment of the RC system has been a huge exercise in democratising the people and the country. At every function in the village, the LC chairperson has to ceremoniously authorise that function to take place in his/her village. This is an important ceremony as far as statecraft is concerned. In areas where leadership has adhered to the principles of quality cadres, regardless of oneâs political or religious background, some quality leadership has emerged during the exercise of electing LCs. I am confident that it is now entrenched in our political culture that leaders at all levelsâ from the grass-roots to the topâ must be elected. The issue has been settled in the minds of our people. The question that may be raised is whether the elections are free and fair. There are some reports that in the last Parliamentary elections, there was rigging. There is also evidence that elections have been highly monetised. Those who do not have enough money stand very slim chances of being elected! I know of some cases where candidates had to sell their property in order to raise sufficient funds to âbribeâ voters by buying soap, meat and even booze. This âbribingâ of voters is a serious challenge to democracy because the voters are not exercising their unduly influenced will. However, an impression should not be given that the situation in voting is unmitigated disaster. There have been many election petitions in courts of law and the verdicts of the courts have been respected. His Excellency the President had his last election contested in Court by one of his opponents, Dr. Besigye. This was healthy in terms of building a culture of the rule of law, which is one of the necessary pillars for democracy to thrive and be entrenched. The country has moved from the situation of no elections at all or rigged elections to where there is election fatigue! The arrangement, as we have now, where people go into elections for almost four or six months continuously must create fatigue. We start with presidential elections, then parliamentary elections and finally LC elections for LC 1 to LC5 chairpersons and councillors. There is need to revisit these long, expensive and tedious elections. They are expensive to the candidates and the country. The presidential and parliamentary elections could be held at the same time by using different ballot papers and ballot boxes. The argument that most of our voters are illiterate and therefore will be confused is not born out of evidence from Tanzania and Mozambique. The elections for the president and parliament in these two countries are held on the same day and the literacy rate of their population is not higher than in this country, at least in the case of Mozambique. Of course democracy does not mean voting only. There are other aspects of democracy, for example the rule of law; a decent standard of living; freedom from want of basic necessities of life like adequate food, clean water, decent shelter, and provision of health services to the population as well as security of persons and their properties. There are also freedoms which must be guaranteed under democracy, like freedom of worship, provided this freedom does not cause insecurity and intolerance. Freedom of _expression_ and other freedoms are mentioned in chapter four of our 1995 constitution. The first challenge is this: Do we look at ourselves as one people and one nation? Forgive me for the _expression_ because it was a cliché at one time. However, what I mean is this: Do we feel as Ugandans that any infringement of human rights on any person in Uganda is our collective concern? When Amin started killing our people from Acholi and Lango, many people in other parts of the country were not concerned. Amin became a national enemy when he spread his brutality throughout the country! We need to build national concern for all our people wherever they may be coming from.
ugnet_: Fwd: Fw: [FedsNet] Mercenaries
From: Anne Mugisha To: THEREFORMAGENDA Cc: UNAANET ; FedsNet Sent: Monday, June 30, 2003 8:21 PM Subject: [FedsNet] Mercenaries This is a MUST read for all those interested in understanding questions like: Which international mafia runs Uganda? What are our real interests in the Congo? What is the relationship between Heritage Oil, Branch Energy, Executive Outcomes, Sandline, Saracen, IBIS Air and the Ugandan Mafia? Why is M7 opposed to using mercenaries against Kony? (Answer: He already tried and they failed to do the job) Who fought alongside who in the DRC; then and now? For those of you who still harbor illusions that M7 has told the 'truth' and is going to open political space, then step aside peacefully, this may help to wake you up. For those like me who are sold on the fact that Museveni must be shot out of power or else he is here to stay, here is further evidence that we are right. For guys like Muniini who need an authority before they can break a story which is staring everyone in the face, this may be your legitimate means of talking about a taboo subject: Simply do a book review. For those who are determined to support 'No change', its time you raised the stakes and demanded a piece of the action. Yes, if you are to support these modern day kleptocrats, you must demand a share of the loot. The voters in Uganda call it 'soda'. The Book is appropriately called: MERCENARIES: An African Security Dilemma, Edited by Abdel-Fatau Musa and J. Kayode - Fayem. The ISBN is 0-7453-1471-6 Good reading. Anne Mugisha Yahoo! Groups Sponsor To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: City idlers arrested ahead of Bush visit
City idlers arrested ahead of Bush visitBy Frank Nyakairu July 1, 2003 It will be tough idling on Kampala streets, at least until US President George W. Bush comes and goes. That was the case yesterday when several sex workers, idlers, street beggars and children were arrested. Police spent most of the day rounding up every idler and street child they came across. Bush visits Africa from July 7-12, and Entebbe is one of his stopovers. It is an operation to crack down on pick-pockets, criminals and children who have crowded the streets these days, said the Kampala Extra Regional Police Commander Oyo Nyeko. The new victims of such swoops are the numerous mothers always lying or seated on streets using their children to beg from passers-by. You must have noticed very many mothers are nowadays begging on the streets. We have rounded them up too, Nyeko said. The District Police Commander of the Central Police Station, Mr Francis Okello, told The Monitor that 15 street children and 20 adults had been arrested. But the operation is more successful in the evenings. We shall round up all the sex workers and gangsters, he said. Asked if the operation is in connection with the forthcoming visit of the American President, RPC Nyeko was quick to deny. Not really. We are supposed to be secure. It is not only when other big people are visiting our country, he said. A similar operation was, however, carried out ahead of former US President Bill Clintons visit in 1998. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X STOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Political parties do not deserve extra dime
Political parties do not deserve extra dimeBy Karoli SsemogerereJuly 1 , 2003 Economic liberty is a point that few of us ever grasp in our working lifetimes. It is an important element of political liberty, both often at risk from structures, institutions that believe they can make key decisions in our lives on our behalf. It was a very tempting argument to read in last weeks East African newspaper that political parties were requesting for state funding for their activities. For starters, two wrongs dont make a right. The Movements political machine has largely been assembled through a combination of deception, manipulation, tax evasion, if one remembers Danze, the endless trail of privatization scandals, capped with a nice annual stipend of Shs 3 billion for their administrative headquarters. Promoters of their new organization, including Haji Moses Kigongo and Mr Richard Bakojja are public servants. Other promoters like Mr Bidandi Ssali to this day have not explained their receipt on a joint cheque with former Electoral Commission Chairman, Aziz Kasujja of Shs 1 billion drawn on the account of a personal secretary to the President, Ms Olive Amelia Kyambadde. For nearly two decades, the Movements propaganda has been part and parcel of the schools, syllabus, encoded in the Political Education syllabus, the moral syllabus incorporated in the very tacit fusion of Church and State, the physical education regimen, embodied in nuns and friars running about with wooden sticks at Chaka mchaka (military/political education) courses etc. As a legal organ akin to the former communist parties, the Movement believes that its right to exist is the only one requiring protection of the laws of Uganda. The feat of obtaining one million signatures to register the Movement political organisation happened without any police officer disbanding a meeting of the promoters of this new political party. Who would dare do so anyway given the obvious chain of command implications? The two star general, who heads the police, obviously would have to answer to the three star generals enlisted as promoters of this political party. Suffice it to say, that the collection of three star generals do not seem to be doing much about morale in the army but are said to lavish upon themselves economic opportunity upon economic opportunity. Article 29(1)(e) of the Constitution, that provides for the inalienable freedom of association pronounced upon in Paulo Ssemogerere and others v Attorney General, Constitutional Petition No. 5 of 2002 has no implication on forced association by way of mandatory state appropriations of any group taking advantage of this provision and its enabling Article 73 of the Constitution. What political parties need to focus on is dismantling the vestiges of authoritarianism that keep them shackled and ineffective. The rest of the menu, internal reorganisation, political contests and manifestos will flow directly from that. It would be tragic for us to form or support new organisations that neither disagree with nor will support the dismantling of the huge colossus that has thrived by patronage, and being supported by one of the most oppressive tax regimes in the country. From a cabinet of 66 ministers, 24 directors and deputy directors at the Movement Secretariat, 56 Resident District Commissioners, scores of presidential advisors, assistants, mobilisers, social, and club secretaries, clearly, we are a nation living beyond our means. When one adds the circus of 309 MPs each representing a few square feet, and a family to feed, the situation borders on the extreme. No one can clearly explain whether representation of Kyaddondo, hitherto a single electoral area has improved with the splitting of the county into three seats. The common denominator of struggling overtaxed households, unemployment, collapsing infrastructure is repeated in most counties, and does not require a few more wards of the state. In fact the presumption that receiving state funding will level the political field as eager registrants under the Political Parties Organizations law is far-fetched. The political parties will not have a Danze or Heritage International to tap into. Neither do they have access to sweetheart deals like the Shs 16 billion capitalisation of ENHAS, five days prior to its sale for $3.5 million dollars. They may simply turn into propaganda pieces for the Movement. The examples both at home and abroad are numerous. In Kenya, the political liberation of that country was delayed by one hell of a scandal, Goldenberg, where a former icon of the political struggle to free Kenya, Mr Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, and his key deputies, Mr Paul Muite, and others were enveloped in the export compensation scandal. In Uganda, Haji Nasser Sebaggalas historical run for Mayor of Kampala was accomplished on the back of adulterated commercial paper. Former Democratic Party and Uganda Freedom Movement Secretary General Francis Bwengyes
