comrade Floyd,
 
i think the other challenge that i see, is the selective approach in
regard to nationalisation. the youth league was quite or i was asleep
when telkom sold its 15% share to vodafone. this is another entity that
needs to be looked at. we need also to call for the scrapping of the
deal that had been done with the consortium that bought shares in telkom
as they had been funded through public servants money without their
consent. i don't believe that workers are enjoying to see their money
creating wealth for the elite
 
Amandla

________________________________

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Nyiko Floyd
Shivambu
Sent: 09/07/2009 05:57 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] Re: the NP govt was more socialist than the
ANC govt.


I agree with Comrade Mxolisi's clarification of both extremes, and
convinced that the ANC YLs' call for nationalisation is located within a
revolutionary premise. ANC YL President Julius Malema's contribution on
why nationalisation said: 


"Our call for nationalisation of mines is in such a manner where the
State will own mineral wealth and mines as a custodian of the entire
South African population, and not a custodian of few big-businesses. All
South Africans should equitably benefit from State owned and controlled
mines and we are not mistaken when we make the call for the
nationalisation of Mines. We are vividly aware of the Minerals and
Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) which retains State control
of all mineral rights, but what we are calling for is State ownership
and control of both the mineral wealth beneath the soil, and the
extraction and production of these mineral resources in Mines thereof". 




My interpretation of this assertion is that it affirms the national
democratic revolutionary path towards attainment of the Freedom Charter
objectives (SACP's minimum political programme). The YL's main reasoning
behind the call is that we should without delay, achieve the Freedom
Charter aims, but also lay a firm basis for the development of
productive forces through beneficiation of mineral wealth and
diversification of the economy in a labour-absorptive fashion, which in
the immediate addresses our unemployment (and to some extent poverty)
crisis. In addition, the State's control and ownership of minerals will
bring to a complete halt, what the South African Road to Socialism calls
"dependent development", because SA will no longer be solely the
producers and exporter of natural resources and importers of finished
consumer goods and services. But it also tests the State capacity to
technically manage the strategic sectors of the economy, which will be
necessary under socialism. 




Whatever discussion we enter into should never loose sight of the
reality that Progressive Communists' struggles for a socialist future
are not de-linked from the struggles to resolve the national and gender
contradictions. The NDR is our route to socialism, meaning in simpler
terms that the attainment of NDR objectives (Freedom Charter) lays a
firm foundation for an uninterrupted transition to socialism. Our
revolution is not an adventure, nor a debating society, but a
theoretically and ideologically grounded battle for the emancipation of
those who do not won the means of production, the black majority and
Africans in particular. 




The temptation to dismiss State control of the key means of production
will always exist, because comrades are rather paranoid of the realities
that characterised other States and governments, and should raise these
issues when we discuss the modalities of nationalisation, which will
happen. 








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