Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Lawyer2974


Do we know of any social science or criminal statistics that  supports a 
notion that jurisdictions with RFRA or upheld constitutional  defenses to 
employer liability have a higher incidence of child sexual abuse  (or, for that 
matter, that incidents of child sexual abuse are higher in  religious 
settings than settings, such as public schools, where these legal  arguments 
regarding employer liability are inapplicable)...or are we left with  anecdotal 
evidence, if not surmise?
 
--Don Clark
  Nationwide Special Counsel
  United Church of Christ
 
 
In a message dated 6/13/2012 11:14:28 P.M. Central Daylight Time,  
vol...@law.ucla.edu writes:

 
Folks:  I think that, if we soften the rhetoric and get more concrete, we  
could arrive at the following: 
1.  There’s been a debate about whether religious freedom protections  
insulate churches from lawsuits for negligent hiring, negligent supervision,  
and negligent retention in child sex abuse cases (I’ll call this “employer  
negligence” for short, though some courts have treated the different theories 
 differently). 
2.  Many church lawyers, faced with a lawsuit trying to hold a church  
liable for crimes by some of its clergy, have indeed asserted such  defenses. 
3.  In some cases, those defenses have been successful, not because  
religious freedom is seen a defense to a sex abuse charge as such, but because  
it’
s seen as a defense to an employer negligence claim. 
4.  These defenses have generally been based on constitutional  
non-entanglement arguments, on the theory that secular courts shouldn’t be in  
the 
business of deciding whether a decision to hire or not hire a minister is  “
reasonable,” but they might in principle also be strengthened by a  
Sherbert/Yoder regime, such as that created by RFRAs or similar constitutional  
amendments.  This having been said, lots of courts in states with such  
Sherbert/Yoder regimes have indeed accepted liability for employer negligence  
notwithstanding those regimes, so it seems quite likely that implementing a  
RFRA 
would not thwart such negligence – but only quite likely, not  certain. 
5.  Liability for employer negligence may help encourage churches to more  
closely police their clergy, based on standard tort-law-as-deterrence  
theory. 
6.  Conversely, disallowing such liability may, by comparison, diminish  
the incentive for churches to closely police their clergy, and may thus yield  
somewhat more sex abuse by clergy. 
7.  Therefore, depending on the magnitude of the effects described in  item 
4 (RFRA strengthening the no-employer-negligence-liability position) and  
item 6 (absence of liability diminishing the incentive to police clergy, and  
absence of policing increasing abuse), enacting a RFRA might in some 
measure  yield somewhat more sex abuse by clergy. 
This of course doesn’t meaning that enacting a RFRA (even one without an  
exception for employer negligence) is necessarily bad.  I favor state  RFRA 
statutes, though I also favor Smith as a constitutional model.  But  it does 
suggest one possible cost of a RFRA. 
Eugene
=

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Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Arthur Spitzer
Marci - I don't believe you've stated the facts of a single case. I'd say
the same thing if you were a man.
Art

On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 7:27 AM, Marci Hamilton hamilto...@aol.com wrote:

I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I
 sincerely hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts rather
 than a man.  This last statement also is not rhetoric but an honest
 observation.


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Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Steven Jamar
There are actual cases of it being used as a defense.  Abuse of RFRA is not in 
itself enough to not have such laws, but it is also something not to be ignored 
in considering the wisdom of and form of a RFRA.  Nor should its use to permit 
or even encourage discrimination against groups be ignored in assessing its 
value.  Nor should its very limited application in support of religion be 
ignored -- if it s mostly symbolic, why do it?  Nor should the ability of 
courts to find that there is no substantial burden for those RFRAs (like the 
federal one) that include that predicate.


Actual incidents are relevant as are the sorts of statistics Don Clark is 
asking about.

Steve


On Jun 14, 2012, at 9:21 AM, lawyer2...@aol.com wrote:

  
  
 Do we know of any social science or criminal statistics that supports a 
 notion that jurisdictions with RFRA or upheld constitutional defenses to 
 employer liability have a higher incidence of child sexual abuse (or, for 
 that matter, that incidents of child sexual abuse are higher in religious 
 settings than settings, such as public schools, where these legal arguments 
 regarding employer liability are inapplicable)...or are we left with 
 anecdotal evidence, if not surmise?
  
 --Don Clark
   Nationwide Special Counsel
   United Church of Christ
  
 In a message dated 6/13/2012 11:14:28 P.M. Central Daylight Time, 
 vol...@law.ucla.edu writes:
 Folks:  I think that, if we soften the rhetoric and get more 
 concrete, we could arrive at the following:
 
  
 
 1.  There’s been a debate about whether religious freedom 
 protections insulate churches from lawsuits for negligent hiring, negligent 
 supervision, and negligent retention in child sex abuse cases (I’ll call this 
 “employer negligence” for short, though some courts have treated the 
 different theories differently).
 
  
 
 2.  Many church lawyers, faced with a lawsuit trying to hold 
 a church liable for crimes by some of its clergy, have indeed asserted such 
 defenses.
 
  
 
 3.  In some cases, those defenses have been successful, not 
 because religious freedom is seen a defense to a sex abuse charge as such, 
 but because it’s seen as a defense to an employer negligence claim.
 
  
 
 4.  These defenses have generally been based on 
 constitutional non-entanglement arguments, on the theory that secular courts 
 shouldn’t be in the business of deciding whether a decision to hire or not 
 hire a minister is “reasonable,” but they might in principle also be 
 strengthened by a Sherbert/Yoder regime, such as that created by RFRAs or 
 similar constitutional amendments.  This having been said, lots of courts in 
 states with such Sherbert/Yoder regimes have indeed accepted liability for 
 employer negligence notwithstanding those regimes, so it seems quite likely 
 that implementing a RFRA would not thwart such negligence – but only quite 
 likely, not certain.
 
  
 
 5.  Liability for employer negligence may help encourage 
 churches to more closely police their clergy, based on standard 
 tort-law-as-deterrence theory.
 
  
 
 6.  Conversely, disallowing such liability may, by 
 comparison, diminish the incentive for churches to closely police their 
 clergy, and may thus yield somewhat more sex abuse by clergy.
 
  
 
 7.  Therefore, depending on the magnitude of the effects 
 described in item 4 (RFRA strengthening the no-employer-negligence-liability 
 position) and item 6 (absence of liability diminishing the incentive to 
 police clergy, and absence of policing increasing abuse), enacting a RFRA 
 might in some measure yield somewhat more sex abuse by clergy.
 
  
 
 This of course doesn’t meaning that enacting a RFRA (even one 
 without an exception for employer negligence) is necessarily bad.  I favor 
 state RFRA statutes, though I also favor Smith as a constitutional model.  
 But it does suggest one possible cost of a RFRA.
 
  
 
 Eugene
 

-- 
Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox:  202-806-8017
Associate Director, Institute for Intellectual Property and Social Justice 
http://iipsj.org
Howard University School of Law   fax:  202-806-8567
http://iipsj.com/SDJ/


Whenever you find yourself on the side of the majority, it is time to pause 
and reflect.

Mark Twain




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Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Marci Hamilton
I was talking about the facts of how these cases are litigated. I represent 
many victims in numerous cases around the country on the First Am and RFRA 
issues.  The RCC and LDS on particular push the religious freedom claims hard 
in such cases. Sometimes together


  Gibson v Brewer out of Missouri Is a good case to start with

Marci

On Jun 14, 2012, at 9:31 AM, Arthur Spitzer artspit...@gmail.com wrote:

 Marci - I don't believe you've stated the facts of a single case. I'd say the 
 same thing if you were a man.
 Art
 
 On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 7:27 AM, Marci Hamilton hamilto...@aol.com wrote:
 
 I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I sincerely 
 hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts rather than a man.  
 This last statement also is not rhetoric but an honest observation.
 
 ___
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RE: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Douglas Laycock
Gibson v. Brewer is an outlier, giving the church more protection than most 
states provide. And the protection Gibson provides is roughly equivalent to 
what state and federal law provides the public schools in similar 
circumstances. No state has even considered giving religious liberty protection 
to abusers. The only dispute is with respect to entities who weren’t there and 
didn’t do it, but might have been able to prevent it. And most of those cases 
are decided under common law rules uninfluenced by RFRAs or free exercise 
clauses.

 

I have written about Gibson v. Brewer in Michigan in 2007.

 

Douglas Laycock

Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law

University of Virginia Law School

580 Massie Road

Charlottesville, VA  22903

 434-243-8546

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 10:02 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

 

I was talking about the facts of how these cases are litigated. I represent 
many victims in numerous cases around the country on the First Am and RFRA 
issues.  The RCC and LDS on particular push the religious freedom claims hard 
in such cases. Sometimes together

 

 

  Gibson v Brewer out of Missouri Is a good case to start with

 

Marci

On Jun 14, 2012, at 9:31 AM, Arthur Spitzer artspit...@gmail.com wrote:

Marci - I don't believe you've stated the facts of a single case. I'd say the 
same thing if you were a man.
Art

On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 7:27 AM, Marci Hamilton hamilto...@aol.com wrote:

I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I sincerely 
hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts rather than a man.  
This last statement also is not rhetoric but an honest observation.

 

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Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Marci Hamilton
Doug-- your downplaying of rfras' effect is inaccurate and misleading.   The 
rfras can apply and they are invoked in these casesJust because a case 
comes down on common law theory doesn't mean rfras don't apply.  

I think you have sidestepped the issues.  Obviously, rfras  can be invoked  in 
these cases   Are you opposed to exempting child safety from the RFRAs?   

And what is your view on a RFRA without substantial modifying burden?  

Marci

On Jun 14, 2012, at 11:01 AM, Douglas Laycock dlayc...@virginia.edu wrote:

 Gibson v. Brewer is an outlier, giving the church more protection than most 
 states provide. And the protection Gibson provides is roughly equivalent to 
 what state and federal law provides the public schools in similar 
 circumstances. No state has even considered giving religious liberty 
 protection to abusers. The only dispute is with respect to entities who 
 weren’t there and didn’t do it, but might have been able to prevent it. And 
 most of those cases are decided under common law rules uninfluenced by RFRAs 
 or free exercise clauses.
  
