Damn.  I've missed those posts.  Can someone point to the archive! ;-)

-----Original Message-----
From: Dana Tierney [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Friday, June 06, 2003 9:40 AM
To: CF-Community
Subject: Re: Stratfor: WMD in Iraq. The issues involved.


John, why are you complaining about the WMD posts? I read them, so there.
Several other people seem interested in the topic. Do I tell you not to
post about the Dixie Chicks having a wet T-shirt contest?

Dana

John Stanley writes:

> yet another exciting post on WMD's....
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Angel Stewart [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Sent: Friday, June 06, 2003 10:32 AM
> To: CF-Community
> Subject: Stratfor: WMD in Iraq. The issues involved.
>
>
> This is the most logical and well defined view on the situation that I
> have read so far.
> It explains why the war was never about WMD (which we all now know), the
> result of the war is the United States is now the major power in the
> Middle East, and focussing on WMD instead of the true strategy of the
> Bush Administration in this war was a grave miscalculation:
> -----
> THE STRATFOR WEEKLY
> 5 June 2003
>
> by Dr. George Friedman
>
> WMD
>
> Summary
>
> The inability to discover weapons of mass destruction in Iraq has
> created a political crisis in the United States and Britain.
> Within the two governments, there are recriminations and brutal
> political infighting over responsibility. Stratfor warned in
> February that the unwillingness of the U.S. government to
> articulate its real, strategic reasons for the war -- choosing
> instead to lean on WMD as the justification -- would lead to a
> deep crisis at some point. That moment seems to be here.
>
> Analysis
>
> "Weapons of mass destruction" is promising to live up to its
> name: The issue may well result in the mass destruction of senior
> British and American officials who used concerns about WMD in
> Iraq as the primary, public justification for going to war. The
> simple fact is that no one has found any weapons of mass
> destruction in Iraq and -- except for some vans which may have
> been used for biological weapons -- no evidence that Iraq was
> working to develop such weapons. Since finding WMD is a priority
> for U.S. military forces, which have occupied Iraq for more than
> a month, the failure to find weapons of mass destruction not only
> has become an embarrassment, it also has the potential to
> mushroom into a major political crisis in the United States and
> Britain. Not only is the political opposition exploiting the
> paucity of Iraqi WMD, but the various bureaucracies are using the
> issue to try to discredit each other. It's a mess.
>
> On Jan. 21, 2003, Stratfor published an analysis titled Smoke and
> Mirrors: The United States, Iraq and Deception, which made the
> following points:
>
> 1. The primary reason for the U.S. invasion of Iraq was strategic
> and not about weapons of mass destruction.
>
> 2. The United States was using the WMD argument primarily to
> justify the attack to its coalition partners.
>
> 3. The use of WMD rather than strategy as the justification for
> the war would ultimately create massive confusion as to the
> nature of the war the United States was fighting.
>
> As we put it:
>
> "To have allowed the WMD issue to supplant U.S. strategic
> interests as the justification for war has created a crisis in
> U.S. strategy. Deception campaigns are designed to protect
> strategies, not to trap them. Ultimately, the foundation of U.S.
> grand strategy, coalitions and the need for clarity in military
> strategy have collided. The discovery of weapons of mass
> destruction in Iraq will not solve the problem, nor will a coup
> in Baghdad. In a war [against Islamic extremists] that will last
> for years, maintaining one's conceptual footing is critical. If
> that footing cannot be maintained -- if the requirements of the
> war and the requirements of strategic clarity are incompatible --
> there are more serious issues involved than the future of Iraq."
>
> The failure to enunciate the strategic reasons for the invasion
> of Iraq--of cloaking it in an extraneous justification--has now
> come home to roost. Having used WMD as the justification, the
> inability to locate WMD in Iraq has undermined the credibility of
> the United States and is tearing the government apart in an orgy
> of finger-pointing.
>
> To make sense of this impending chaos, it is important to start
> at the beginning -- with al Qaeda. After the Sept. 11 attacks, al
> Qaeda was regarded as an extraordinarily competent global
> organization. Sheer logic argued that the network would want to
> top the Sept. 11 strikes with something even more impressive.
> This led to a very reasonable fear that al Qaeda possessed or was
> in the process of obtaining WMD.
>
> U.S. intelligence, shifting from its sub-sensitive to hyper- sensitive
> mode, began putting together bits of intelligence that
> tended to show that what appeared to be logical actually was
> happening. The U.S. intelligence apparatus now was operating in a
> worst-case scenario mode, as is reasonable when dealing with WMD.
> Lower-grade intelligence was regarded as significant. Two things
> resulted: The map of who was developing weapons of mass
> destruction expanded, as did the probabilities assigned to al
> Qaeda's ability to obtain WMD. The very public outcome -- along
> with a range of less public events -- was the "axis of evil"
> State of the Union speech, which identified three countries as
> having WMD and likely to give it to al Qaeda. Iraq was one of
> these countries.
>
> If we regard chemical weapons as WMD, as has been U.S. policy,
> then it is well known that Iraq had WMD, since it used them in
> the past. It was a core assumption, therefore, that Iraq
> continued to possess WMD. Moreover, U.S. intelligence officials
> believed there was a parallel program in biological weapons, and