ugnet_: I have a right to trade with govt
I have a right to trade with govtBy Richard M. KavumaJuly 2, 2003 Lira Municipality Member of Parliament Cecilia Ogwal, a member of Uganda Peoples Congress, was once known as Ugandas Iron Lady. Lately, however, she has not been given to saying much in public. Richard M. Kavuma asked Ms Ogwal about the silence, and about her partys strategy as Uganda moves toward multiparty politics and more: - Ms Ogwal: The UPC does not need to register in order to exist (Photo by Bruno Birakwate). What is behind the silence? The Movement has been portraying itself as a system, knowing very well that it was deceiving the people of Uganda and the donor community. It was operating as a political party to the exclusion of other parties. I think what the parties have done is very good; to give Ugandans a chance to see the Movement for what it is. Because whatever we have said, people have not taken us seriously. That is why I have deliberately kept quiet over the last one year. So when is the UPC going to register? Registering the party is not a big deal for us. The issue is how we can shape the political landscape for the good of all Uganans, not registration of parties. But the law requires you to register in order, for instance, to hold a political rally. You see we dont need to register for UPC to exist. There are Members of Parliament who can stand up and say I m a member of UPC. Did they have to wait for the party to be registered to be elected? I want to make this clear; registration of UPC is not an issue. On the issue of your partys leadership, how long is Dr Milton Obote going to run UPC from exile? I think those who keep saying that parties are disorganised or that they are undemocratic have not followed political developments in this country. You know that right from 1986, when the Movement came to power, political parties have been banned. Now, how did you expect us to organise our leadership right from the grassroots up to the national level when political parties are banned? But is Dr Obote willing to relinquish leadership? Dr Obote is a democrat. He claims he is a democrat and I think he is a democrat. He was elected to be the party president in 1980. He never imposed himself as Museveni has imposed himself on the Movement. I dont remember a time when Museveni was elected as a leader of the Movement contesting against other people. Nobody can blame Dr Obote for continuing to run the party from exile. Actually it is the Movement, through its oppression, which has assisted Obote to remain at the leadership of UPC. You are talking of competing for power, what would UPC offer this country? I think the whole country knows us by our pragmatism. The country knows UPCs ability to deliver as a party. Looking at the country, torn apart after 20 years, UPC has a big challenge to unite the country in its diversity of political beliefs and ideologies. We have a challenge to work out policies that will be pro-people, a policy that takes care of the poor; a policy that has a human face. Not a policy that only looks at the World Bank and doesnt care whether the World Bank is wrong. UPC abolished federo but you now say you support Bugandas demand for it. Are you trying to bait the Baganda? I think what one can say is that politics is very dynamic. What was prevalent in 1960s is not prevalent today. I know that there were reasons that led to the abolition of the monarchy but that did not abolish federalism. We have agreed that mistakes do happen and probably mistakes did happen the 1960s. The way forward is to come up with a compromise that would take care of all interests. Looking at the 1962 Constitution, there were a lot of favours from the central government to Buganda. What we came up with in the Constituent Assembly was a model that would acceptable to all. Federalism in itself as a political system is not only good for those who promote monarchism but good for all. Not just decentralisation? Federalism devolves power to the district to the region, and entrenches that power. It is not like decentralisation, which leaves that devolution shaky where it can be tampered with by the central government. So I support the federal approach to decentralisation. We proposed that if we create federal regions in Uganda, they should enjoy equal treatment from the centre. We promoted that nationalistic model of federalism and in fact it was the Baganda themselves the representative of Buganda in the CA who rejected it. In fact I was very distressed at the manner in which the Movement manipulated the Baganda members into the CA to shoot down that arrangement. Why would the Movement not want federo in Buganda? You know very well that dictatorships hate power centres because they fear any kind of opposition. One of these power centres is the political parties and the first thing the Movement did was to ban parties. Any dictatorship would fear Buganda because of its big population, its being the centre of
ugnet_: The butcher of the north goes back to the North!
Waterloo or springboard?By Badru D. MulumbaJuly 2, 2003 The real Lt. General David Tinyefuza will announce his arrival; he will not sneak in, says a journalist who covered Tinyefuza during Operation North. He will be anxious to show that he is in charge. That is Gen. Tinyefuza. TAKE NO PRISONERS: Gen Tinyefuza has a new assignment (File photo). It could be the defining moment both of his military and political careers. If he succeeds, David Tinyefuza would prove to the Doubting Thomases what many analysts have always said; that if any one could stop Joseph Kony, it was always him. But if he fails, Gen. Tinyefuza could see the stature he built up during Operation Desert Storm go up in smoke. Last weeks appointment of Gen. Tinyefuza as co-ordinator Operation Iron First also offers him the opportunity to show that stories of his ruthlessness are possibly unfounded. And, in Tinyefuza, Museveni may just have a chance to step down knowing that the more than a decade-and-a-half-old rebellion is over. Ending that war, despite countless ultimatums, ranks among Musevenis biggest failures. Now, once again, the political careers of two men whose rivalry is said to be legendary seem to be too closely inter-linked. The period was the bush war 1981-85. It is said that one day the National Resistance Army rebel group led by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni had just passed an order: no soldier would be allowed to have a woman in the camp. It was meant to shore up the discipline of the forces. The exception, says a bush war veteran who joined the rebellion in 1982, was the commander in chief. Why Museveni? he recalls Tinyefuza querying. Such was the rivalry between Museveni and Tinyefuza that at one time, around 1984, there was that inexpressible feeling in the camp that the maverick, though considered dangerous and divisive, Tinyefuza would be left in the bush. Dead. Like a leopard, Tinyefuza does not seem to have changed his spots. Then came his acrimonious attempt to quit the army back in 1997. Back then, many thought the general was preparing himself for a possible bid for State House perhaps in 2001. Today, however, he has been seen as withdrawn and a bit of a Museveni loyalist but nobody is ever certain of the general has up his sleeve. Sometimes he has accused Museveni while appearing before parliament in 1997 of incompetence in co-ordinating the war against the Lords Resistance Army. Sometimes he has worked with him like when he commanded Operation Desert Storm in 1991. And sometimes he has campaigned for Museveni like in 2001. It is said that after the 1991/2 operation, Tinyefuza usually boasted that he had cut the strength of the Lords Resistance Army to just under 10 percent of its strength before the operation. Specifically, he reportedly said that about 300 rebels were remaining. These rebels, according to a journalist at the scene at the time, were thought to have fled into the Sudan as Tinyefuzas operation intensified. It is believed that no other person to command the war in northern Uganda can say the same for themselves. We remember that in 1996 when there was an inquiry, says Reagan Okumu (Aswa MP) Tinyefuza said that the government must end the military operations within three months. If it cant, it should abandon it and talk to Kony. If the government cant, [Museveni] should pack his bags and leave. Okumu adds, We hope he still remembers that. It is a public secret that Museveni never took kindly to Tinyefuzas testimony to Parliament. In the aftermath, there were accusations that Tinyefuza had used the wrong forum and speculation that he faced demotion. This never came to pass. Months later, he was appointed a presidential advisor but the writing was still on the wall. ***Is Museveni now calling Tinyefuzas bluff? Is he looking at him as the best option to end this war? Or is he setting Tinyefuza up for a final fall? The real President Museveni is not known to take kindly to former colleagues publicly accusing him of incompetence, as Tinyefuza himself would testify. I see it two ways. One: there is desperation and the president needs someone who can make a difference. You remember the Congo success story, says Okumu. Last March, Museveni appointed Tinyefuza co-ordinator of the UPDF in Congo when the UPDF went to war against the Congolese UPC rebels. But the person on the ground was Chief Political Commissar Brigadier Kale Kayihura with Tinyefuza working largely out of Kampala. But the Kony war is not the Congo war. It is run on longer. And, it has led to a whole generation of Acholi grow up knowing no other life than one of conflict. There is also the belief some of them harbour that government wants to decimate them. It is in the psyche of the people in the north right from the leaders. Well, politically, Museveni wants his third term. And, he wants to isolate and depopulate the areas that are anti third term, says Omara Atubo (Otuke MP). [The war] is just politics.