 I have written about Gibson v. Brewer in Michigan in 2007.
  
 Douglas Laycock
 Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
 University of Virginia Law School
 580 Massie Road
 Charlottesville, VA  22903
  434-243-8546
  
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
 [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
 Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 10:02 AM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse
  
 I was talking about the facts of how these cases are litigated. I represent 
 many victims in numerous cases around the country on the First Am and RFRA 
 issues.  The RCC and LDS on particular push the religious freedom claims hard 
 in such cases. Sometimes together
  
  
   Gibson v Brewer out of Missouri Is a good case to start with
  
 Marci
 
 On Jun 14, 2012, at 9:31 AM, Arthur Spitzer artspit...@gmail.com wrote:
 
 Marci - I don't believe you've stated the facts of a single case. I'd say the 
 same thing if you were a man.
 Art
 
 On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 7:27 AM, Marci Hamilton hamilto...@aol.com wrote:
 
 I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I sincerely 
 hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts rather than a man.  
 This last statement also is not rhetoric but an honest observation.
  
 ___
 To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
 http://lists.ucla.edu/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/religionlaw
 
 Please note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as 
 private.  Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; 
 people can read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) 
 forward the messages to others.
 ___
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 To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
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 people can read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) 
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RE: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Actually, my criticism of Marci was not because she was a woman 
(surprise!), but because it seemed to me that for whatever reason her argument 
was framed in a way that was as unsubstantive and as lacking in concreteness as 
possible.  As I noted in the e-mail to which Marci responded, there is a 
plausible but contestable explanation for how enacting a RFRA might indeed 
indirectly increase the rate of child sexual abuse.  But that’s an argument 
that, it seems to me, is most helpfully offered by explaining its specifics, 
and in the process noting its limitations.

Instead, Marci’s first post on the subject framed the matter as 
“Most Americans when they understand that a RFRA opens the door to 
discrimination or child sex abuse or medical neglect quickly cool on the 
extremism of a RFRA.”  “[A] RFRA opens the door to ... child sex abuse”?  
That’s rhetoric, or hyperbole, or perhaps just careless wording.  “Opens the 
door” suggests that something that before wasn’t happening now would be 
happening, or at least (as in the “discrimination” and “medical neglect” items) 
something that before wasn’t legal now would be legal.  Of course, child sex 
abuse is a very serious crime with or without a RFRA; at most, what RFRA might 
do is diminish the incentives that one set of institutions has to maximally 
combat child sex abuse.

In another post, Marci writes, “RFRA, as we all know, does not mirror the First 
Amendment, and the North Dakota RFRA would have triggered strict scrutiny even 
without a showing that the burden was ‘substantial’ -- so we can be certain 
that it could be more problematic in child sex abuse and medical neglect 
cases.”  Can we really be so “certain,” given the rather modest difference in 
wording, the fact that court decisions providing protection to churches are 
generally entanglement cases, not RFRA cases, and the fact that most courts 
don’t accept either entanglement or free exercise/RFRA challenges?  (Or is the 
sentence saved by the fact that it only says “we can be certain that it could 
be more problematic,” in which case the claim is made accurate by being made 
basically empty?)

Most recently, Marci’s latest response offers one case citation: Gibson v 
Brewer.  But it might be worth noting that Gibson accepts a First Amendment 
defense to employer negligence claims on entanglement and endorsement grounds, 
with a dollop of Kedroff.  It didn’t rely on the Sherbert/Yoder/RFRA strict 
scrutiny model.  Again, instead of concrete analysis, what I’m seeing is 
one-liners and broad assertions.

I would not normally publicly criticize another list member’s work this way, 
but Marci’s implicit accusation of sexism requires me to explain just why her 
argument struck me as more “rhetoric” than substance, and would have regardless 
of her sex.

Eugene




From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 4:28 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I sincerely 
hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts rather than a man.  
This last statement also is not rhetoric but an honest observation.

Eugene's analysis is correct to a point.   Even though slightly more than half 
of the states have rejected religious liberty as an absolute defense, the 
churches still raise religious liberty defenses in a myriad of situations in 
these cases i  those states  Examples: They balk at discovery on a routine 
basis and use the defense to try to get around SOLs.   Shifting from the 
constitutional standard to the RFRA formulation increases delay and cost in 
these cases.   That means it increases the suffering of the victims now and 
creates more dangers in the future.   These are the facts

The same is true for medical neglect.

Having said that -- the North Dakota RFRA also was more extreme than most 
because it did not require a substantial burden.  Just a burden.

RFRA is a misguided approach.  If legislators are foolish enough to adopt this 
formulation which disables laws they worked hard to pass, at the least they 
should exempt all cases involving child abuse and neglect.   Existing rfras 
should be amended accordingly and religious lobbyists should include the child 
safety exemption in every bill they push.

Still, the gay rights lobbies and women 's rights lobbies passionately oppose 
the RFRA formulation.   The tide has turned because they came to understand 
that the rfras are one means of oppressing them.  Again just a fact -- not 
rhetoric.

Marci





On Jun 14, 2012, at 12:13 AM, Volokh, Eugene 
vol...@law.ucla.edumailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:
Folks:  I think that, if we soften the rhetoric and get more 
concrete, we could arrive at the following:

 

RE: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Anecdotal evidence and surmise is all we have for most laws – 
it’s all we have for the proposition that, for instance, having RFRAs actually 
increases religious freedom; it’s not like we have social science or criminal 
statistics to support that.  And social science and criminal statistics are 
especially unlikely to be available for child sexual abuse by the clergy, which 
is for obvious reasons hard to measure accurately, and which is numerically 
rare enough that random variation can easily swamp any slight effects of a RFRA 
or employer tort liability.  To be sure, I think that social science evidence, 
when it’s available and when it’s properly gathered and analyzed, can be very 
helpful in making policy decisions.  But we often find ourselves having to make 
such decisions even without such evidence.

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of lawyer2...@aol.com
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 6:21 AM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse



Do we know of any social science or criminal statistics that supports a notion 
that jurisdictions with RFRA or upheld constitutional defenses to employer 
liability have a higher incidence of child sexual abuse (or, for that matter, 
that incidents of child sexual abuse are higher in religious settings than 
settings, such as public schools, where these legal arguments regarding 
employer liability are inapplicable)...or are we left with anecdotal evidence, 
if not surmise?

--Don Clark
  Nationwide Special Counsel
  United Church of Christ

In a message dated 6/13/2012 11:14:28 P.M. Central Daylight Time, 
vol...@law.ucla.edumailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu writes:
Folks:  I think that, if we soften the rhetoric and get more 
concrete, we could arrive at the following:

1.  There’s been a debate about whether religious freedom 
protections insulate churches from lawsuits for negligent hiring, negligent 
supervision, and negligent retention in child sex abuse cases (I’ll call this 
“employer negligence” for short, though some courts have treated the different 
theories differently).

2.  Many church lawyers, faced with a lawsuit trying to hold a 
church liable for crimes by some of its clergy, have indeed asserted such 
defenses.

3.  In some cases, those defenses have been successful, not 
because religious freedom is seen a defense to a sex abuse charge as such, but 
because it’s seen as a defense to an employer negligence claim.

4.  These defenses have generally been based on constitutional 
non-entanglement arguments, on the theory that secular courts shouldn’t be in 
the business of deciding whether a decision to hire or not hire a minister is 
“reasonable,” but they might in principle also be strengthened by a 
Sherbert/Yoder regime, such as that created by RFRAs or similar constitutional 
amendments.  This having been said, lots of courts in states with such 
Sherbert/Yoder regimes have indeed accepted liability for employer negligence 
notwithstanding those regimes, so it seems quite likely that implementing a 
RFRA would not thwart such negligence – but only quite likely, not certain.

5.  Liability for employer negligence may help encourage 
churches to more closely police their clergy, based on standard 
tort-law-as-deterrence theory.

6.  Conversely, disallowing such liability may, by comparison, 
diminish the incentive for churches to closely police their clergy, and may 
thus yield somewhat more sex abuse by clergy.

7.  Therefore, depending on the magnitude of the effects 
described in item 4 (RFRA strengthening the no-employer-negligence-liability 
position) and item 6 (absence of liability diminishing the incentive to police 
clergy, and absence of policing increasing abuse), enacting a RFRA might in 
some measure yield somewhat more sex abuse by clergy.

This of course doesn’t meaning that enacting a RFRA (even one 
without an exception for employer negligence) is necessarily bad.  I favor 
state RFRA statutes, though I also favor Smith as a constitutional model.  But 
it does suggest one possible cost of a RFRA.

Eugene
=

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RE: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Douglas Laycock
Marci, has any church ever won any form of sexual abuse case on a RFRA theory? 
I will not assert that the number of such cases is zero, because I do not claim 
to have read every case. I am confident that the number of such cases is very 
small. As Eugene has already noted, the churches that have won negligent 
supervision or negligent hiring cases on religious liberty theories have won 
them on the ground that liability would interfere with the relationship between 
the church and its ministers. And that theory was never based in RFRA or 
Sherbert-Yoder. It was and is based in Watson v. Jones and the line of cases 
that also led to the ministerial exception. 

 

We can all agree that the underlying conduct in the sex abuse cases is 
indefensible. Every judge has agreed with that too. You use them like a 
three-year old with a newly discovered hammer, to beat on any religious liberty 
issue no matter how remote or irrelevant. At the AALS in January, you dragged 
the sex abuse cases into a panel on the land use provisions of RLUIPA.  You 
combine the worst sort of ad hominem with the worst sort of guilt by 
association – some religious folks have done bad things, so all religious folks 
should have their liberty constrained in all domains. 