> also that Iraqi leaders had the ability and the intent to restart
> their nuclear program, if they had not already done so. Running
> on the worst-case basis that was now hard-wired by al Qaeda into
> U.S. intelligence, Iraq was identified as a country with WMD and
> likely to pass them on to al Qaeda.
>
> Iraq, of course, was not the only country in this class. There
> are other sources of WMD in the world, even beyond the "axis of
> evil" countries. Simply invading Iraq would not solve the
> fundamental problem of the threat from al Qaeda. As Stratfor has
> always argued, the invasion of Iraq served a psychological and
> strategic purpose: Psychologically, it was designed to
> demonstrate to the Islamic world the enormous power and ferocity
> of the United States; strategically, it was designed to position
> the United States to coerce countries such as Saudi Arabia, Syria
> and Iran into changing their policies toward suppressing al Qaeda
> operations in their countries. Both of these missions were
> achieved.
>
> WMD was always a side issue in terms of strategic planning. It
> became, however, the publicly stated moral, legal and political
> justification for the war. It was understood that countries like
> France and Russia had no interest in collaborating with
> Washington in a policy that would make the United States the
> arbiter of the Middle East. Washington had to find a
> justification for the war that these allies would find
> irresistible.
>
> That justification was that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction.
> >From the standpoint of U.S. intelligence, this belief became a
> given. Everyone knew that Iraq once had chemical weapons, and no
> reasonable person believed that Saddam Hussein had unilaterally
> destroyed them. So it appeared to planners within the Bush
> administration that they were on safe ground. Moreover, it was
> assumed that other major powers would regard WMD in Hussein's
> hands as unacceptable and that therefore, everyone would accept
> the idea of a war in which the stated goal -- and the real
> outcome -- would be the destruction of Iraq's weapons.
>
> This was the point on which Washington miscalculated. The public
> justification for the war did not compel France, Germany or
> Russia to endorse military action. They continued to resist
> because they fully understood the outcome -- intended or not --
> would be U.S. domination of the Middle East, and they did not
> want to see that come about. Paris, Berlin and Moscow turned the
> WMD issue on its head, arguing that if that was the real issue,
> then inspections by the United Nations would be the way to solve
> the problem. Interestingly, they never denied that Iraq had WMD;
> what they did deny was that proof of WMD had been found. They
> also argued that over time, as proof accumulated, the inspection
> process would either force the Iraqis to destroy their WMD or
> justify an invasion at that point. What is important here is that
> French and Russian leaders shared with the United States the
> conviction that Iraq had WMD. Like the Americans, they thought
> weapons of mass destruction -- particularly if they were
> primarily chemical -- was a side issue; the core issue was U.S.
> power in the Middle East.
>
> In short, all sides were working from the same set of
> assumptions. There was not much dispute that the Baathist regime
> probably had WMD. The issue between the United States and its
> allies was strategic. After the war, the United States would
> become the dominant power in the region, and it would use this
> power to force regional governments to strike at al Qaeda.
> Germany, France and Russia, fearing the growth of U.S. power,
> opposed the war. Rather than clarifying the chasm in the
> alliance, the Bush administration permitted the arguments over
> WMD to supplant a discussion of strategy and left the American
> public believing the administration's public statements -- smoke
> and mirrors -- rather than its private view.
>
> The Bush administration -- and France, for that matter -- all
> assumed that this problem would disappear when the U.S. military
> got into Iraq. WMD would be discovered, the public justification
> would be vindicated, the secret goal would be achieved and no one
> would be the wiser. What they did not count on -- what is
> difficult to believe even now -- is that Hussein actually might
> not have WMD or, weirder still, that he hid them or destroyed
> them so efficiently that no one could find them. That was the
> kicker the Bush administration never counted on.
>
> The matter of whether Hussein had WMD is still open. Answers
> could range to the extremes: He had no WMD or he still has WMD,
> being held in reserve for his guerrilla war. But the point here
> is that the WMD question was not the reason the United States
> went to war. The war was waged in order to obtain a strategic
> base from which to coerce countries such as Syria, Iran and Saudi
> Arabia into using their resources to destroy al Qaeda within
> their borders. From that standpoint, the strategy seems to be
> working.
>
> However, by using WMD as the justification for war, the United
> States walked into a trap. The question of the location of WMD is
> important. The question of whether it was the CIA or Defense
> Department that skewed its reports about the location of Iraq's
> WMD is also important. But these questions are ultimately trivial
> compared to the use of smoke and mirrors to justify a war in
> which Iraq was simply a single campaign. Ultimately, the problem
> is that it created a situation in which the American public had
> one perception of the reason for the war while the war's planners
> had another. In a democratic society engaged in a war that will
> last for many years, this is a dangerous situation to have
> created.
> ...................................................................
>
> ------
>
> -Gel
>
>
>
>
>

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