ugnet_: It is good Kony has reached Teso
July 2, 2003 It is good Kony has reached Teso At the risk of being labeled a rebel apologist, I wish to assert how happy I am that the Kony war has now reached Teso. Let me set the record straight. I am not happy that the people of Teso are being displaced, killed or maimed, or because the regime is now threatened. It is rather because the escalation of the war has changed the attitude of the people towards the war. In 1996, the people of the north complained that the Museveni establishment rigged elections and beat up people to vote for them. It took Maj. Kakooza-Mutales activities in western Uganda for people to accept that this regime is brutal. Mr James Garuga Musinguzi, who stood against Minister of Defence Amama Mbabazi in Kinkizi, can testify to that. Some political commentators in Kampala were saying that after all, Kony is killing his own people. Minister of State for Health Mike Mukula even took the argument further by saying that fish only survives in water. Has the water flooded in Teso? I think he and many other people have had a change in attitude towards the Kony war now. The people of Gulu were right. Kony is a national problem, not an Acholi one. And he is not just a bandit. I urge the Mukulas of this world to support constructive peace talks to end this rebellion because no serious attempt toward peace talks has ever been made. To the people of Teso, I share your grief and ask you to join the Acholi to force the government to engage in a constructive peace effort as the only way of ending this murderous rebellion. Nicholas Opiyo[EMAIL PROTECTED] © 2003 The Monitor Publications Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
ugnet_: MP Flees Rally Over Rebel Threat
MP Flees Rally Over Rebel Threat ABANDONED RALLY: orech By Nathan Etengu Kalaki County MP David Martin Orech on Tuesday abandoned a public rally in his constituency after hearing rumours that LRA rebels were barely two kilometres away. Orech, accompanied by about 20 UPDF soldiers, was addressing a security mobilisation meeting at Anyara trading centre when civilians fleeing from Orungo sub-county, Katakwi district, reported that about 30 LRA rebels were at Olwa village. I also received unconfirmed reports from the fleeing civilians that the rebels had killed three people at Arubela village, Orech said. Orech said he was advised by the soldiers who escorted him to the rally, to immediately leave the place and report back to the UPDF 3rd division tactical headquarters in Soroti. I reported back to the Brigade Commander, UPDF 307, Lt. Col. Chris Kazoora who promised to deploy troops to Anyara and Otuboi, Orech said. He said the UPDF also promised arm the former UPA rebels and UPDF veterans to beef up the hunt for the LRA rebels who infiltrated Teso region about two weeks ago. He said LRA rebels had on Saturday night abducted seven people from Omid village bordering Amugu sub-county in Lira district. Ends Published on: Thursday, 3rd July, 2003 Email this article to a friend. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online
ugnet_: Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh, silence the guns first_Oloya
Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh, silence the guns first PROPOSED FOOD FOR PEACE: Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh Dear General Salim Saleh; You do deserve a good grade for continuing the effort to find solution to the bloody conflict in northern Uganda. At a time when most people have simply walked away or turned their attention to more interesting issues, you have continued to plough forward to resolving the conflict has consumed the north for the better part of a decade and half. That said your proposal to end the war in northern Uganda through a unique food-for-peace program is a non-starter. Looked at closely, the idea is so full of holes it is akin to suggesting that the raffia basket be used for fetching water from the well. Even assuming that government can guarantee security for the project to prosper (something it has failed or been unable to do), there are many unanswered questions. For instance, how would the growing of food by displaced persons garner peace for the region? In the mean time, what happens to the LRA and Joseph Kony; will they too beat their swords into ploughshare? The problem with the food-for-peace program is that it makes very broad assumptions based on false premises. For example, it assumes that poverty alleviation will bring peace let people become richer and peace will follow as surely as the sun rises from the east. However, the reality is that people are poor because of the continuing insecurity, and that given peace, will prosper very quickly. In fact, if the conflict could be resolved this morning, the camps would be emptied by noon today as displaced citizens flock back home. Many have witnessed disproportionate suffering in the camps, and no promise of economic prosperity could make them stay for even one night longer in those god-forsaken camps. Moreover, the food-for-peace program also assumes that this conflict will fester for another five to ten years, roughly the time it takes for any food program to bear fruits (no pun intended). As such, the idea is defeatist, namely by accepting that no solution exists outside of a military one. One could almost hear the army commanders say to each other: Since we are incapable of finishing the LRA with bullets, lets finish them off by growing cabbages and onions. In other words, there is too much emphasis placed on finishing off the LRA one way or the other, and not enough invested in actually talking to them. Interestingly, people were shoved into the so-called protected villages precisely because the government wanted to finish off the LRA. Yes, we know that the LRA is evil and, under different circumstances, should face the full weight of the law for atrocities committed against innocent civilians. However, if you are really keen to rescue the people of northern Uganda from the quagmire, and one does not doubt your sincerity, the first move is to get the government to silence its guns. This was the step that the British government took to broker a permanent ceasefire with the Irish Republican Army after three decades of bloody fighting. Similarly, in spite of deadly attacks by radical Palestinian groups, the Al Aqsa Brigade, Jihad, Fatah and Hamas, the Israeli government is beginning to extend the olive branch. In both cases, the British and Israeli accepted the fact that it was irresponsible to continue fighting the enemy with guns and bullets while civilian casualties mounted. When will the Uganda government come to similar awakening? Secondly, as someone who is stationed on the ground, you are aware that Acholi elders, religious leaders and ordinary citizens are keen to invite a third party, say the United Nations, to broker a peace talk. The reason being that the current peace effort is DOA simply because it does not inspire confidence in the LRA ranks to give up armed struggle. Yes, government forces continue to claim victory in the battlefield, but what good is your victory when the belly of the child under your protection is slit wide open? Moreover, is the government any cleaner than the LRA when it stubbornly refuses to acknowledge t hat this conflict has gone on far enough and cannot be resolved by force? How long should the citizens of northern Uganda have to wait while government puts more money into training and arming the army to effectively neutralise the LRA? What, in the opinion of government leaders, is the acceptable number of civilian dead and casualties before it can look for alternatives? Finally, you can move things faster by suggesting to government to return to the 1994 style of peacemaking. Given a genuine hand in 1994 by Betty Bigombe (who travelled many times alone to meet the LRA in the bush without a security escort), the LRA was ready to disengage and return home. Think for a moment, if you were on the other side listening to current government pronouncements, would you willingly stick your neck out of the bush to see whether you are greeted with an olive branch or the barrel of an AK-47?
ugnet_: Wanted: Ugandan Heroes
No-Holds-Barred By Peter G. Mwesige Wanted: Ugandan HeroesJuly 3, 2003 Mr Gaetano Kaggwa, Ugandas representative in the Big Brother Africa House in South Africa, who quickly shot to fame when he joined the other African contestants in the $100,000 competition, is no longer just a star. He is a Ugandan hero. Ask the women who watch the live show, and the men too. Gaetano is the man; he is the talk of town. For the uninitiated, Big Brother Africa is a reality TV show that started in May. Twelve contestants from different African countries have been put in a closed off house where everything they do, from showering to snoring, is captured live on air. One contestant is evicted after voting by viewers in the participating countries every week. The last person in the house will walk off with $100,000. In one week alone, our major newspapers had 10 front page headlines about Gaetanos exploits, not to mention the stories in the inside pages. Ugandan Has Sex in Big Brother (Sunday Vision); Ugandas Gaetano Wins Trip to Big Brother in London (The New Vision); Gae in UK Big Brother House (The Monitor); UK Papers Dare Gae Over Sex (The New Vision); British Papers Praise Bed-Hot Gaetano (The Monitor); Gaetano Returns to S. Africa(The Monitor); Gaetano, Abby in Passionate Night (Sunday Monitor); Gaetano, Abby Do It Again (Sunday Vision); 25 Million Hooked to Gaetano On TV (The Monitor); Gae Drops Abby (The New Vision). For the week that he was in the UK, the British tabloids also carried screaming headlines about Gaetano. Of course part of the attraction of Gaetanos story is sex. To use a cliché, sex sells, and Gaetano has given The New Vision and The Monitor an opportunity to tap into the Red Peppers niche. And the FM stations are having a field day with jokes on the passionate goings-on in the BBA house. But even before sex came into the picture, one could not fail to detect the patriotism that most viewers took to the show. Nigerians will send messages saying, Bayo, you are doing us proud; we are all behind you, while the Ugandans will send messages cheering on their own. Oh why, local newspapers are full of MTN sponsored ads appealing to us to support Uganda (Gaetano), and vote to evict other housemates. My sense of the zeal that Ugandans are showing for Gaetanos quest to come back with the big bucks is that besides the welcome distraction that the show offers, we are a country badly in need of heroes and heroines. Now, I am not oblivious to our unsung heroes and heroines: the foot soldiers who put their lives on the line in defence of our country; the policemen (minus the corrupt ones of course) who keep law and order; the teachers who educate the nations future leaders; the health workers who give their all. Most of these people do their jobs in spite of the meagre rewards they get for it. But because many of them never get the opportunity to make headline news, we can easily forget about their contribution. Unfortunately, the people who make the headline news have been, for the most part, a big let down. In sports, we have the occasional victories by athelete Dorcas Inzikuru, or the Kobs. But the crowd pulling Cranes, the national soccer team, have brought only tears. So have the politicians. There was a time when President Yoweri Museveni was the promise of the future. He stood out as a mountain in the region, many saying that only South African hero Nelson Mandela stood higher. There was a time when Ugandans who travelled abroad listened proudly as their hosts talked about Mr Museveni as Ugandas gift and saviour. In neighbouring Kenya, university students would cut classes to attend public speeches by the Ugandan president. The last time he was in Kenya to witness the inauguration of President Mwai Kibaki, he was almost booed off the platform. Musevenis inspirational speeches are now history. He rarely says anything new, and often looks bored with what he is saying (the last time I made such observations, my column was banned!). Museveni has joined the list of other African leaders who want to rule for life, and has become increasingly intolerant of dissent. Some will say he was always like that, but at least he had managed to cover up his thirst for power and contempt for opposition. Now the dragon has been unleashed. Many of those leading the opposition against Museveni also appear to fall short of hero status. Yes, they have been stifled by the state, but they could still do more to inspire us. Now, what inspiration do we get from reading that MP Ken Lukyamuzi, a Museveni critic, took off from a public rally he had organised in Nateete when he cited Police in the vicinity? And to imagine that the Police were chasing an errant driver! Thing is, we need heroes and heroines in the political field. We need somebody who can show real leadership and end the insurgency in northern Uganda, now spreading to the east. We need a leader who can stand up to and