 

Douglas Laycock

Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law

University of Virginia Law School

580 Massie Road

Charlottesville, VA  22903

 434-243-8546

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 11:12 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

 

Doug-- your downplaying of rfras' effect is inaccurate and misleading.   The 
rfras can apply and they are invoked in these casesJust because a case 
comes down on common law theory doesn't mean rfras don't apply.  

 

I think you have sidestepped the issues.  Obviously, rfras  can be invoked  in 
these cases   Are you opposed to exempting child safety from the RFRAs?   

 

And what is your view on a RFRA without substantial modifying burden?  

 

Marci

On Jun 14, 2012, at 11:01 AM, Douglas Laycock dlayc...@virginia.edu wrote:

Gibson v. Brewer is an outlier, giving the church more protection than most 
states provide. And the protection Gibson provides is roughly equivalent to 
what state and federal law provides the public schools in similar 
circumstances. No state has even considered giving religious liberty protection 
to abusers. The only dispute is with respect to entities who weren’t there and 
didn’t do it, but might have been able to prevent it. And most of those cases 
are decided under common law rules uninfluenced by RFRAs or free exercise 
clauses.

 

I have written about Gibson v. Brewer in Michigan in 2007.

 

Douglas Laycock

Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law

University of Virginia Law School

580 Massie Road

Charlottesville, VA  22903

 434-243-8546

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 10:02 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

 

I was talking about the facts of how these cases are litigated. I represent 
many victims in numerous cases around the country on the First Am and RFRA 
issues.  The RCC and LDS on particular push the religious freedom claims hard 
in such cases. Sometimes together

 

 

  Gibson v Brewer out of Missouri Is a good case to start with

 

Marci

On Jun 14, 2012, at 9:31 AM, Arthur Spitzer artspit...@gmail.com wrote:

Marci - I don't believe you've stated the facts of a single case. I'd say the 
same thing if you were a man.
Art

On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 7:27 AM, Marci Hamilton hamilto...@aol.com wrote:

I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I sincerely 
hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts rather than a man.  
This last statement also is not rhetoric but an honest observation.

 

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Anyone can 

Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Arthur Spitzer
I've just read *Gibson v Brewer*, 952 SW.2d 23 (Mo.1997).  If that's the
poster child for why RFRAs are bad, it's not much of a poster.  In the
first place, it didn't involve a RFRA at all, just the First Amendment,
with which we're stuck for better or for worse.

First, motions to dismiss claims of battery, negligent infliction of
emotional distress, and intentional infliction of emotional distress
against the priest were denied by the lower courts, and these decisions
were not reviewed by the Missouri Supreme Court.

the court did dismiss claims of negligent hiring or ordination of clergy,
negligent failure to supervise clergy, negligent infliction of emotional
distress by clergy, and independent negligence by the diocese on First
Amendment grounds.  Some of those rulings may have been too broad.

But it allowed a claim of intentional failure to supervise clergy to go
forward, rejecting the diocese's First Amendment defense.

It also dismissed a respondeat superior claim against the diocese, based on
ordinary principles of Missouri respondeat superior law that would apply to
any employer.  Missouri respondeat superior law appears to be narrower
than, e.g., DC law, where the claim probably would have been allowed to
proceed, but that has nothing to do with religion.   Likewise, it found no
First Amendment bar to a claim of intentional infliction of emotional
distress by the diocese, but dismissed that claim because the allegations
of the complaint did not state a claim under state law.

It would be interesting to know what happened on remand to the claims
against the priest and the claim against the diocese for intentional
failure to supervise.

Art Spitzer





On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 11:45 AM, Volokh, Eugene vol...@law.ucla.eduwrote:

 Anecdotal evidence and surmise is all we have for most
 laws – it’s all we have for the proposition that, for instance, having
 RFRAs actually increases religious freedom; it’s not like we have social
 science or criminal statistics to support that.  And social science and
 criminal statistics are especially unlikely to be available for child
 sexual abuse by the clergy, which is for obvious reasons hard to measure
 accurately, and which is numerically rare enough that random variation can
 easily swamp any slight effects of a RFRA or employer tort liability.  To
 be sure, I think that social science evidence, when it’s available and when
 it’s properly gathered and analyzed, can be very helpful in making policy
 decisions.  But we often find ourselves having to make such decisions even
 without such evidence.

 ** **

 Eugene

 ** **

 *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
 religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *lawyer2...@aol.com
 *Sent:* Thursday, June 14, 2012 6:21 AM
 *To:* religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu

 *Subject:* Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

 ** **

  

  

 *Do we know of any social science or criminal statistics that supports a
 notion that jurisdictions with RFRA or upheld constitutional defenses to
 employer liability have a higher incidence of child sexual abuse (or, for
 that matter, that incidents of child sexual abuse are higher in religious
 settings than settings, such as public schools, where these legal arguments
 regarding employer liability are inapplicable)...or are we left with
 anecdotal evidence, if not surmise?*

  

 *--Don Clark*

 *  Nationwide Special Counsel*

 *  United Church of Christ*

  

 In a message dated 6/13/2012 11:14:28 P.M. Central Daylight Time,
 vol...@law.ucla.edu writes:

 Folks:  I think that, if we soften the rhetoric and get
 more concrete, we could arrive at the following:

 ** **

 1.  There’s been a debate about whether religious freedom
 protections insulate churches from lawsuits for negligent hiring, negligent
 supervision, and negligent retention in child sex abuse cases (I’ll call
 this “employer negligence” for short, though some courts have treated the
 different theories differently).

 ** **

 2.  Many church lawyers, faced with a lawsuit trying to
 hold a church liable for crimes by some of its clergy, have indeed asserted
 such defenses.

 ** **

 3.  In some cases, those defenses have been successful,
 not because religious freedom is seen a defense to a sex abuse charge as
 such, but because it’s seen as a defense to an employer negligence claim.*
 ***

 ** **

 4.  These defenses have generally been based on
 constitutional non-entanglement arguments, on the theory that secular
 courts shouldn’t be in the business of deciding whether a decision to hire
 or not hire a minister is “reasonable,” but they might in principle also be
 strengthened by a Sherbert/Yoder regime, such as that created by RFRAs or
 similar constitutional amendments.  This having been said, lots of courts
 in states with 

Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Vance R. Koven
I think someone needs to raise a word in defense of Marci here. The
perspective of someone who actively litigates these cases has to be
different from that of someone who sits in an office reading the decisions
and synthesizing the rationales of the cases.

The fact that religious-institution defendants raise RFRAs as a defense to
causes of action or to discovery means that the plaintiffs have to go to
that much more work (and legal expense) to counter the arguments. In that
sense, whether the defenses work or not, there is an additional burden on
litigants in having that extra string on the defendant's bow.

That said, the fact that RFRA-based claims don't succeed very well may over
time cause them to wither as a tactic, especially if plaintiffs can whack
the defendants with Rule 11 sanctions for putting them to that bother. And,
of course, this additional burden on plaintiffs may itself not be
sufficient to outweigh the benefits that RFRAs have in terms of
facilitating non-violent religious practice and conscience.

I just wanted to add an observation about the fact that everyone agrees
that child (and female) abuse is indefensible. This is true in a sense,
but the definition of these things matters. Marci's citing the LDS as one
of the black-hat institutions raises a red flag that maybe an
unsophisticated and tendentious notion of abuse is doing too much work in
this discussion--there are practices that many sincere believers do not
consider abusive that have become part of the culture wars. To the extent
that RFRAs force courts to recognize the potential conscientious validity
of these practices, and weigh the countervailing government interest, they
can help prevent  anti-religious (or anti-denominational) lynch mobs from
having free rein. You shouldn't be permitted to just wave your hand in a
culturally biased way at a broad spectrum of practices and call them all
abusive because they're not the norm in New York 10025 or Cambridge 02138.

Vance

On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 12:15 PM, Arthur Spitzer artspit...@gmail.comwrote:

 I've just read *Gibson v Brewer*, 952 SW.2d 23 (Mo.1997).  If that's the
 poster child for why RFRAs are bad, it's not much of a poster.  In the
 first place, it didn't involve a RFRA at all, just the First Amendment,
 with which we're stuck for better or for worse.

 First, motions to dismiss claims of battery, negligent infliction of
 emotional distress, and intentional infliction of emotional distress
 against the priest were denied by the lower courts, and these decisions
 were not reviewed by the Missouri Supreme Court.

 the court did dismiss claims of negligent hiring or ordination of clergy,
 negligent failure to supervise clergy, negligent infliction of emotional
 distress by clergy, and independent negligence by the diocese on First
 Amendment grounds.  Some of those rulings may have been too broad.

 But it allowed a claim of intentional failure to supervise clergy to go
 forward, rejecting the diocese's First Amendment defense.

 It also dismissed a respondeat superior claim against the diocese, based
 on ordinary principles of Missouri respondeat superior law that would apply
 to any employer.  Missouri respondeat superior law appears to be narrower
 than, e.g., DC law, where the claim probably would have been allowed to
 proceed, but that has nothing to do with religion.   Likewise, it found no
 First Amendment bar to a claim of intentional infliction of emotional
 distress by the diocese, but dismissed that claim because the allegations
 of the complaint did not state a claim under state law.

 It would be interesting to know what happened on remand to the claims
 against the priest and the claim against the diocese for intentional
 failure to supervise.

 Art Spitzer






 On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 11:45 AM, Volokh, Eugene vol...@law.ucla.eduwrote:

 Anecdotal evidence and surmise is all we have for most
 laws – it’s all we have for the proposition that, for instance, having
 RFRAs actually increases religious freedom; it’s not like we have social
 science or criminal statistics to support that.  And social science and
 criminal statistics are especially unlikely to be available for child
 sexual abuse by the clergy, which is for obvious reasons hard to measure
 accurately, and which is numerically rare enough that random variation can
 easily swamp any slight effects of a RFRA or employer tort liability.  To
 be sure, I think that social science evidence, when it’s available and when
 it’s properly gathered and analyzed, can be very helpful in making policy
 decisions.  But we often find ourselves having to make such decisions even
 without such evidence.

