[Edited Message Follows]
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On Mon, Aug 10, 2026 at 08:32 PM, Anthony Teso wrote:

> 
> The broad left front you are asking Tempest to organize already exists,
> and Tempest is in it. The United Left Platform is an alliance of six
> revolutionary socialist organizations: the International Marxist Humanist
> Organization, Socialist Horizon, Solidarity, Speak Out Socialists,
> Tempest, and Workers Voice.

Tony, you seem to be suggesting that these tiny groups - all of which identify 
with one or the other of the two streams of Trotskyism dating back to the 
Schachtman-Burnham split from the SWP - resemble a united or popular front, as 
these terms are commonly understood.

The formation of the ULP instead appears to me to be another of the innumerable 
attempts at “regroupment” on the Trotskyist left. These are always positive 
steps, but only baby ones in relation to the task facing it and the Maoist 
grouplets of regaining any mass influence. Today, such influence is only 
exercised by left reformist Democrats who have brought millions into the 
streets against Trump. Whatever their political and organizational limitations, 
groups like the DSA, Indivisible, and 50501 have many chapters across the 
country and represent the forces from which a third party to the left of the DP 
would emerge if such were ever to come to pass.

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/27/no-kings-protests-goals

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/apr/27/trump-protest-movement-50501

You and others will sharply disagree, but in retrospect, I believe the most 
successful attempt to mobilize the masses against the far right and Fascism in 
the US was the Popular Front led by the CPUSA which significantly was aimed 
directly at winning the mass working class base of FDR's Democratic Party.

I’ve previously expressed my view that Trotsky misread the period as akin to 
the one in which he flourished as a revolutionary leader and that denunciation 
of the Democrats would consequently lead to the rapid growth of the Left 
Opposition (later the FI) rather than to its further isolation.  That premise 
continues to determine the strategy of the splinters of that movement and its 
periphery of ex-members and supporters to the present day.

Hari’s questions are also quite pertinent: "What are those 'protocols and 
political objectives established by the ULP.’? And what/who is the 
leadership/leaders of the ULP, and how is that decided?"


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