ugnet_: Emulate Mandela, protest Bush visit
Emulate Mandela, protest Bush visit EditorialJuly 3, 2003 The legendary South African elder statesman, Nelson Mandela, will not be in his country when US president George Bush visits on Tuesday next week. Mr Mandelas absence is already being interpreted as a deliberate action seeing that there is no other diplomatic way in which he could have avoided meeting Bush. Bush, as many people should be aware, is not highly thought of by Mandela. The US leader has borne the brunt of uncomplimentary reference from the revered South African, who once accused him of not being able to think properly. The two men have disagreed on Americas highly criticised invasion of Iraq. In fact Mandela can be described as a firm critic of the American-led enterprise in Iraq. Mandelas decision to be out of town when Bush comes knocking should be instructive to Uganda where many of our people were against the Iraq adventure. We were against that adventure because of its illegality and because of the fact that crimes against humanity were committed there by coalition forces. Even today, the US forces continue to be involved in the killing of civilians as they purportedly search for the elusive weapons of mass destruction. Only President Yoweri Museveni and a few others wrongly joined the pathetic coalition of the willing in backing the US war. When Bush arrives here next week we should emulate Mandela and give him the cold shoulder. This is a man who ignored world opinion, unilaterally disregarded the counsel of the United Nations and enthusiastically backed the US forces as they bombed Iraq, killing some women and children in the process. Bush should be given the same treatment accorded to Burkina Faso President Blaise Campaore when he visited a few years ago. Mr Campaore is held responsible for the murder of the man he overthrew as president, Mr Thomas Sankara, so when he came here we let him know that there is no place for him. Museveni has recently been schmoozing with the Americans, even going as far as signing that nefarious Article 98 agreement, which gives US soldiers immunity against trial for war crimes and others crimes against humanity.Our disapproval of Bushs foreign policy must be unequivocal. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Orombi Succeeds Nkoyooyo
Orombi Succeeds Nkoyooyo CHOSEN TO SERVE: Archbishop-elect Henry Orombi of Nebbi Diocese Felix Osike BISHOP Henry Orombi, 54, of Nebbi Diocese, was yesterday unanimously elected the head of the Anglican Church in Uganda to replace Archbishop Livingstone Mpalanyi Nkoyooyo. Nkoyooyo told The New Vision that the 32-member Church of Uganda House of Bishops elected Orombi after two days of fasting and praying for spiritual guidance at Namirembe Cathedral, the provincial seat of the Church of Uganda. The House of Bishops sat today (Friday) and elected my successor, who will take over in January next year, said Nkoyooyo, adding that his 10-year term expires on January 25, 2004. Nkoyooyo, formerly bishop of Mukono Diocese, was elected archbishop in 1994. The House of Bishops also elected Rev. Dr. Canon Edward Muhima as the bishop of North Kigezi, Rukungiri. Muhima was formerly team leader of the African Evangelical Enterprises. Rev. John Muhanguzi was also elected new Bishop of North Ankole Diocese in Mbarara district. The House of Bishops also approved the retirement of Bishops Zebidayo Masereka of South Rwenzori Diocese and that of John Kahigwa of North Kigezi. I think we made the most appropriate choice, said Bishop Paul Luzinde of Mukono. Orombi is a renowned evangelist, orator and fiery preacher. Nkoyooyo declined to name the three other bishops who vied for the top job. He said the matter was closed after Orombi garnered the required two-thirds majority vote. Rev. Canon Jackson Turyagyenda, the COU communications officer, said Orombi was a good mobiliser. With his good education, I believe he will lead the Church to a prestigious position, said Turyagyenda. Orombi holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in Theology from London. Nkoyooyo thanked Christians for their support in the execution of his pastoral work and urged them to extend the same to Orombi. The bishops also considered and approved the construction of the Church House by Roko. Ends Published on: Saturday, 5th July, 2003 _ MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE* http://join.msn.com/?page=features/virus
ugnet_: Bush visit: Is it for real or its tourism?
No-Holds-Barred By Peter G. Mwesige Bush visit: Is it for real or its tourism?July 10, 2003 BLOOMINGTON, INDIANAIts hot and humid out here. Very hot and humid! Dubya could not have chosen a better time to get out and enjoy some nice tropical weather. Since I got back here last week, all the headlines have been on President George W. Bushs visit to Africa. Any American president visiting Africa is understandably big news, but Bush visiting the continent is even bigger news. You will recall that this is the man who said in his 2000 presidential campaign that while Africa may be important, it does not fit into the national strategic interests, as far as I can see them. And of course back then he did not even know that Africa was a whole continent. He once called it a country! Recall also that this is a conservative president who won only one out of every 10 black votes in the controversial 2000 election, and has put his foot down to limit social welfare spending in the United States. So what has changed to bring Africa onto this Republican presidents agenda? Here is what the newspapers here are saying. His trip comes at a time when Africa is looming larger in calculations of American interests, the influential New York Times wrote on July 6. In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, the United States is eager to keep poor nations with shaky governments from becoming breeding grounds and safe harbours for terrorists. It sees Africa as the worlds last largely untapped market. It holds out hope that Africas substantial oil reserves could play a larger role in fueling the American economy and perhaps serving as a counterweight to the influence of OPEC. The paper also quoted administration officials as saying the president was determined to show another face of his foreign policy at a time when Mr Bush is widely viewed, at home and abroad, as focused primarily on projecting American power and defending its interests by military means. The mass circulating USA Today also cited the September 11 terrorist attacks as the primary reason for Bushs change of approach to Africa, but added that both Democratic and Republican strategists believe support for Africa and anti-poverty programmes in general is good politics. According to the Boston Globe, the Bush tour is designed to show another side to his administrations foreign policy: that of a caring America ready to help the neediest continent, while the Atlanta Journal-Constitution said the trip is partly aimed at softening [Bushs] warrior image at home and abroad. So, should Africans dance and jump for joy? According to the American newspapers, there is still significant skepticism both here and in Africa about the depth of Bushs commitment to the continent. Is this for real or is this tourism? USA Today quoted Chester Crocker, a former assistant secretary of state for African Affairs, as saying. According to the New York Times, There is concern among some Africa hands that Bushs interest will wane after he makes the point to the world that he is more than the unilateralist gunslinger he is often, fairly or unfairly, made out to be. With presidential politics increasingly coming to the fore at the White House, there is also grumbling among advocacy groups that the trip is little more than a way for Bush to flesh out his compassionate conservative platform for his re-election race. For its part, the Baltimore Sun said, Many Africa specialists remain cynical about Bushs trip, dismissing it as a week of photo opportunities to publicise the administrations compassion and generosity on issues such as AIDS and economic development after a year marked by displays of American military might in Iraq. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution for its part quoted, among others, Salih Booker, executive director of the Washington think tank, Africa Action, who took shots at the Bush administration for not taking Africa on its own terms. He called the Bush Africa policy, incomplete, and inadequate. But the newspapers have also quoted others who are hailing Bushs visit, particularly for bringing the policy discussion of the AIDS epidemic into the multi-billion dollar range that experts say is needed to counter a plague that has decimated sub-Saharan and the rest of the developing world, killing an estimated 20 million people worldwide. He is rapidly moving his agenda out of Washington, DC, to where the problem is, the San Francisco Chronicle quoted Dr Eric Goosby, the president of the Pangaea Global AIDS Foundation. The Africa trip is a very visible gesture to show the importance the administration is placing on this problem. For the Ugandan opposition, and those who care for the complete picture (read truth), it should be disheartening that the American media have painted Uganda as a success story in Africa (at least as far as combating the spread of AIDS is concerned), and they have remained largely silent about
ugnet_: Rich boy hears about Gulus street people
Hello Mr President By David Ouma Balikowa Rich boy hears about Gulus street peopleJuly 11, 2003 Three teenage boys, unknown to each other, had a rare encounter at a food restaurant in Kampala. They were accompanying some adults who sat at another table and left the young boys to chat freely. The first boy identified himself as Mr Twine. He informed his friends that he lives in plush Kololo and goes to one of those posh schools in Kampala. His father combines politics, business and government work. As a matter of fact, he proudly announced that his father and mother are great supporters of President Yoweri Museveni. That they are quite wealthy and own a lot. His parents travel abroad a lot and bring them whatever they like. As Twine paused to take a bite at his food, one of the other two boys felt it was time for them to say something about themselves. They had listened in awe as Twine talked. The boy seated facing Twine began with a stammer:I am Otto Bryan. I come from Gulu. I came to visit my uncle, the boy started. Twine: Gulu? Where Kony (LRA rebel leader) cuts off peoples lips. Ooooh. Our parents always turn off our TV set whenever there is news about Kony and his killings. It can destroy ones appetite! Like daddy always says, however many Acholi Kony kills, the important thing is that Museveni will always remain in power. He paused for another bite at his food. The third boy seized this opportunity to say something too. His name, he said, was Moses Kikomeko and lives in Natete, a Kampala suburb. Kikomeko: Sorry Otto. It must be hard living in Gulu. My uncle was a soldier in the army. He died while fighting the rebels in northern Uganda. His wife had to leave Kampala because she had no money and the children had dropped out of school. Otto: In Acholi people die every day. We run away from our village after many people had been killed. It was always confusing. The rebels always attacked soon after the soldiers had just passed. Sometimes the army would even be very near. There are many people sleeping in the streets in Gulu. It is better than life in the camps. The rebels always attack them. The children are always sick and dying. Very young girls get pregnant by the soldiers and the many idle men there. Twine: We also had relatives who were soldiers in the north who died in the war. Some of their relatives from Bushenyi and Ntungamo used to come to disturb my parents for money and jobs. They used to get them jobs in Uganda Revenue Authority and