 ** **

 Eugene

 ** **

 *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
 religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *lawyer2...@aol.com
 *Sent:* Thursday, June 14, 2012 6:21 AM
 *To:* religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu

 *Subject:* Re: Religious exemptions and child 

Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Will Linden
This straight out of C.S. Lewis' Bulverism essay, where young 
Ezekiel Bulver hears his father argue that the angles of a triangle 
add up to 180, and his mother retort You say that because you are a MAN!


At 09:31 AM 6/14/2012, you wrote:
Marci - I don't believe you've stated the facts of a single case. 
I'd say the same thing if you were a man.

Art

On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 7:27 AM, Marci Hamilton 
mailto:hamilto...@aol.comhamilto...@aol.com wrote:


I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I 
sincerely hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts 
rather than a man.  This last statement also is not rhetoric but an 
honest observation.


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Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Steven Jamar
Obviously the man lives in flatland and the woman in sphereland.
:)

On Jun 14, 2012, at 2:28 PM, Will Linden wrote:

 This straight out of C.S. Lewis' Bulverism essay, where young Ezekiel 
 Bulver hears his father argue that the angles of a triangle add up to 180, 
 and his mother retort You say that because you are a MAN!
 
 At 09:31 AM 6/14/2012, you wrote:
 Marci - I don't believe you've stated the facts of a single case. I'd say 
 the same thing if you were a man.
 Art
 
 On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 7:27 AM, Marci Hamilton hamilto...@aol.com wrote:
 
 I'm not sure why stating the facts in these cases is rhetoric   I 
 sincerely hope it is not because a woman is pointing out the facts rather 
 than a man.  This last statement also is not rhetoric but an honest 
 observation.
 
 ___
 To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
 http://lists.ucla.edu/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/religionlaw
 
 Please note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as 
 private.  Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are 
 posted; people can read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or 
 wrongly) forward the messages to others.
 ___
 To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
 http://lists.ucla.edu/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/religionlaw
 
 Please note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as 
 private.  Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; 
 people can read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) 
 forward the messages to others.

--
Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox:  202-806-8017
Associate Director, Institute for Intellectual Property and Social Justice 
http://iipsj.org
Howard University School of Law   fax:  202-806-8567
http://iipsj.com/SDJ/

Nothing ever doesn't change, but nothing changes much.
Damian Kulash of OK Go in White Knuckles

___
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RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Finkelman, Paul paul.finkel...@albanylaw.edu
I posted something  briefly from my droid that was short, but now raise it more 
completely.  Is there any evidence that the defeat in ND was at least in part 
about Indian religious freedom. There is some serious tension between Indians 
and non-Indians in ND and since the whole issue of RFRA came out of Oregon's 
hostility to the Native American Church  -- Oregon could easily have gone the 
other way just on the fact of Smith -- I wonder if there is some sense that 
this issue was present in ND as well.

Paul



*
Paul Finkelman, Ph.D.
President William McKinley Distinguished Professor of Law
Albany Law School
80 New Scotland Avenue
Albany, NY 12208

518-445-3386 (p)
518-445-3363 (f)

paul.finkel...@albanylaw.edumailto:paul.finkel...@albanylaw.edu
www.paulfinkelman.comhttp://www.paulfinkelman.com
*


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Vance R. Koven [vrko...@gmail.com]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 1:57 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

I think someone needs to raise a word in defense of Marci here. The perspective 
of someone who actively litigates these cases has to be different from that of 
someone who sits in an office reading the decisions and synthesizing the 
rationales of the cases.

The fact that religious-institution defendants raise RFRAs as a defense to 
causes of action or to discovery means that the plaintiffs have to go to that 
much more work (and legal expense) to counter the arguments. In that sense, 
whether the defenses work or not, there is an additional burden on litigants 
in having that extra string on the defendant's bow.

That said, the fact that RFRA-based claims don't succeed very well may over 
time cause them to wither as a tactic, especially if plaintiffs can whack the 
defendants with Rule 11 sanctions for putting them to that bother. And, of 
course, this additional burden on plaintiffs may itself not be sufficient to 
outweigh the benefits that RFRAs have in terms of facilitating non-violent 
religious practice and conscience.

I just wanted to add an observation about the fact that everyone agrees that 
child (and female) abuse is indefensible. This is true in a sense, but the 
definition of these things matters. Marci's citing the LDS as one of the 
black-hat institutions raises a red flag that maybe an unsophisticated and 
tendentious notion of abuse is doing too much work in this discussion--there 
are practices that many sincere believers do not consider abusive that have 
become part of the culture wars. To the extent that RFRAs force courts to 
recognize the potential conscientious validity of these practices, and weigh 
the countervailing government interest, they can help prevent  anti-religious 
(or anti-denominational) lynch mobs from having free rein. You shouldn't be 
permitted to just wave your hand in a culturally biased way at a broad spectrum 
of practices and call them all abusive because they're not the norm in New York 
10025 or Cambridge 02138.

Vance

On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 12:15 PM, Arthur Spitzer 
artspit...@gmail.commailto:artspit...@gmail.com wrote:
I've just read Gibson v Brewer, 952 SW.2d 23 (Mo.1997).  If that's the poster 
child for why RFRAs are bad, it's not much of a poster.  In the first place, it 
didn't involve a RFRA at all, just the First Amendment, with which we're stuck 
for better or for worse.

First, motions to dismiss claims of battery, negligent infliction of emotional 
distress, and intentional infliction of emotional distress against the priest 
were denied by the lower courts, and these decisions were not reviewed by the 
Missouri Supreme Court.

the court did dismiss claims of negligent hiring or ordination of clergy, 
negligent failure to supervise clergy, negligent infliction of emotional 
distress by clergy, and independent negligence by the diocese on First 
Amendment grounds.  Some of those rulings may have been too broad.

But it allowed a claim of intentional failure to supervise clergy to go 
forward, rejecting the diocese's First Amendment defense.

It also dismissed a respondeat superior claim against the diocese, based on 
ordinary principles of Missouri respondeat superior law that would apply to any 
employer.  Missouri respondeat superior law appears to be narrower than, e.g., 
DC law, where the claim probably would have been allowed to proceed, but that 
has nothing to do with religion.   Likewise, it found no First Amendment bar to 
a claim of intentional infliction of emotional distress by the diocese, but 
dismissed that claim because the allegations of the complaint did not state a 
claim under state law.

It would be interesting to know what happened on remand to the claims against 
the priest and the claim against the diocese for intentional failure 

RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Eric Rassbach

These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:

http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/

As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls 
aged 12 and to beat their spouses:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8

There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in 
North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.

I did not see anything about Native Americans.




From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Finkelman, Paul paul.finkel...@albanylaw.edu 
[paul.finkel...@albanylaw.edu]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 4:14 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND

I posted something  briefly from my droid that was short, but now raise it more 
completely.  Is there any evidence that the defeat in ND was at least in part 
about Indian religious freedom. There is some serious tension between Indians 
and non-Indians in ND and since the whole issue of RFRA came out of Oregon's 
hostility to the Native American Church  -- Oregon could easily have gone the 
other way just on the fact of Smith -- I wonder if there is some sense that 
this issue was present in ND as well.

Paul



*
Paul Finkelman, Ph.D.
President William McKinley Distinguished Professor of Law
Albany Law School
80 New Scotland Avenue
Albany, NY 12208

518-445-3386 (p)
518-445-3363 (f)

paul.finkel...@albanylaw.edumailto:paul.finkel...@albanylaw.edu
www.paulfinkelman.comhttp://www.paulfinkelman.com
*


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Vance R. Koven [vrko...@gmail.com]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 1:57 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

I think someone needs to raise a word in defense of Marci here. The perspective 
of someone who actively litigates these cases has to be different from that of 
someone who sits in an office reading the decisions and synthesizing the 
rationales of the cases.

The fact that religious-institution defendants raise RFRAs as a defense to 
causes of action or to discovery means that the plaintiffs have to go to that 
much more work (and legal expense) to counter the arguments. In that sense, 
whether the defenses work or not, there is an additional burden on litigants 
in having that extra string on the defendant's bow.

That said, the fact that RFRA-based claims don't succeed very well may over 
time cause them to wither as a tactic, especially if plaintiffs can whack the 
defendants with Rule 11 sanctions for putting them to that bother. And, of 
course, this additional burden on plaintiffs may itself not be sufficient to 
outweigh the benefits that RFRAs have in terms of facilitating non-violent 
religious practice and conscience.

I just wanted to add an observation about the fact that everyone agrees that 
child (and female) abuse is indefensible. This is true in a sense, but the 
definition of these things matters. Marci's citing the LDS as one of the 
black-hat institutions raises a red flag that maybe an unsophisticated and 
tendentious notion of abuse is doing too much work in this discussion--there 
are practices that many sincere believers do not consider abusive that have 
become part of the culture wars. To the extent that RFRAs force courts to 
recognize the potential conscientious validity of these practices, and weigh 
the countervailing government interest, they can help prevent  anti-religious 
(or anti-denominational) lynch mobs from having free rein. You shouldn't be 
permitted to just wave your hand in a culturally biased way at a broad spectrum 
of practices and call them all abusive because they're not the norm in New York 
10025 or Cambridge 02138.

Vance

On Thu, Jun 14, 2012 at 12:15 PM, Arthur Spitzer 
artspit...@gmail.commailto:artspit...@gmail.com wrote:
I've just read Gibson v Brewer, 952 SW.2d 23 (Mo.1997).  If that's the poster 
child for why RFRAs are bad, it's not much of a poster.  In the first place, it 
didn't involve a RFRA at all, just the First Amendment, with which we're stuck 
for better or for worse.

First, motions to dismiss claims of battery, negligent infliction of emotional 
distress, and intentional infliction of emotional distress against the priest 
were denied by the lower courts, and these decisions were not reviewed by the 
Missouri Supreme Court.

the court did dismiss claims of negligent hiring or ordination of clergy, 
negligent failure to supervise clergy, negligent infliction of emotional 
distress by clergy, and independent negligence by the diocese on First 
Amendment grounds.  Some of those rulings may have been too broad.

