To me the position of "treason" put forward by others (and which Steve rejects) 
is the one that makes the least sense - it is impossible to imagine that the 
only thing stopping the entire Venezuelan leadership from "selling out" was 
Maduro remaining in power. Such positions are more driven by emotions and the 
unwillingness to accept that reality is driven by social forces, not 
individuals. In this sense, the Maduro = good/Delcy = bad crew are little 
different to the Chavez = good/Maduro = bad crew, even if they would obviously 
strongly disagree with this assertion and have different assessments of the 
past decade or so. The treason argument also ultimately ignores the strong 
continuities that exist between pre and post January 3 Venezuela, albeit under 
different conditions.

But defence of what is only increasingly indefensive is also not a great 
position either, and that is the position this article takes. Any talk about 
the impacts of imperialist intervention has to include acknowledgement of the 
possibility that such interventions can achieve its aims in various ways. Some 
view the fact that the PSUV remains in power as "proof" imperialist 
intervention has failed. This confuses form with content and ignores the 
possibility that interventions (whether seeking this or not) can also have the 
effect of transforming previous foes into vital allies. If we accept this 
possibility, then we have to ask ourselves when such a change/transformation 
has occurred.

Looking at Venezuela today, the role the PSUV plays as neocolonial 
administrator,and the destruction of the Bolivarian revolution's base, it is 
self-evident that US intervention has been successful. Some will disagree, but 
then the question remains: at what point can we say the PSUV's project has not 
just failed but that the PSUV no longer represents what it once did? Is it 
simply the case that as long as it holds onto power, then not only is the PSUV 
succeeding but continues to warrant our political support, critical or 
otherwise? (To avoid confusion, I explicitly say "political support" here, 
because that is what Steve advocates towards what he deems a leftist 
government. I am not taking about not defending/"supporting" Venezuela against 
US imperialism, which would be the correct position even if the PSUV was as bad 
as the Taliban in Afghanistan)

So far, the fact that the Maduro/Rodríguez governments opted to align with the 
capitalists against workers, rejected the majority's will by carrying out 
electoral fraud and destroyed the social fabric that was the base of the 
Bolivarian revolution has not been enough for supporters to say the PSUV has 
crossed the line. So, what is the actual line that needs to be crossed before 
withdrawing political support?

Secondly, I don't buy the lesser evil line "but if they relinquish power we 
will have Pinochet" that is used to ignore or override any such red lines. 
First, because in economic policy terms, those implemented by the 
Maduro/Rodriguez government largely mean the opposition's economic plan has or 
is already being implemented. Second, because a coup and repression has already 
occurred (even if others want to deny or excuse this). And third, there is no 
evidence to suggest the counterfactual presented is true as a) the security 
forces required to carry out such repression have demonstrated their strong 
allegiances to Chavismo and b) where right-wing forces have come to power in a 
similar scenario (Anez via a coup in Bolivia) they were unable to carry out 
repression on such a scale and were ultimately forced out of power within the 
year by mass mobilisation.

The sad reality is that the PSUV's "power at all cost" strategy has ensured a 
scenario like Bolivia (or Brazil where Lula returned to power after four years 
of Bolsonaro) is close to impossible. Instead, its cost in the long run may be 
even worse than the counterfactual, as it has almost certainly morally 
destroyed any possibility for a left project in Venezuela for decades to come.

Are there other options? Well, to begin to answer that we have to accept that 
better options were previously ignored, for example, not undermining the 
communes and crushing the revolution's base to maintain power, or negotiation a 
political transition after losing the 2024 elections. The latter is, in 
reality, the option being taken now, just under much worse conditions. In that 
sense, yes there was a better option. But the government preferred to continue 
digging its own grave even deeper than acknowledge reality.


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