elsewhere. But it became too much. I do not like it when poor people from the village come to visit. Some of them smell and eat a lot. When they visit, they never want to go away. So my parents became tough and chased them away. I think they were simply being lazy. Why dont they start their own businesses and stop disturbing us. Kikomeko: We also have many poor relatives at our home. My daddy pays school fees for four orphans whose parents died of Aids. My mum comes from eastern Uganda and the relatives there are very poor. My parents sometimes feel like crying but they always say these are their people and must do their best to help them. We always share the little we have. They say whenever they plant maize in the villages; the prices go down at harvest time. So they keep on sending messages asking for money to pay school fees for their children. We sometimes have almost nothing to eat but our parents say blood is thicker than water and God wants us to help others. My father tells those who come for jobs that he is not well connected to help them. My father does not know very many people in good positions in government. Twine: My father knows very many big people. He deals with only big and rich people. He knows many people at State House, the revenue authority and elsewhere. Our relatives are big officers in the army. We had some neighbours who were daddys friends. One was called Mr Nugisha. They were rich. But they became very stupid and supported [Col. Kizza] Besigye (former presidential candidate). My daddy was angry with them and warned them that they would lose all the good connections and money. They ignored him but after Besigye run into exile, they could not pay taxes for their businesses. Their house was also auctioned and we hear they stay in a slum in Kampala. Their children now go to UPE (Universal Primary Schools) schools. My mother just said good riddance, let them follow Besigye in exile if they want. At this point Kikomeko felt like interjecting. So when Twine paused for a drink, he quickly cleared his mouth to say something. Kikomeko: My father was also a Besigye supporter. He is a member of the Democratic Party.Twine: No wonder you said he is poor and has no important connections. Kikomeko: He says he would rather stay poor but follow principled politics and stay away from corrupt people. He says we would rather stay poor than support Museveni for financial reward and get our relatives jobs. Some of them are well
ugnet_: Binaisa analysis is still wanting
Binaisa analysis is still wanting Former President Godfrey Binaisa was at it again last week with his analysis of the reasons behind the war in the north. Like an old gramaphone record stuck in a faulty groove, he regurgitated the earlier drivel that the Kony warriors were bent on war in order to wrest the rule/leadership of the army from southerners. Would the kind old sage please furnish us with his reasons as to why [Joseph] Konys predecessors fought and overthrew Dr Apollo Milton Obote who had given them leadership of the army by a huge margin? We surely deserve better from an ex-president, or else let him stick to teaching nursery rhymes to pre-school kids, in which he is apparently excelling. Lamin Tosheka, Njeru Township. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Mutale accused of luring students into military training
Mutale accused of luring students into military trainingSenior Presidential Advisor on Political Affairs Maj. Kakoza Mutale is being accused of luring disadvantaged students in the Northern troubled spot into paramilitary training. Addressing a news conference at Parliament on Thursday, MPs Okumu Regan and Odonga Otto said Major Mutale has so far ferried over 250 needy students to his Matembe Institute of Technology in Luweero where they are taken through military drills. The students, some of whom are escaping from the institute are promised scholarships before being transported from parts of Gulu, Kitgum and Pader using the yellow movement buses. Odonga Otto says one of the people who are mobilizing the students for this activity is Beatrice Lagada a director at the movement secretariat. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Truman diary blasts Jews-could he have been right?
Truman diary blasts Jews Truman is known as a great supporter of the Jewish causeFormer US President Harry Truman described Jews as "very, very selfish" newly-discovered diary notes that have surprised scholars. "They [the Jews] care not how many Estonians, Latvians, Finns, Poles, Yugoslavs or Greeks get murdered or mistreated as D[isplaced] P[ersons] as long as the Jews get special treatment," he wrote in 1947. "Yet when they have power, physical, financial or political, neither Hitler nor Stalin has anything on them for cruelty or mistreatment to the underdog. "Put an underdog on top and it makes no difference whether his name is Russian, Jewish, Negro, Management, Labor, Mormon, Baptist, he goes haywire. "I've found very, very few who remember their past condition when prosperity comes." Truman's remarks were found among 42 entries of a diary that had remained obscure in the Truman Library in Missouri for 38 years. The apparent anti-Semitic tones have startled scholars as Truman - US President from 1945 to 1953 - is credited with helping bring about the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, despite opposition from his own Department of State. "It did surprise me because of what I know about Truman's record," Sara Bloomfield, director of the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, told the Washington Post newspaper. "Truman's sympathy for the plight of Jews was very apparent." Election fears Truman's latest diary was found at the back of a book entitled The Real Estate Board of New York Inc, Diary and Manual 1947. It was recently discovered by staff reshelving the books, and "is probably the most important document the Truman Library has opened in 20 years," according to library director Michael Devine. Although written in 1947, the diary does not include references to Truman's most significant achievements, like the Truman Doctrine to contain the spread of communism and the Marshall Plan of aid to post-World War II Europe. But notable entries include: 25 July: Truman recounts a meeting at which he attempted to get General Dwight Eisenhower to run for president on a Democratic ticket in 1948, with Truman as running mate. 28 July: "Terrible day" - the death of his mother. "Along the road cars, trucks and pedestrians stood with hats off. It made me want to weep - but I couldn't in public. I've read through thousands of messages from all over the world in the White House study and I can shed tears as I please - no-one's looking." 7 March: "Doc tell's [sic] me I have cardiac asthma! Ain't that hell. Well it makes no diff, will go on as before." 4 July: "Mrs Astor - [British] Lady Astor came to the car just before we started from Monticello [state of Virginia] to say to me that she liked my policies as president but that she thought I had become rather too much "Yankee". I couldn't help telling her that my purported "Yankee" tendencies were not half so bad as her ultra-conservative British leanings. She almost had a stroke." E-mail this to a friend Printable version Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X STOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: GOOGLE CAN'T FIND WMDS
GOOGLE CAN'T FIND WMDS While the Americans have been unable to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, the world's biggest internet search engine is also having problems. Users who type Weapons of Mass Destruction into Google and then press the I'm Feeling Lucking option find themselves redirected to a page called These Weapons of Mass Destruction Cannot Be Found. It is the same kind of page that is displayed when you incorrectly type in a web address. It continues: "The weapons you are looking for are currently unavailable. The country might be experiencing technical difficulties, or you may need to adjust your weapons inspectors mandate." It suggests you press the refresh icon - the "regime change button" - or try again. Or if you are George Bush and "typed the country's name in the address bar, make sure that it is spelled correctly. (IRAQ)". Surfers who click on the Detect Weapons or the Bomb icon are directed to comical books on the war provided by Amazon and books with other anti-war themes. News of the site is fast spreading by email up and down the country. It was set up by Dr Anthony Cox, an adverse drug reaction pharmacist and teaching fellow at Aston University in Birmingham. Last Updated:15:12 UK, Friday July 04, 2003 Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Fwd: Fw: [FedsNet] Besigye on US/Uganda Relations
Original Message Follows From: Anne Mugisha To: THEREFORMAGENDA Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; UNAANET ; FedsNet Sent: Thursday, July 10, 2003 8:51 AM Subject: [FedsNet] Besigye on US/Uganda Relations THE US IS FUELING WAR AND INSTABILITY IN UGANDA. I am once again writing to express my deep concern regarding the human tragedy intensifying in Uganda. Over the last one and a half years, the security situation in Northern Uganda took a nose dive for the worse. This followed Government's renewed determination to "crush" the 17-year rebellion once and for all. The operation code-named "iron fist" was to rout the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) rebels from their bases in Southern Sudan and deal them a final blow. President Museveni convinced the Western capitals (especially the US and UK) that since Sudan had ceased support for the LRA and was actively cooperating with him, the operation would take a short time. He even declared that he was going to camp in Gulu, the centre of the rebellion, and direct the war personally until it is finished. Western countries were requested to assist in receiving and resettling the large number of abductees who were to be freed from the Sudan. They were also requested to show "understanding" towards the expected increase in Defense expenditure. The US Ambassador and some of his diplomats also pitched camp in Gulu to assist from close quarters. Among other things, they helped set up reception centres for the handling of the tens of thousands of abductees expected to be freed from Sudan. The Sudan Government was reported to have fully cooperated in the anti-LRA operations. Sudanese troops were also reported to have suffered significant casualties from the LRA in the process of fighting alongside the UPDF. Instead of the promised end of the rebellion and the attendant humanitarian crisis, the number of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Northern Uganda has more than doubled, the abduction of civilians including children increased greatly, the security situation worsened, with serious atrocities reportedly committed by both sides to the conflict. The rudimentary social services that had persisted in the area have been completely disrupted, thereby intensifying the humanitarian crisis. President Museveni who had gone to personally deal with the problem was reported to have, at one time, taken refuge in the Bank of Uganda strong room in Gulu town, running away from mortar shells in his camp. It appears that he has now quietly and progressively eased himself out of his command post. His response to the humiliating personal and government failure to deal with the LRA was quite predictable- find scapegoats and give a list of excuses, while distancing himself and his government's policies from any blame. Among the scapegoats and excuses, we heard that the problem was James Opoka, my former political assistant in the presidential campaign who was allegedly supported by the Rwanda Government; the UPDF forces were not enough because the donors had insisted on reducing the size of the army; the defense budget was insufficient because of donor conditionalities; the rains had come and grass was tall hiding the rebels; lack of roads for quick movement of troops in operational area; and some of the UPDF commanders were not serious. The focus of attention was then gradually shifted to Rwanda as the problem. The dissident Colonels and illusory Peoples' Redemption Army (PRA) were said to be preparing to launch an attack on the country (supported by Rwandan forces) from the Ituri region of the DRC. The UPDF was deployed into Ituri to capture all airfields, crush the dominant militia group- the UPC that was supposed to have shifted alliances from Uganda to Rwanda, destroy all PRA bases, and occupy Bunia and other towns. As a result of this intervention, the long-standing ethnic conflicts in Ituri assumed unprecedented proportions. The UPDF has in the past created and supported various militia groups on both sides of the main conflict in Ituri. This time, it supported the Lendu militia whom it had previously fought; and simultaneously supported two Hema groups - the PUSIC and a breakaway faction of UPC led by one Commander Jerome Bakonde. The carnage that engulfed the region is well known. Thousands of refugees poured into neighboring districts of Uganda. Following reports from the Human Rights Watch and other humanitarian bodies, the international media was attracted to Ituri and brought horrifying images on TV screens. It was only at this stage that the international community firmly exerted pressure on Uganda to get out of the DRC, leaving behind the burning flames it had lit. The Western countries then awkwardly proceeded to deploy a French-led force currently in Bunia, and operating out of Entebbe Airport. However, the UN force, together with the South African military which was agreed upon under the DRC peace accords years ago have