But it allowed a claim of intentional failure to supervise clergy to go 

Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Douglas Laycock
I don't think there is much of a litigation burden from RFRA defenses in
sexual abuse cases. The principal news about state RFRAs is that they are
seriously underutilized and seriously underenforced when utilized. Chris
Lund documents this at 55 S.D. L. Rev. 466 (2010). This is not a good thing,
but it's a fact. 

 

I am not aware of state RFRAs being used at all in sexual abuse cases. Chris
mentions no such case, and he cites no case with a Doe or Roe plaintiff. But
as Vance says, things can go on in trial courts that law professors don't
know about. So I asked Martin Nussbaum at the Rothgerber firm in Denver
whether anyone is using state RFRAs in sexual abuse cases. Martin has
represented churches in many sexual abuse cases. Here is what he said:

 

I am aware of only one church defense counsel in the past five years, who
has filed a dispositive motion based on church autonomy or other religious
freedom grounds.   That motion was filed in the past year.  It was not based
on a state RFRA argument.  It was unsuccessful.  While the First Amendment
precedents are still split on this issue, the majority of such First
Amendment arguments after 1-1-02 have lost.  

 

I am aware of some arguments being made that seek to limit the scope of
discovery that invoke confidences mandated by church law and contend that
civil courts should respect such confidences due to First Amendment, state
confidential clergy communications statutes, and, conceivably, state RFRAs.
I cannot point though to instances where an advocate invoked state RFRA laws
to limit such discovery.  It may have happened.  I just don't know about
it.

 

The significance of 2002, of course, is that that is when the news from
Boston broke.

 

 

Douglas Laycock

Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law

University of Virginia Law School

580 Massie Road

Charlottesville, VA  22903

 434-243-8546

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Vance R. Koven
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 1:57 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

 

I think someone needs to raise a word in defense of Marci here. The
perspective of someone who actively litigates these cases has to be
different from that of someone who sits in an office reading the decisions
and synthesizing the rationales of the cases.

The fact that religious-institution defendants raise RFRAs as a defense to
causes of action or to discovery means that the plaintiffs have to go to
that much more work (and legal expense) to counter the arguments. In that
sense, whether the defenses work or not, there is an additional burden on
litigants in having that extra string on the defendant's bow.


Vance

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To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
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Please note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as private.  
Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people can 
read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) forward the 
messages to others.

Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse

2012-06-14 Thread Marci Hamilton
There is a significant federal RFRA litigation burden in the diocesan 
bankruptcies.  Marty and I have been on opposite sides litigating it.   I 
currently represent the victims in the Milwaukee Archdiocesan bankruptcy on the 
RFRA and First Amendment issues.

I have seen state rfras pled in many cases.   These cases typically settle so 
decisions are rare.   The trend is definitely against their theories but they 
are part of the fabric of these cases nonetheless.   

Autonomy theories are persistent in these cases.   Marty may not have seen the 
briefing but I see such issues from around the country on a daily basis.  Just 
this week I have seen autonomy argued in Illinois, Hawaii, and California cases.

Marci  


On Jun 14, 2012, at 6:01 PM, Douglas Laycock dlayc...@virginia.edu wrote:

 I don’t think there is much of a litigation burden from RFRA defenses in 
 sexual abuse cases. The principal news about state RFRAs is that they are 
 seriously underutilized and seriously underenforced when utilized. Chris Lund 
 documents this at 55 S.D. L. Rev. 466 (2010). This is not a good thing, but 
 it’s a fact.
  
 I am not aware of state RFRAs being used at all in sexual abuse cases. Chris 
 mentions no such case, and he cites no case with a Doe or Roe plaintiff. But 
 as Vance says, things can go on in trial courts that law professors don’t 
 know about. So I asked Martin Nussbaum at the Rothgerber firm in Denver 
 whether anyone is using state RFRAs in sexual abuse cases. Martin has 
 represented churches in many sexual abuse cases. Here is what he said:
  
 “I am aware of only one church defense counsel in the past five years, who 
 has filed a dispositive motion based on church autonomy or other religious 
 freedom grounds.   That motion was filed in the past year.  It was not based 
 on a state RFRA argument.  It was unsuccessful.  While the First Amendment 
 precedents are still split on this issue, the majority of such First 
 Amendment arguments after 1-1-02 have lost. 
  
 I am aware of some arguments being made that seek to limit the scope of 
 discovery that invoke confidences mandated by church law and contend that 
 civil courts should respect such confidences due to First Amendment, state 
 confidential clergy communications statutes, and, conceivably, state RFRAs.  
 I cannot point though to instances where an advocate invoked state RFRA laws 
 to limit such discovery.  It may have happened.  I just don't know about it.”
  
 The significance of 2002, of course, is that that is when the news from 
 Boston broke.
  
  
 Douglas Laycock
 Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
 University of Virginia Law School
 580 Massie Road
 Charlottesville, VA  22903
  434-243-8546
  
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
 [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Vance R. Koven
 Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 1:57 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: Re: Religious exemptions and child sexual abuse
  
 I think someone needs to raise a word in defense of Marci here. The 
 perspective of someone who actively litigates these cases has to be different 
 from that of someone who sits in an office reading the decisions and 
 synthesizing the rationales of the cases.
 
 The fact that religious-institution defendants raise RFRAs as a defense to 
 causes of action or to discovery means that the plaintiffs have to go to that 
 much more work (and legal expense) to counter the arguments. In that sense, 
 whether the defenses work or not, there is an additional burden on 
 litigants in having that extra string on the defendant's bow.
 
 
 Vance
 
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Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Thanks for the pointer.  Out of this list at the ndagainst3.com site, the only 
item that seems at all plausible is that people could break certain laws on 
non-discrimination, though almost certainly not employment discrimination 
laws.  The other claims would either be almost certainly rejected under strict 
scrutiny, or (in some circumstances) would prevail even without a RFRA, for 
instance if a church employer is firing an unmarried pregnant minister or 
teacher of religion.



A man could be allowed to marry girls, as young as 12, in the name of religion.1

An employer could fire an unmarried pregnant woman simply because of the 
employer's religious beliefs.2

A man could claim domestic violence laws don't apply to him because his 
religion teaches that a husband has the right to discipline his family, 
including his wife and children as he sees fit.3

A parent who believes in faith healing could to deny critical medical treatment 
to a seriously ill child.4

Simply put, people could break our laws in the name of religious freedom, 
including laws on non-discrimination, domestic violence and child abuse.5



Eugene



 -Original Message-

 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-

 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric Rassbach

 Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 1:42 PM

 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics

 Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND





 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:



 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/



 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls

 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:



 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8



 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in

 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.



 I did not see anything about Native Americans.
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RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread b...@jmcenter.org
Eric,

Glad to see you focusing on the claims made with respect to Measure 3. I've been
counseling a nontheistic North Dakota group for over a year on Measure 3 and its
predecessor. My primary concern has been the potential use of Measure 3 to
legalize discrimination against atheists, members of minority religions and
LGBT. Considering the fact that Justice Scalia doesn't believe the Establishment
Clause protects atheists, Justice Thomas doesn't believe in incorporation and
six of nine justices self-identify themselves as Catholic, all bets are off what
would have benn protected by mere burden in Measure 3.

Bob Ritter
Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty
A Project of the Law Office of Robert V. Ritter
Falls Church, VA
703-533-0236


On June 14, 2012 at 4:42 PM Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org wrote:


 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:

 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/

 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls
 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8

 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in
 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.

 I did not see anything about Native Americans.


 ___
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Re: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread b...@jmcenter.org
Eugene,

Just to follow up on your point that some discrimination in the name of religion
would possibly be tolerated under Measure 3 such as . . .
1. A pharmacist refusing to dispense Plan B.
2. A taxi cab driver refusing to transport a person with the smell of alcohol on
his breath.
3. A professional photographer refusing to photograph an LGBT civil ceremony.
4. A landlord refusing to rent to an atheist.
Seems to me this is precisely why Measure 3 was defeated and RFRAs should be
repealed -- because equality is a core American value.

Bob Ritter


On June 14, 2012 at 7:29 PM Volokh, Eugene vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:


 
  Thanks for the pointer.  Out of this list at the ndagainst3.com site, the
 only item that seems at all plausible is that “people could break” certain
 “laws on non-discrimination,” though almost certainly not employment
 discrimination laws.  The other claims would either be almost certainly
 rejected under strict scrutiny, or (in some circumstances) would prevail even
 without a RFRA, for instance if a church employer is firing an unmarried
 pregnant minister or teacher of religion.
 
 
 
  A man could be allowed to marry girls, as young as 12, in the name of
 religion.1
 
  An employer could fire an unmarried pregnant woman simply because of the
 employer’s religious beliefs.2
 
  A man could claim domestic violence laws don’t apply to him because his
 religion teaches that a husband has the right to discipline his family,
 including his wife and children as he sees fit.3
 
  A parent who believes in faith healing could to deny critical medical
 treatment to a seriously ill child.4
 
  Simply put, people could break our laws in the name of religious freedom,
 including laws on non-discrimination, domestic violence and child abuse.5
 
 
 
  Eugene
 
 
 
   -Original Message-
 
   From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 
   boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric Rassbach
 
   Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 1:42 PM
 
   To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 
   Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND
 
  
 
  
 
   These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:
 
  
 
   http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/ http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/
 
  
 
   As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls
 
   aged 12 and to beat their spouses:
 
  
 
   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8
   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8
 
  
 
   There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced
   in
 
   North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.
 
  
 
   I did not see anything about Native Americans.
 
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Re: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Douglas Laycock
The Supreme Court of the United states would have had nothing to say about the 
meaning of Measure 3. It would have been a state law issue.



