organised sector is the base of the indian parliamentary left.the sector is shrinking.informal sector is developing very fast and self-employment.manufacturing industry was the base of this left.after the collapse of the manufacturing sector,the traditional base of the indian left had disappered.all the big industrial areas of india(from mumbai to ahmadabad)has later explained the phenomenon of communalism among workers. ak.roy explained the phenomenon from the secular politics of working class to the communal politics of the workers.the classical capital-labour polarisation has lost its objective base.this is not an indian reality.it is also a world wide reality.new immaterial labour has totally disappered the traditional working class unity.new consuption pattern,life style,atomisation of workers has created new problems in working class politics.the neo-liberal capital assertion pushes the producing sections of the society in avery defensive position. the five class divisions of the peasants are so difficult to understand .the ruruban middle class(cpim analysis) plus plantation sector has become a powerful ruling block in kerala society.it is buldozing any furher land redistribution.cpim's base is this rurban middle class.
--- On Wed, 8/13/08, Dileep Raj <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: From: Dileep Raj <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Subject: [GreenYouth] Re: "who is a worker" in Kerala? To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [email protected] Date: Wednesday, August 13, 2008, 11:25 PM On Marxism: I maintain a distinction between critique and rejection. On CPIM : I consider engaging with whoever is ready to engage as important. It is just like engaging in critical discussions with people working in Congress, BJP, Muslim League etc. Nothing less. On us: I consider (though I won't claim to be c'lean') engaging in dialogues without branding/vulgarising the opponent / opponent's arguments is pre requisite for the emergence of any sort of democracy. What is the point in being aggressive toward others who are ready to seriously engage? On the subject line: Will come back tomorrow Cheers! On Wed, Aug 13, 2008 at 11:09 PM, ranju radha <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: it s a pity to see that people can so enthusiastically talk abt marxism in this 21st century. while looking at caste as essentialistic, they forget to de-essentialise class as well. while clamouring against globalisation, they forget that workers of all countries unite has a globalising universal mission..... marxism is a big joke now. do we real want to debate on it.. again and again let us move ahead; dont be stuck in the muddy water of marxism this question :who is a worker? is important who is this karshaka thozhilali? class question has erased the Dalits from it, and yet they are denied '"class" within class they are again devoid class status... they are left with caste only why? bz this happened not in 20th century London, but in India. caste is again not static; it has evolvd into modern times; class negotiations could not erase caste. secular project did not erase religion. these homogenising universal grand narratives failes to understand/analyse society. the European academia has accepted this aspect. They are revisiting the question of religion; revisiting Enlightenment. my submission is that CPI M is so unimportant a category in this whole discourse it s like a mafia gang only; dont give undue importnace to it. and this Gandhian reformatory appraoch to CPI M as shown by some loyal buddies can be helpful 4 V S pinarayi kind to survive some more time, nothing else pavangal nattukare pattichum gundayism kanichum jeevichotte ennanengil pavam marxinu pizhachathu nammalenthinu edutharadanam!! though people have the right to do so........................but not at the cost of PEOPLE!! On 8/13/08, damodar prasad <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: Before coming to the Chengara and the 'worker" projected onto the scene, let me make a brief 'presentation". I am not sure about the primacy of one category over the other as I am doubtful about the conflation of the two, let me emphasise, in the current socio-political context when there is an unleashing of social energy from the below. Secondly, Marxists historians, like Kosambi and Irfan Habib from the Marxist view point 'demystified caste" from its essentiaist and orinetalist moorings and also brought to the fore this submerged category from the nationalistic narratives. Marxists had enagaged with the caste as a category and understood the politcal significance of it in the social transformation. But because of their inistence on modernity and its process of social change, the caste was considered as soemthing to be overcome through class negotiations and thus they understood caste as eroding category. Any anger against CPIM and just based on that debasing Marxism and Marxists from the enagagements with caste I find it as "intellectual zhadonovism" ( this is an oxyMORON and I refer to individual/s with same sort of content whatver their 'legitimacy" claim may bel) Caste is also an infrastructure in the circulation of social energies.Hence "valorizing" it only basing it on the current situation is damaging and disastrous on the long run. This is an essentalizing strategy of identity poltiics which is meant for self-seeking purpose on a long-term gains resisting any changes. No dialogues or negotitaions are permitted in such essentalist udnerstandings. This is fasicstic. They may convienently keep mum on Hindutva and charge against Marxism form their own stupid understanding of Marxism. Ineteretignly, also invoke Marxist narrative of final salvation sometimes to drive their point. Indian Communist party could never resolve and engage with caste issues. This is not soemthing new. In Chengara, there is an attempt to Privelege the worker over the dispossessed dalits and perhaps many of them 'rural proletariats". CPM has been doign this with all new mobilizations. But in particular case of Chengara , harrison goondas appear on the scene as workers and demeaning the very notion of worker itself. On 8/13/08, Dileep Raj <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: Let me rephrase the question in a new thread. Who are "workers' in Kerala? How come the landless people in Chengara are viewed as 'lesser' beings in comparison with the valorised "worker' identity? How does the assertion of Dalit political identity problematise the central category of Marixian politics? I feel there are histotrical, political and historico;political answers to this question, partly submerged in research papers, partly inherent in current political practice and thought. for instance, Sanal Mohan's anlyses of slavery in Kerala enquires about the invisibility of slave experineces in and athrough communist/ Marxist discourses -- Dileep R I thuravoor -- Dileep R I thuravoor --~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~ You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Green Youth Movement" group. To post to this group, send email to [email protected] To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB -~----------~----~----~----~------~----~------~--~---