ugnet_: Bush will abandon Museveni in 2006
On The Mark By Alan Tacca Bush will abandon Museveni in 2006 June 13, 2003 On July 5, The Monitor published an extract from a transcript wired by the White House two days earlier. In the transcript, President George W. Bush was answering questions from print journalists. The appearance of the extract in The Monitor followed concerted denials by Uganda government officials that when Yoweri President Museveni visited Washington recently, Mr. Bush made some frank remarks on Mr Museveni's perceived desire to prolong his rule beyond 2006. Ironically, on the same day, The Monitor published an article by one of Museveni's leading spin-doctors laughing off the idea that Bush would embarrass his guest by raising such questions. The transcript makes interesting reading. First, let me comment on Bush's unedited language technique. If you prefer a form of language where ideas flow smoothly through well-constructed sentences based on incisive grammar, you may find difficulty with Bush. His phrasing often only makes sense as part of a section larger than a sentence. The effect reminds me of an "impressionist" painting. If you stand close to a large picture by Monet or Seurat, you will see patches and dots of colour that do not form distinct shapes. When you go back a few meters, things that looked like blurred or jumbled masses of paint become strikingly resolved as patterns and shapes of familiar objects. Flowers. Boats. A bridge. Reflections in water. One way of dealing with Bush, of course, is to dismiss him that he does not think "properly". But the power at the disposal of the USA as a nation is too huge for anyone to ignore its ruler. A more useful approach would be to stand back a little and try to understand what Bush is saying, and how he goes about doing things. We know already from various sources, that after "September 11" Bush is taking quite seriously the danger of Africa's failed states becoming a nurturing environment for terrorism. He is also learning that, more than poverty, disease and illiteracy, Africa's bad cases of instability are primarily the fruits of shattered dreams of freedom and democracy. His prescriptions may or may not work, but the White House interview reveals clearly that he is probably determined to deny Africa's despotic hard men a free hand. Historically, Uganda lies in the East African cluster of three; with Kenya and Tanzania. But during the last ten years or so, the reckless idealism of Uganda's leadership has drawn that country westward. In those few years of militarism, occupation, proxy manipulation and plunder, the country has made a geopolitical shift to become part of the Central African quagmire; the recent revival of the East African Community notwithstanding. President Bush and his foreign policy bureaucrats are beginning to understand what Bill Clinton probably didn't want to grasp, that Uganda has played a big role in making Central Africa one of the unstable regions on the continent. When Bush bids President Museveni and his army (the UPDF) not to return to the Congo, he is utterly serious. There is no point in helping to remove Mobutu from Kinshasa and then promoting a state of anarchy in eastern Congo. And there is no logic in working hard to tame the spread of HIV/AIDS at home but remain cynical about the conditions in which hunger, AIDS and other diseases have reportedly harvested three million people in a neighbouring country. The kind of frustration and despair this engenders in the region worries Bush. It is the very stuff in which the agents of terror could plant their saplings. We know already - and it is indicated again in the White House press transcript - that one of President Bush's preferred medicines for troubled places is "regime change", presumably because the value of easing current tensions is perceived to be greater than the risk of introducing new kinds of chaos. But he will not necessarily act on impulse. In the Liberia case, he hints at the various government departments that piece together the picture that guides his decisions. After he has decided, he can sound harsh and uncompromising, throwing some of the conventions of diplomacy out of the window. With Liberia's Taylor and Zimbabwe's Mugabe, he has come to that pass. Some of President Museveni's opponents would want him ostracized and lumped with those two. But Bush will not do that. Not yet. His heightened interest in Africa comes at exactly that time when Museveni is due to set in motion the mechanisms through which he can peacefully transfer power to another leader in 2006. It is reasonable for Bush to clearly spell out that requirement but also maintain an atmosphere in which Museveni can comply as "a friend". With that approach, the USA will be better able to use the remainder of Museveni's lame duck years to strengthen its security and intelligence foothold in the region. As a bonus, tomorrow there may be oil and other big business as well. By 2006, the shenanigans
ugnet_: Has Kony come to tie Teso dogs or dig potatoes?
Has Kony come to tie Teso dogs or dig potatoes?By Chris OboreJuly 15, 2003 Tie your dog otherwise you will be taken to dig potatoes. That was one of the instructions that the defunct Uganda People's Army rebels gave Teso people during the insurgency of the late 1980's. In Ateso language it translates to Owen Ekingok araimam iyangario aibok acok. The message was that nobody in Teso was supposed to tell government troops where the rebels were hiding. If you told them, the rebels would later get you and, of course, kill you. To tie your dog meant to shut up and to dig potatoes meant to dig your own grave where you would be buried. Ordinary Iteso obeyed these instructions but by "tying their dogs", the Iteso attracted the wrath of the government troops. Both the rebels and government soldiers accused the locals of collaborating with the other. The result was that so many innocent people lost their lives. I vividly remember an incident when government troops went for an operation in Kamaca village near Bukedea. They moved a distance of about 10km from the highway and gathered locals at Ojie Primary School. Fellows who were found digging in their gardens and those moving about were declared rebels. They were assembled at the playground, told to lie down and showered with bullets. They died in hundreds. A former schoolmate of mine, one Etoori, survived because blood from the bleeding dead bodies splashed over him. I remember many such atrocities but for the purposes of this article will focus on the recent incursion of Joseph Kony's Lord's Resistance Army into Teso sub-region. Again, the Iteso are being told to "tie their dogs". The instruction to tie the dogs has already been issued, this time not by the rebels but by government. The daughter of Teso and minister of state for Disaster Preparedness, Amongin Aporu was the first to issue the instruction. She instructed all FM radio stations in Teso not to broadcast rebel- related news. Radio Kyoga Veritas FM did not tie its dog and was taken to dig potatoes -- It was simply shut down. But the truth must be told and the truth is that some Teso leaders are happy with the LRA invasion of Teso. They are happy not because they want Iteso to die but because this is the opportune time for them to be seen as true bag boys of President Yoweri Museveni. Why on earth would Madam Amongin prevent radios from alerting people of the dangers posed by rebels? Why would Teso leaders continue to deceive the world that LRA has been flushed out of Teso when folks in Kabelebyong, Amuria and especially Obalanga are constantly on the run? Has Kony stopped killing and abducting people since Veritas FM was closed? No. Let Teso leaders seek favours from Museveni when peace is in Teso not when blood is being shed. In the olden days, Teso had strong politicians who stood for integrity. The likes of Cuthbert Obwangor, the late Oguli Oumo, Eria Emokori, the late Ariko, the late Cooper Malinga and the late Aporu Okol not to forget Bishop Gershom Ilukor. These people put Teso's interests before government favours. The reverse appears to be the case today. Ironically, late Aporu Okol was husband to Madam Aporu. While Aporu the man was minister of State for Agriculture and a defender of Teso interests; Aporu the woman is now minister of state for Disaster Preparedness and clearly her interests are elsewhere. Amongin is not alone. The likes of Ben Etonu (MP Amuria) are part of this conspiracy of silence. They fear to speak the truth and annoy government. The talking has been left to newcomers in Parliament Elijah Okupa (Kasilo), Alice Alaso (Soroti woman), Patrick Oboi Amuriat (Kumi) and Francis Epetait (Ngora). The Movement government has cowed Teso leaders but we must remind them that regimes come and go. The Movement never elected them but the ordinary people whom the rebels have displaced and killed did. To appear like speaking and struggling for Iteso when actually the hidden intention is to seek recognition from government is a reflection of an inferiority complex. Why sell your self for a piece of bread? The people of Teso deserve to be told the truth about the strength and operations of the LRA so that they make informed decisions. To talk about rebels being defeated when people cannot access their gardens to get food is a sad mockery. I like minister of state for Health Mike Mukula, who is also MP for Soroti Municipality, for his mobilisation and oratory skills but at times he nauseates me with his hypocrisy and lies. Mukula is telling the world that rebels have been killed and peace is back but even the blind can see locals fleeing as the rebels continue to sow mayhem. If the Iteso want Kony out of the sub-region very fast, truth and nothing but the truth will help. Mobilisastion of ex-UPA rebels was a step in the correct direction but my fear is that these boys might be used to achieve selfish ends of a few opportunistic leaders. Iteso don't want any war, therefore, there is no
ugnet_: Kony renames 3 Teso villages
Kony renames 3 Teso villages By Patrick Elobu Angonu July 21, 2003 No emergency relief - Kiyonga The LRA rebels have started renaming villages in Katakwi, Amuria MP, Mr Ben Etonu, has said. The rebel leader, Mr Joseph Kony, reportedly gave the orders. Etonu told the visiting National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Kiyonga, at the weekend that the Lord's Resistance Army have renamed Aojakitoi, Olwa and Obalanga in Katakwi as Gulu, Kitgum and Pader, respectively. Kiyonga was holding closed-door meetings with the religious leaders and elders in Soroti on Saturday. The agenda included the LRA invasion and the closure of the local Kyoga Veritas FM radio. Etonu said that the rebels have reoccupied Aojakitoi and Olwa, where they camped when they first invaded Teso on June 15. "The LRA must be decisively dealt with because they are not only committing atrocities but they are also renaming our villages," Etonu told Kiyonga at the Soroti council chambers. The meeting also resolved that Teso should be declared a "disaster area". Kiyonga, however, said that even if Teso or the entire northern region were declared disaster zones, there would be little emergency aid to go their way. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Tired of spam? Get advanced junk mail protection with MSN 8.