On Thu, 14 Jun 2012 20:50:43 -0400 (EDT)
 b...@jmcenter.org b...@jmcenter.org wrote:
Eric,

Glad to see you focusing on the claims made with respect to Measure 3. I've 
been
counseling a nontheistic North Dakota group for over a year on Measure 3 and 
its
predecessor. My primary concern has been the potential use of Measure 3 to
legalize discrimination against atheists, members of minority religions and
LGBT. Considering the fact that Justice Scalia doesn't believe the 
Establishment
Clause protects atheists, Justice Thomas doesn't believe in incorporation and
six of nine justices self-identify themselves as Catholic, all bets are off 
what
would have benn protected by mere burden in Measure 3.

Bob Ritter
Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty
A Project of the Law Office of Robert V. Ritter
Falls Church, VA
703-533-0236


On June 14, 2012 at 4:42 PM Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org wrote:


 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:

 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/

 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls
 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8

 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in
 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.

 I did not see anything about Native Americans.


 

Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546
___
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Re: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread hamilton02
Presumably the federal Establishment Clause would limit the reach of Measure 3.





 
Marci A. Hamilton
Paul R. Verkuil Chair in Public Law
Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law
Yeshiva University
55 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY 10003
(212) 790-0215
hamilto...@aol.com




-Original Message-
From: Douglas Laycock dlayc...@virginia.edu
To: bob b...@jmcenter.org; Law  Religion issues for Law Academics 
religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Sent: Thu, Jun 14, 2012 9:17 pm
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND


The Supreme Court of the United states would have had nothing to say about the 
meaning of Measure 3. It would have been a state law issue.



On Thu, 14 Jun 2012 20:50:43 -0400 (EDT)
 b...@jmcenter.org b...@jmcenter.org wrote:
Eric,

Glad to see you focusing on the claims made with respect to Measure 3. I've 
been
counseling a nontheistic North Dakota group for over a year on Measure 3 and 
its
predecessor. My primary concern has been the potential use of Measure 3 to
legalize discrimination against atheists, members of minority religions and
LGBT. Considering the fact that Justice Scalia doesn't believe the 
Establishment
Clause protects atheists, Justice Thomas doesn't believe in incorporation and
six of nine justices self-identify themselves as Catholic, all bets are off 
what
would have benn protected by mere burden in Measure 3.

Bob Ritter
Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty
A Project of the Law Office of Robert V. Ritter
Falls Church, VA
703-533-0236


On June 14, 2012 at 4:42 PM Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org wrote:


 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:

 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/

 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls
 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8

 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in
 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.

 I did not see anything about Native Americans.


 

Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546
___
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RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Eric Rassbach


I don't know that all bets would need to be off in any case, since other state 
RFRAs have long used burden rather than substantial burden, e.g. 
Connecticut's.




From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Douglas Laycock [dlayc...@virginia.edu]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 9:15 PM
To: b...@jmcenter.org; Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND

The Supreme Court of the United states would have had nothing to say about the 
meaning of Measure 3. It would have been a state law issue.



On Thu, 14 Jun 2012 20:50:43 -0400 (EDT)
 b...@jmcenter.org b...@jmcenter.org wrote:
Eric,

Glad to see you focusing on the claims made with respect to Measure 3. I've 
been
counseling a nontheistic North Dakota group for over a year on Measure 3 and 
its
predecessor. My primary concern has been the potential use of Measure 3 to
legalize discrimination against atheists, members of minority religions and
LGBT. Considering the fact that Justice Scalia doesn't believe the 
Establishment
Clause protects atheists, Justice Thomas doesn't believe in incorporation and
six of nine justices self-identify themselves as Catholic, all bets are off 
what
would have benn protected by mere burden in Measure 3.

Bob Ritter
Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty
A Project of the Law Office of Robert V. Ritter
Falls Church, VA
703-533-0236


On June 14, 2012 at 4:42 PM Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org wrote:


 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:

 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/

 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls
 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8

 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in
 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.

 I did not see anything about Native Americans.




Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546
___
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Re: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread hamilton02
Other than Conn and Alabama, I'm not aware of another state that eliminated 
substantial from the formulation.
Are there others?





I don't know that all bets would need to be off in any case, since other state 
RFRAs have long used burden rather than substantial burden, e.g. 
Connecticut's.





 
Marci A. Hamilton
Paul R. Verkuil Chair in Public Law
Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law
Yeshiva University
55 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY 10003
(212) 790-0215
hamilto...@aol.com




-Original Message-
From: Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu; bob 
b...@jmcenter.org
Sent: Thu, Jun 14, 2012 9:26 pm
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND




I don't know that all bets would need to be off in any case, since other state 
RFRAs have long used burden rather than substantial burden, e.g. 
Connecticut's.




From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On 
Behalf Of Douglas Laycock [dlayc...@virginia.edu]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 9:15 PM
To: b...@jmcenter.org; Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND

The Supreme Court of the United states would have had nothing to say about the 
meaning of Measure 3. It would have been a state law issue.



On Thu, 14 Jun 2012 20:50:43 -0400 (EDT)
 b...@jmcenter.org b...@jmcenter.org wrote:
Eric,

Glad to see you focusing on the claims made with respect to Measure 3. I've 
been
counseling a nontheistic North Dakota group for over a year on Measure 3 and 
its
predecessor. My primary concern has been the potential use of Measure 3 to
legalize discrimination against atheists, members of minority religions and
LGBT. Considering the fact that Justice Scalia doesn't believe the 
Establishment
Clause protects atheists, Justice Thomas doesn't believe in incorporation and
six of nine justices self-identify themselves as Catholic, all bets are off 
what
would have benn protected by mere burden in Measure 3.

Bob Ritter
Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty
A Project of the Law Office of Robert V. Ritter
Falls Church, VA
703-533-0236


On June 14, 2012 at 4:42 PM Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org wrote:


 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:

 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/

 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls
 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8

 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in
 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.

 I did not see anything about Native Americans.




Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546
___
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RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Roman P. Storzer
I believe that New Mexico's speaks in terms of restrict[ing] a person's
free exercise of religion.
 
Roman
 
Storzer  Greene, P.L.L.C. 
 
1025 Connecticut Avenue, Northwest
Suite One Thousand
Washington, D.C. 20011
Tel: (202) 857-9766
Fax: (202) 315-3996
 
110 Wall Street
Eleventh Floor
New York, N.Y. 10005
Tel: (212) 943-4343
Fax: (202) 315-3996

http://www.storzerandgreene.com blocked::http://www.storzerandgreene.com/ 
stor...@storzerandgreene.com blocked::mailto:stor...@storzerandgreene.com 

  _  

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of hamilto...@aol.com
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 9:32 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu; b...@jmcenter.org
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND


Other than Conn and Alabama, I'm not aware of another state that eliminated
substantial from the formulation. 
Are there others?



I don't know that all bets would need to be off in any case, since other
state 

RFRAs have long used burden rather than substantial burden, e.g. 

Connecticut's.





 
Marci A. Hamilton
Paul R. Verkuil Chair in Public Law
Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law
Yeshiva University
55 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY 10003
(212) 790-0215
hamilto...@aol.com



-Original Message-
From: Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu;
bob b...@jmcenter.org
Sent: Thu, Jun 14, 2012 9:26 pm
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND






I don't know that all bets would need to be off in any case, since other
state 

RFRAs have long used burden rather than substantial burden, e.g. 

Connecticut's.









From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On 

Behalf Of Douglas Laycock [dlayc...@virginia.edu]

Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 9:15 PM

To: b...@jmcenter.org; Law  Religion issues for Law Academics

Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND



The Supreme Court of the United states would have had nothing to say about
the 

meaning of Measure 3. It would have been a state law issue.







On Thu, 14 Jun 2012 20:50:43 -0400 (EDT)

 b...@jmcenter.org b...@jmcenter.org wrote:

Eric,



Glad to see you focusing on the claims made with respect to Measure 3. I've


been

counseling a nontheistic North Dakota group for over a year on Measure 3
and 

its

predecessor. My primary concern has been the potential use of Measure 3 to

legalize discrimination against atheists, members of minority religions and

LGBT. Considering the fact that Justice Scalia doesn't believe the 

Establishment

Clause protects atheists, Justice Thomas doesn't believe in incorporation
and

six of nine justices self-identify themselves as Catholic, all bets are off


what

would have benn protected by mere burden in Measure 3.



Bob Ritter

Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty

A Project of the Law Office of Robert V. Ritter

Falls Church, VA

703-533-0236





On June 14, 2012 at 4:42 PM Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org wrote:





 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:



 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/



 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry
girls

 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:



 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8



 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being
enforced in

 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.



 I did not see anything about Native Americans.









Douglas Laycock

Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law

University of Virginia Law School

580 Massie Road

Charlottesville, VA  22903

 434-243-8546

___

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To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 

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Re: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Marc Stern
In short,any accommodation of religion is a violation of the equal protection 
clause. This would certainly be a rather sharp departure from the best of the 
American tradition. And I guess I have been misinformed all these years in 
thinking religious freedom was a basic american value.
Bob's message does illustrate the sharp divide between an egalitarian 
understanding of the constitution and a liberty based one-a divide highlighted 
today when the aclu sent the senate a letter calling for a very narrow 
religious exemption from ENDA. There was a time the aclu valued religious 
liberty.
Apparently no longer for conservative faiths.
Marc

From: b...@jmcenter.org [mailto:b...@jmcenter.org]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 09:12 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND


Eugene,


Just to follow up on your point that some discrimination in the name of 
religion would possibly be tolerated under Measure 3 such as . . .

 1.  A pharmacist refusing to dispense Plan B.
 2.  A taxi cab driver refusing to transport a person with the smell of alcohol 
on his breath.
 3.  A professional photographer refusing to photograph an LGBT civil ceremony.
 4.  A landlord refusing to rent to an atheist.

Seems to me this is precisely why Measure 3 was defeated and RFRAs should be 
repealed -- because equality is a core American value.



Bob Ritter

On June 14, 2012 at 7:29 PM Volokh, Eugene vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:


Thanks for the pointer.  Out of this list at the ndagainst3.com site, the only 
item that seems at all plausible is that “people could break” certain “laws on 
non-discrimination,” though almost certainly not employment discrimination 
laws.  The other claims would either be almost certainly rejected under strict 
scrutiny, or (in some circumstances) would prevail even without a RFRA, for 
instance if a church employer is firing an unmarried pregnant minister or 
teacher of religion.



A man could be allowed to marry girls, as young as 12, in the name of religion.1

An employer could fire an unmarried pregnant woman simply because of the 
employer’s religious beliefs.2

A man could claim domestic violence laws don’t apply to him because his 
religion teaches that a husband has the right to discipline his family, 
including his wife and children as he sees fit.3

A parent who believes in faith healing could to deny critical medical treatment 
to a seriously ill child.4

Simply put, people could break our laws in the name of religious freedom, 
including laws on non-discrimination, domestic violence and child abuse.5



Eugene



 -Original Message-

 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-

 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric Rassbach

 Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 1:42 PM

 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics

 Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND





 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:



 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/



 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry girls

 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:



 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8



 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being enforced in

 North Dakota as a result of passing the RFRA.



 I did not see anything about Native Americans.


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RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Folks:  Again, perhaps it might be good to avoid the rhetoric 
and focus on the serious issues involved.  American law has long valued both 
equality and accommodation of religious beliefs.   For many decades, it has 
valued equality in treatment by many nongovernmental actors (and incidentally 
in requiring certain nongovernmental actors to accommodate religious beliefs, 
but that isn’t involved here).  The ACLU has likewise long valued both equality 
and accommodation of religious beliefs.

The difficulty is that the two often conflict.  Sometimes the legal system 
deals with this conflict by categorically prioritizing liberty (from government 
intrusion) over equality of treatment by nongovernmental actors.  For instance, 
the government may not tell people not to discriminate in marriage, or, I take 
it, in choice of friends, and no state laws purport to do that.  The government 
may not bar parade organizers from discriminating against gay-themed floats, 
and (more controversially) may not bar the Boy Scouts from discriminating 
against gay scoutmasters.  The Ninth Circuit recently interpreted California 
fair housing law as leaving people free to discriminate in choice of roommates, 
in part because of constitutional concerns.

Likewise, statutes often don’t regulate even behavior that they 
constitutionally may regulate.  The Civil Rights Act of 1964, for instance, 
left the vast majority of businesses and professionals free to choose whom to 
deal with as customers; it defined regulated places of public accommodation 
quite narrowly.  Many state laws, though, have provided far broader coverage 
for the equality mandate, thus diminishing the business owners’ liberty (and, 
in the process, religious liberty).

Other times the legal system deals with this conflict by categorically 
prioritizing equality of treatment over liberty; for instance, to my knowledge 
courts have consistently rejected religious exemption claims from employment 
discrimination laws, outside the context of (1) ministerial positions and (2) 
statutory exemptions (for instance, exemptions for religious institutions from 
bans on discrimination based on religion, and in some states based on sexual 
orientation).

Still other times, though rarely, courts have carved out religious exemptions 
under RFRAs and similar state constitutional exemption regimes; to my 
knowledge, this has only happened with regard to housing discrimination based 
on marital status.

How to resolve this is not, I think, easily answered either with assertions 
that “equality is a core American value” or that “religious freedom is a basic 
American value,” or claims that the ACLU doesn’t “value[] religious liberty” 
“for conservative faiths.”  My sense is that we need to talk more specifically 
and concretely about the arguments for and against respecting equality and 
liberty in each instance.  (For instance, the argument for letting taxi cab 
drivers discriminate based on passengers’ consumption of alcohol – a right that 
most other businesses enjoy, since it doesn’t involve discrimination based on 
the passenger’s religion, race, etc. – is different from the argument for 
letting landlords refuse to rent to atheists or from the argument for letting 
photographers choose which kinds of expressive works to create.)

My sense is that it might also be helpful to talk about the level of law at 
which a religious exemption regime is enacted.  A state statutory RFRA leaves 
the state legislature free to decide that some laws (including 
antidiscrimination laws) should be exempted from the RFRA, and to effectively 
overturn the results of court decisions that grant exemptions.  A state 
constitutional RFRA doesn’t do that.  A federal statutory RFRA that binds state 
governments, and a federal Sherbert/Yoder regime, make it even harder for 
legislatures who feel strongly about the need for an exemption-less equality 
rule to implement those views into law.

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marc Stern
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 7:01 PM
To: 'b...@jmcenter.org'; 'religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu'
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND

In short,any accommodation of religion is a violation of the equal protection 
clause. This would certainly be a rather sharp departure from the best of the 
American tradition. And I guess I have been misinformed all these years in 
thinking religious freedom was a basic american value.
Bob's message does illustrate the sharp divide between an egalitarian 
understanding of the constitution and a liberty based one-a divide highlighted 
today when the aclu sent the senate a letter calling for a very narrow 
religious exemption from ENDA. There was a time the aclu valued religious 
liberty.
Apparently no longer for conservative faiths.
Marc

From: b...@jmcenter.orgmailto:b...@jmcenter.org [mailto:b...@jmcenter.org]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 09:12 

RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Alan Brownstein
Very well stated, Eugene. My compliments.



Alan


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Volokh, Eugene [vol...@law.ucla.edu]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 7:24 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND

Folks:  Again, perhaps it might be good to avoid the rhetoric 
and focus on the serious issues involved.  American law has long valued both 
equality and accommodation of religious beliefs.   For many decades, it has 
valued equality in treatment by many nongovernmental actors (and incidentally 
in requiring certain nongovernmental actors to accommodate religious beliefs, 
but that isn’t involved here).  The ACLU has likewise long valued both equality 
and accommodation of religious beliefs.

The difficulty is that the two often conflict.  Sometimes the legal system 
deals with this conflict by categorically prioritizing liberty (from government 
intrusion) over equality of treatment by nongovernmental actors.  For instance, 
the government may not tell people not to discriminate in marriage, or, I take 
it, in choice of friends, and no state laws purport to do that.  The government 
may not bar parade organizers from discriminating against gay-themed floats, 
and (more controversially) may not bar the Boy Scouts from discriminating 
against gay scoutmasters.  The Ninth Circuit recently interpreted California 
fair housing law as leaving people free to discriminate in choice of roommates, 
in part because of constitutional concerns.

Likewise, statutes often don’t regulate even behavior that they 
constitutionally may regulate.  The Civil Rights Act of 1964, for instance, 
left the vast majority of businesses and professionals free to choose whom to 
deal with as customers; it defined regulated places of public accommodation 
quite narrowly.  Many state laws, though, have provided far broader coverage 
for the equality mandate, thus diminishing the business owners’ liberty (and, 
in the process, religious liberty).

Other times the legal system deals with this conflict by categorically 
prioritizing equality of treatment over liberty; for instance, to my knowledge 
courts have consistently rejected religious exemption claims from employment 
discrimination laws, outside the context of (1) ministerial positions and (2) 
statutory exemptions (for instance, exemptions for religious institutions from 
bans on discrimination based on religion, and in some states based on sexual 
orientation).

Still other times, though rarely, courts have carved out religious exemptions 
under RFRAs and similar state constitutional exemption regimes; to my 
knowledge, this has only happened with regard to housing discrimination based 
on marital status.

How to resolve this is not, I think, easily answered either with assertions 
that “equality is a core American value” or that “religious freedom is a basic 
American value,” or claims that the ACLU doesn’t “value[] religious liberty” 
“for conservative faiths.”  My sense is that we need to talk more specifically 
and concretely about the arguments for and against respecting equality and 
liberty in each instance.  (For instance, the argument for letting taxi cab 
drivers discriminate based on passengers’ consumption of alcohol – a right that 
most other businesses enjoy, since it doesn’t involve discrimination based on 
the passenger’s religion, race, etc. – is different from the argument for 
letting landlords refuse to rent to atheists or from the argument for letting 
photographers choose which kinds of expressive works to create.)

My sense is that it might also be helpful to talk about the level of law at 
which a religious exemption regime is enacted.  A state statutory RFRA leaves 
the state legislature free to decide that some laws (including 
antidiscrimination laws) should be exempted from the RFRA, and to effectively 
overturn the results of court decisions that grant exemptions.  A state 
constitutional RFRA doesn’t do that.  A federal statutory RFRA that binds state 
governments, and a federal Sherbert/Yoder regime, make it even harder for 
legislatures who feel strongly about the need for an exemption-less equality 
rule to implement those views into law.

Eugene


___
To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
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Please note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as private.  
Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people can 
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messages to others.

RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Thanks - I much appreciate the kind words!

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 8:07 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND


Very well stated, Eugene. My compliments.



Alan


From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] on behalf of Volokh, Eugene 
[vol...@law.ucla.edu]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 7:24 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND
Folks:  Again, perhaps it might be good to avoid the rhetoric 
and focus on the serious issues involved.  American law has long valued both 
equality and accommodation of religious beliefs.   For many decades, it has 
valued equality in treatment by many nongovernmental actors (and incidentally 
in requiring certain nongovernmental actors to accommodate religious beliefs, 
but that isn't involved here).  The ACLU has likewise long valued both equality 
and accommodation of religious beliefs.

The difficulty is that the two often conflict.  Sometimes the legal system 
deals with this conflict by categorically prioritizing liberty (from government 
intrusion) over equality of treatment by nongovernmental actors.  For instance, 
the government may not tell people not to discriminate in marriage, or, I take 
it, in choice of friends, and no state laws purport to do that.  The government 
may not bar parade organizers from discriminating against gay-themed floats, 
and (more controversially) may not bar the Boy Scouts from discriminating 
against gay scoutmasters.  The Ninth Circuit recently interpreted California 
fair housing law as leaving people free to discriminate in choice of roommates, 
in part because of constitutional concerns.

Likewise, statutes often don't regulate even behavior that they 
constitutionally may regulate.  The Civil Rights Act of 1964, for instance, 
left the vast majority of businesses and professionals free to choose whom to 
deal with as customers; it defined regulated places of public accommodation 
quite narrowly.  Many state laws, though, have provided far broader coverage 
for the equality mandate, thus diminishing the business owners' liberty (and, 
in the process, religious liberty).