ugnet_: Africa did not gain from that Bush visit
Africa did not gain from that Bush visitBy Abdul karim kaliisa July 21, 2003 A lot of arguments have been advanced for or against the recently concluded tour of Africa by US President George W. Bush. Bush visited only five countries including Uganda where he spent less than four hours but White House chooses to call the visit an African tour. It is because of this and not any other reason that analysts should begin examining whether the visit left Africa as it was before or it added anything. The main argument against Bushs July 7- 12 visit stems from his unilateral decision to invade another sovereign country, Iraq, against a backdrop of worldwide condemnation. Even in the US there was disapproval of the invasion. Those who welcomed and hosted Bush hoped that his $15 billion would help Africans fight the AIDS scourge. I was, however, dismayed that very few people raised the issue of Bushs negative attitude towards Africa. You recall that during the US elections that brought Bush to the helm of power, the man paid no attention to the African continent. It was, therefore, necessary for us Africans to sit back and think deeply about what has happened since then to make Bush change his attitude. Bush showed no respect for African leaders when he invaded Iraq against their will. I mean the will of the African Union. The central organ of the African Union on February 3, at the heads of state, level opposed the invasion of Iraq without a fresh United Nations mandate but Bush did not pay heed. The African Union spokesman, Desmond Orjiako, emphasised this point in March when he said that, If the [weapons] inspectors had continued with their work, Africa believes that some other peaceful means could have been found in disarming Iraq instead of going to war. Orjiako said war kills innocent people and destroys infrastructure. So, the AU opposed the option of war because this would bring about catastrophic consequences. The African continent pleaded with the US to instead channel the billions of dollars and pounds being expended for the war towards solving Africas many problems including HIV/Aids, civil strife and natural disasters. Bush spent billions of dollars destroying human beings in Iraq but came to Africa with mere promises of $15 billion. This exposes what the man really thinks about Africas problems. I think what Africa needs is not endless aid but respect of its and an end to US and European sponsored conflicts that have ruined our various economies. That is why when President Yoweri Museveni was reported to have accused Americans of having sparked off conflicts in the DR Congo by killing that countrys former prime minister, Patrice Lumumba some of us concurred with him. Since the death of Lumumba a lot of Congos wealth has been looted sometimes by the rich Western countries or their agents in Africa. Today, Congo alone would have been holding billions of dollars in reserve that would have been used in fighting Aids. The conflicts in Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone have all been sponsored and nurtured by these so called democrats. The oil struggles in Sudan and in the Horn of Africa are all foreign sponsored. We want all these ended conflicts. We do not need American dollars to fight Aids. Besides the $ 15 billion, which has already been slashed by the US Congress, would be consumed by the so-called experts yet our children would have to pay back. Let us stop this nonsense of clapping when a superpower is laying us a trap. People ought to understand that US promises are rarely actualised. The reconstruction of Iraq may consume the countrys oil but in the end ordinary Iraqis would be made to pay for the damage inflicted on their country by a superpower that allegedly came to liberate them. In Afghanistan there are more stories of death than of schools being built as the world has been made to believe. So, the promised dollars may actually be costs of travel, accommodation and other expenses incurred by Americans who will flock Africa to carry out research. That is why I welcome the proposal by Libyan President, Col. Muammar Gadhafi that African countries should use their resources to construct a modern laboratory where we would also do our own research and treat our people. Qathaffi made the proposal during the African Leaders summit in Maputo, Mozambique on July 8 - 11 Let us stop the dependency syndrome. Finally, I was perturbed when the Uganda government blocked the planned peaceful demonstrations against Bush. Refusing people to use civil means to express their grievances breeds radicalism which is destructive. It was wrong for the police to storm the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) headquarters and the eventual clobbering of youths who attempted to demonstrate outside the US embassy in Kampala. Former South African president, Nelson Mandela, refused to meet Bush and that was his civil right. Of course, Mandelas attitude towards Bush is understandable and this is what many African
ugnet_: Fwd: Fw: Kanyeihamba on the Phantom Arms ofthe1960s, Ibingira andtheConspiracies
Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: "Jack Stevens Alecho-Oita" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: "gook makanga" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Subject: Fw: Kanyeihamba on the Phantom Arms ofthe1960s, Ibingira and theConspiracies Date: Mon, 21 Jul 2003 11:05:35 +0100 - Original Message - From: "Jack Stevens Alecho-Oita" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: "YOSWA DAMBISYA" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Sunday, July 20, 2003 10:45 PM Subject: Re: Kanyeihamba on the Phantom Arms ofthe1960s, Ibingira and theConspiracies Prof Yoswa, You wrote:- 'Ibingira does not come out in such good light, unfortunately, but I need not apologise for Justice Kanyeihamba since at many points he cites private conversations with Ibingira himself'. I had the opportunity to listen and hold private conversation with both Grace Ibingira (RIP) and Balaki Kirya (RIP) variously between 1986-1987. This took place whenever both had come back from their upcountry tours to propagate the virtues of the new NRA government. On occasions Col Babula (RIP), then Presidential pilot was also present. As none of them can dispute or challenge my recollections, I will with some hesitation offer an opinion that both Grace and Balaki's political spirit to capitalise on their being wronged by Dr Obote were broken by 1987. Both felt that the up-country people were not convinced about their explanation which led to their arrest in 1966, and worse could not understand why they were propping up the NRA government. By 1987, Balaki or Grace had virtually stopped organising meetings to propagate the virtues of the NRA Government and, less so to openly talk about the 1966 episode and Dr Obote's 'bad leadership'. I also remember reading a lengthy article, that George Magezi wrote in a Kampala newspaper, recanting his alleged role in any conspiracy to overthrow the UPC government. I think he did add that if there were such conspiracies, he was not aware of it. I do not remember reading any rebuttals of George's position. If all the interpretations, innuendos, etc., are allowed to flower and the truth will be somewhere in between. I will continue reading the arguments to find it. JSA - Original Message - From: "YOSWA DAMBISYA" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "YOSWA DAMBISYA" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Sunday, July 20, 2003 3:20 PM Subject: Kanyeihamba on the Phantom Arms ofthe1960s, Ibingira and theConspiracies Omw Ssemakula, As I await the evidence which you expect me to dispute in defense of Milton Obote and his part in the 1960s developments, I have been reading "Justice Prof Dr GW Kanyeihamba; LLB, LLM, PhD, JSC, SC" 's recently released book: Constitutional and Political History of Uganda: From 1984 to the Present. I found a section on what he refers to as the "Dramatic Years, 1962-1966" and "The Conspiracies" therein particularly relevant to the issue of the phantom arms. I have attempted to reproduce sections of the book for the edification of those who may not have got hold of the book yet. I apologise for any mistakes that I may have made in the process but are willing to correct them as the discussions proceed. The quotes are taken from pages 88-94. "...By 1965, the divisionist and traditionalist elements had penetrated the party, and acquired active supporters within the rank and file of the party followers**. The party was torn by confusion because many of those voices belonged to some of the most influential leaders of the party* After the successful referendum and successful transfer of the two "Lost Counties" to Bunyoro in 1964, the animosity of Buganda towards the Obote government and UPC escalated. Buganda traditionalists at Mengo begun to exploit all possible political angles with the aim of undermining and eventually removing Obote from power. A political alliance between the Kabaka, his ministers and disgruntled elements within UPC was reached. The latter included and was led by the then Minister of Justice, Grace Ibingira, who was at the same time, the Secretary General of UPC. He had **Balaki Kirya, George Magezi and Dr Emmanuel Lumu, who were also Cabinet Ministers in Obote's government*.. " In conjunction with the Mengo traditionalists and with the consent of the President, Edward Mutesa II, the King of Buganda, the conspirators approved the contents of a letter which was sent to Her Majesty, Elizabeth II, the Queen of the United Kingdom and Head of the Commonwealth, re
ugnet_: Bury exiled leaders in Uganda Obote
Bury exiled leaders in Uganda OboteBy Alex B. AtuhaireJuly 22, 2003 Mr Milton Obote has said that if Idi Amin died, the former President should be buried in Uganda. Obote, who was twice deposed by the military, first in 1971 by Amin, yesterday said in a statement that Ugandans should be lenient to Amin. Should Amins condition worsen, the people of Uganda should be magnanimous enough to accept his proper burial in Uganda despite the fact that he was a dictator, Obote said. According to Obote, Amin, Tito Okello (RIP), Bazilio Okello (RIP) and President Yoweri Museveni have all been used by "imperialists" and have caused suffering in Uganda. It was the two Okellos who overthrew Obote's second government in 1985. Obote's statement said that there is a precedent about a former President who dies in exile.That precedent was set by Idi Amin who arranged for the burial of the first president, Sir Edward Muteesa. Obote said that his UPC government tried to arrange Muteesa's funeral but the Kabaka's relatives and Buganda leaders rejected the offer. Amin knew about the UPC government offer and was actively involved in the preliminary preparations, Obote said. Obote has lived in exile in Zambia since he fled Uganda through Kenya in July 1985. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.