Other times the legal system deals with this conflict by categorically 
prioritizing equality of treatment over liberty; for instance, to my knowledge 
courts have consistently rejected religious exemption claims from employment 
discrimination laws, outside the context of (1) ministerial positions and (2) 
statutory exemptions (for instance, exemptions for religious institutions from 
bans on discrimination based on religion, and in some states based on sexual 
orientation).

Still other times, though rarely, courts have carved out religious exemptions 
under RFRAs and similar state constitutional exemption regimes; to my 
knowledge, this has only happened with regard to housing discrimination based 
on marital status.

How to resolve this is not, I think, easily answered either with assertions 
that equality is a core American value or that religious freedom is a basic 
American value, or claims that the ACLU doesn't value[] religious liberty 
for conservative faiths.  My sense is that we need to talk more specifically 
and concretely about the arguments for and against respecting equality and 
liberty in each instance.  (For instance, the argument for letting taxi cab 
drivers discriminate based on passengers' consumption of alcohol - a right that 
most other businesses enjoy, since it doesn't involve discrimination based on 
the passenger's religion, race, etc. - is different from the argument for 
letting landlords refuse to rent to atheists or from the argument for letting 
photographers choose which kinds of expressive works to create.)

My sense is that it might also be helpful to talk about the level of law at 
which a religious exemption regime is enacted.  A state statutory RFRA leaves 
the state legislature free to decide that some laws (including 
antidiscrimination laws) should be exempted from the RFRA, and to effectively 
overturn the results of court decisions that grant exemptions.  A state 
constitutional RFRA doesn't do that.  A federal statutory RFRA that binds state 
governments, and a federal Sherbert/Yoder regime, make it even harder for 
legislatures who feel strongly about the need for an exemption-less equality 
rule to implement those views into law.

Eugene


___
To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
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Anyone can subscribe to the 

RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Volokh, Eugene
OK, sorry, that wasn't meant for the whole list   D'oh!

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 8:11 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND

Thanks - I much appreciate the kind words!

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 8:07 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND


Very well stated, Eugene. My compliments.



Alan


From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] on behalf of Volokh, Eugene 
[vol...@law.ucla.edu]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 7:24 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND
Folks:  Again, perhaps it might be good to avoid the rhetoric 
and focus on the serious issues involved.  American law has long valued both 
equality and accommodation of religious beliefs.   For many decades, it has 
valued equality in treatment by many nongovernmental actors (and incidentally 
in requiring certain nongovernmental actors to accommodate religious beliefs, 
but that isn't involved here).  The ACLU has likewise long valued both equality 
and accommodation of religious beliefs.

The difficulty is that the two often conflict.  Sometimes the legal system 
deals with this conflict by categorically prioritizing liberty (from government 
intrusion) over equality of treatment by nongovernmental actors.  For instance, 
the government may not tell people not to discriminate in marriage, or, I take 
it, in choice of friends, and no state laws purport to do that.  The government 
may not bar parade organizers from discriminating against gay-themed floats, 
and (more controversially) may not bar the Boy Scouts from discriminating 
against gay scoutmasters.  The Ninth Circuit recently interpreted California 
fair housing law as leaving people free to discriminate in choice of roommates, 
in part because of constitutional concerns.

Likewise, statutes often don't regulate even behavior that they 
constitutionally may regulate.  The Civil Rights Act of 1964, for instance, 
left the vast majority of businesses and professionals free to choose whom to 
deal with as customers; it defined regulated places of public accommodation 
quite narrowly.  Many state laws, though, have provided far broader coverage 
for the equality mandate, thus diminishing the business owners' liberty (and, 
in the process, religious liberty).

Other times the legal system deals with this conflict by categorically 
prioritizing equality of treatment over liberty; for instance, to my knowledge 
courts have consistently rejected religious exemption claims from employment 
discrimination laws, outside the context of (1) ministerial positions and (2) 
statutory exemptions (for instance, exemptions for religious institutions from 
bans on discrimination based on religion, and in some states based on sexual 
orientation).

Still other times, though rarely, courts have carved out religious exemptions 
under RFRAs and similar state constitutional exemption regimes; to my 
knowledge, this has only happened with regard to housing discrimination based 
on marital status.

How to resolve this is not, I think, easily answered either with assertions 
that equality is a core American value or that religious freedom is a basic 
American value, or claims that the ACLU doesn't value[] religious liberty 
for conservative faiths.  My sense is that we need to talk more specifically 
and concretely about the arguments for and against respecting equality and 
liberty in each instance.  (For instance, the argument for letting taxi cab 
drivers discriminate based on passengers' consumption of alcohol - a right that 
most other businesses enjoy, since it doesn't involve discrimination based on 
the passenger's religion, race, etc. - is different from the argument for 
letting landlords refuse to rent to atheists or from the argument for letting 
photographers choose which kinds of expressive works to create.)

My sense is that it might also be helpful to talk about the level of law at 
which a religious exemption regime is enacted.  A state statutory RFRA leaves 
the state legislature free to decide that some laws (including 
antidiscrimination laws) should be exempted from the RFRA, and to effectively 
overturn the results of court decisions that grant exemptions.  A state 
constitutional RFRA doesn't do that.  A federal statutory RFRA that binds state 
governments, and a federal Sherbert/Yoder regime, make it even harder for 
legislatures who feel strongly about the need for an exemption-less equality 
rule to implement those views 

RE: Religious exemptions in ND

2012-06-14 Thread Christopher Lund
Connecticut and Alabama use burden instead of substantial burden in
their state RFRAs.  Rhode Island, New Mexico, and Missouri speak of
restrictions on religious liberty.  But I really don't know how much the
difference in language ends up mattering.  Connecticut is a burden
state, like North Dakota would have been.  But the lower courts in
Connecticut have interpreted Connecticut's RFRA to be equivalent to the
standard laid out in Employment Division v. Smith.  It's hard to see how
that is even possible, given what state RFRAs were designed to do.  But
there it is.  My South Dakota piece (which Doug referred to earlier)
provides the details.  

 

Given all this, it's hard for me to understand these fears of dramatic
overenforcement.  Even with explicit authorization from state
legislatures, we can't even seem to get back to Sherbert/Yoder-and it's
not as if the Sherbert/Yoder regime led to the horrible things that NARAL
was fearing.

 

Best, Chris

___

Christopher C. Lund

Assistant Professor of Law

Wayne State University Law School

471 West Palmer St.

Detroit, MI  48202

l...@wayne.edu

(313) 577-4046 (phone)

(313) 577-9016 (fax)

Website-http://law.wayne.edu/profile/christopher.lund/

Papers-http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=363402

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Roman P. Storzer
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 9:45 PM
To: 'Law  Religion issues for Law Academics'
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND

 

I believe that New Mexico's speaks in terms of restrict[ing] a person's
free exercise of religion.

 

Roman

 

Storzer  Greene, P.L.L.C. 

 

1025 Connecticut Avenue, Northwest

Suite One Thousand

Washington, D.C. 20011

Tel: (202) 857-9766

Fax: (202) 315-3996

 

110 Wall Street

Eleventh Floor

New York, N.Y. 10005

Tel: (212) 943-4343

Fax: (202) 315-3996


http://www.storzerandgreene.com
blocked::http://www.storzerandgreene.com/ 

stor...@storzerandgreene.com
blocked::mailto:stor...@storzerandgreene.com 

 

  _  

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of
hamilto...@aol.com
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 9:32 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu; b...@jmcenter.org
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND

Other than Conn and Alabama, I'm not aware of another state that
eliminated substantial from the formulation. 

Are there others?

 

 

I don't know that all bets would need to be off in any case, since other
state 
RFRAs have long used burden rather than substantial burden, e.g. 
Connecticut's.

 

 

Marci A. Hamilton

Paul R. Verkuil Chair in Public Law

Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law

Yeshiva University

55 Fifth Avenue

New York, NY 10003

(212) 790-0215

hamilto...@aol.com

 

-Original Message-
From: Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu;
bob b...@jmcenter.org
Sent: Thu, Jun 14, 2012 9:26 pm
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND

 
 
I don't know that all bets would need to be off in any case, since other
state 
RFRAs have long used burden rather than substantial burden, e.g. 
Connecticut's.
 
 
 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On 
Behalf Of Douglas Laycock [dlayc...@virginia.edu]
Sent: Thursday, June 14, 2012 9:15 PM
To: b...@jmcenter.org; Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Religious exemptions in ND
 
The Supreme Court of the United states would have had nothing to say about
the 
meaning of Measure 3. It would have been a state law issue.
 
 
 
On Thu, 14 Jun 2012 20:50:43 -0400 (EDT)
 b...@jmcenter.org b...@jmcenter.org wrote:
Eric,
 
Glad to see you focusing on the claims made with respect to Measure 3.
I've 
been
counseling a nontheistic North Dakota group for over a year on Measure 3
and 
its
predecessor. My primary concern has been the potential use of Measure 3
to
legalize discrimination against atheists, members of minority religions
and
LGBT. Considering the fact that Justice Scalia doesn't believe the 
Establishment
Clause protects atheists, Justice Thomas doesn't believe in incorporation
and
six of nine justices self-identify themselves as Catholic, all bets are
off 
what
would have benn protected by mere burden in Measure 3.
 
Bob Ritter
Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty
A Project of the Law Office of Robert V. Ritter
Falls Church, VA
703-533-0236
 
 
On June 14, 2012 at 4:42 PM Eric Rassbach erassb...@becketfund.org
wrote:
 
 
 These appear to be some of the main arguments against passing the RFRA:
 
 http://ndagainst3.com/get-the-facts/
 
 As an example, this TV ad said that the RFRA would allow men to marry
girls
 aged 12 and to beat their spouses:
 
 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=14ngnqGR6e8
 
 There was also quite a bit of blog chatter about sharia law being
enforced in
 North Dakota as a