[Ugnet] Mao on M7's missives!
Come on, Amelia Kyambadde isnt qualified for the new job By Norbert Mao Jan 23 - 29, 2005 The debate has been raging about the appointment of Mr Adolf Mwesige to the non-existent position of deputy attorney general. Instead of responding in an enlightened way to questions raised, presidential legal assistant Fox Odoi has instead decided to insult all critics, calling them idlers! But the biggest scandal in the recent appointments may actually be the elevation of Ms Amelia Kyambadde to the position of presidential principal private secretary (PPS). Until now she has been a personal assistant to the President. Being around the President for long is not enough to qualify one for the office of PPS. I think the President has a fabulous assistant in Kyambadde. But to jump all ladders and make her occupy a position normally reserved for very senior civil servants is bound to raise eyebrows. APPOINTED: Ms Kyambadde President Museveni has virtually superimposed an informal state atop the one established by the Constitution, yet it is not for nothing that rules are set. A PPS is at the same rank as a permanent secretary and the previous occupants of the position of PPS have been seasoned civil servants who would ensure that there is presidential compliance with the law. Mr Martin Orech was a PPS in Obote II before rising to be head of the civil service. Then came Eng. B.K. Kabanda and Ms Hilda Musubira. Those who were not so senior only held the position in an acting capacity. In that category we had Ms Joan Magezi (a long time international civil servant) and MP Francis Mukama (then an undersecretary). Here is a partial list of the constellation to which Museveni has now cast Kyambadde. Mr Vincent Ssekono (local government), Dr S.P. Kagoda (internal affairs), Mr Martin Odwedo (PM's office), Mr F.X. Lubanga (education), Eng. Kabanda (lands), Mr Ralph Ocan (labour), Musubira (deputy head of the civil service), Mr Alex Mitala (head of civil service), Ambassador J.B. Onen (foreign affairs), Mr Chris Kassami (finance). Can Kyambadde match these heavy hitters? The reason why a PPS must be a person well grounded in the civil service cannot be overemphasised. The President himself one day told MPs an anecdote about the strict compliance that a PPS must enforce. The presidential jet was in Paris and the President had to fly off somewhere. He told Musubira to get him on a commercial flight even if it were in economy class. Musubira flatly told him that would be against the regulations. I am the President and I am directing you to get me on a commercial flight, Museveni told Musubira. I can't do that Mr President, Musubira insisted. But if I must then you have to put your directive in writing stating that you are going against my advice. A PPS must be able to defend the set rules in all circumstances. Another reason why a PPS must be a high level civil servant is to vet the correspondence of the President. During the time I have been in Parliament, I have seen MPs wondering who drafts not only the President's speeches but also his correspondence. Just recently, MPs got copies of a letter the President wrote complaining about the nonsense of Baganda Absentee Landlords in Nakasongola! What was even worse is that the President referred to the Land Act 2000! There is no such law on our statute books. Even the substance revealed prejudice. First of all not all the landlords in Nakasongola are Baganda. There may be many from the President's locality who own huge chunks of land in Nakasongola. Furthermore, words like nonsense are best left to spoken English or informal notes. Before that the President had written a long, rambling and ungrammatical letter addressed to the vice president on the subject of graduated tax. In the first paragraph, the President said graduated tax would have to stay. Further down the letter he said it could be suspended! I have rarely seen a worse example of official correspondence. No wonder there is such confusion over graduated tax policy today. Another example is the President's dress. To attend a king's coronation in military fatigues is inappropriate. Sometimes the President has appeared with winter attire complete with woollen gloves. A serious PPS would advise the President on appropriate attire. A President should not appear like a beekeeper at a coronation. I will leave it for readers to find other examples of highly unprofessional and embarrassing speeches and letters emanating from the presidential quarters. My basic point is that bad presidential speeches (which even the President occasionally criticises publicly) and letters can only come to the public if the President is ill advised. We need a PPS who will see that whatever the President affixes his signature to is worthy of his name and does not degrade the office. Currently, those surrounding the President lack the motivation to tell the President when the pink slip is
[Ugnet] Beware: We could really be headed for a new rebellion
Beware: We could really be headed for a new rebellion By Patrick Matsiko wa Mucoori Jan 27, 2005 It may sound like war mongering to say that Uganda looks inevitably headed for another cycle of armed struggle. But looking at the sequence, circumstances and precursors of our post independence armed struggles and compare it with what is happening today, it would not be farfetched to infer that this country is slowly and certainly sliding into a new rebellion. Apart from the January 25, 1971 coup by the late Idi Amin, the bulk of the subsequent armed struggles germinated after national elections. MEAN GUNS: Striving for peace would eliminate the need for buying expensive arsenal to fight for same peace The 1981-86 National Resistance Army rebellion which catapulted President Yoweri Museveni to power on January 26, 1986, was a result of the disputed 1980 general elections in which Milton Obote acquired a second term as president. I will not draw any comparison from the 1987-88 rebellions by Alice Lakwena's Holy Spirit Movement and the resultant Lord's Resistance Army by Joseph Kony for some reason. Because the two rebellions comprised mainly people from the north who had lost power to southerners, one can safely say they were desperately hoping to regain the status quo. But there is an insurgency trend that has been building up in the last ten years, which suggests that every time Museveni seeks and achieves another presidential term, a new rebellion is born. When Museveni was re-elected in early 1996, the Allied Democratic Forces, which had not been heard of before, made their daring surprise attack in western Uganda in November 1996. They overran Mpondwe border post and held it for two days until they were driven out by the Uganda People's Defence Forces. It took the government about five years to put down the insurgency. Though the ADF was not directly connected to Dr Paul Ssemogerere, whom Museveni defeated in the 1996 polls, the cause of that rebellion cannot be divorced from the anger accumulated from Museveni's re-election. Those who took up arms against him were the opposition who saw his re-election as an attempt to perpetuate himself in power. They were also part of the opposition disappointed by the loss of an election they believed Museveni had made unfree and unfair to their disadvantage but to his benefit. So this gave them a reason to fight. After 1996 there were Movement people who no longer supported Museveni, but who could not take up arms against him because they genuinely believed he would retire in 2001. They patiently waited for the opportunity for them to try a shot at the presidency. But by 2001, Museveni was showing no signs of leaving power. Some of his former bush war colleagues like Col. Dr Kizza Besigye and others deserted the Movement wagon to stand against him. Besigye lost the elections and petitioned court but lost the legal battle too on a 2-3 majority ruling. However, all the five judges of the Supreme Court, including those who ruled in his favour, agreed there had been serious election rigging in various parts of the country. But they also ruled that the amount of rigging was not enough to suggest that if such had not happened the winner would have been Besigye. But the point had been made -- that the elections had been rigged. Perhaps the court could have made a similar ruling in 1980 elections if Museveni had filed an election petition. Museveni's Uganda Patriotic Movement (now National Resistance Movement), won only one seat in Parliament but he went to the bush claiming the elections had been rigged and he wanted to stop such from happening again. So the court could have ruled that though the elections had been rigged, there was no proof that if such cheating had not happened, Museveni would have become the winner. But all the same Museveni used the election rigging and the resultant anger and desperation not only to justify his armed rebellion that cost lives and property for five years, but also to mobilise recruits for his rebellion. Similarly when Besigye lost in 2001, he and his supporters said the elections were rigged. Reports started trickling in that Besigye was organising a rebellion. The government started restricting his movements. He escaped and soon after army officers, Lieutenant Colonels Samson Mande and Anthony Kyakabale deserted the UPDF and declared a struggle against Museveni's government. They cited, among others, election rigging. Another senior UPDF officer Col. Edison Muzoora, and other officers followed them later. Now the country is awash with reports that the said officers in partnership with Besigye are training a rebel group called the People's Redemption Army (PRA). The government strongly believes PRA exists under Besigye-Mande-Muzoora-Kyakabale command. The government has arrested some people it says are members of PRA. The government may not be right on PRA, but neither
